Exit the frog, enter the human: Physiology and experimental psychology in nineteenth-century astronomy

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 34, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 173-197

  Canales, Jimena ^a  

^a HARVARD UNIVERSITY   (United States)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0038135912     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0007087401004356     Document Type: Article

References (188)

1. During the nineteenth century, according to Michel Foucault, man emerged as a new 'scientific subject' to be studied, surveyed and controlled. Since at first view the exact sciences seem to have little to do with the human sciences, they have been spared Foucauldian analysis. In this paper, however, I explore the connections between the human and the physical sciences, and analyse the relation between the surveillance of the heavens and surveillance of man.
2. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
3. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
4. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
5. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
6. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
7. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
8. For biographical information on Hirsch see R. Gautier, 'Nécrologie', Astronomische Nachrichten (1901), 155, cols. 223-4; E. Legrandroy, 'Adolphe Hirsch', Bulletin de la Société Neuchâteloise des sciences naturelles (1901), 29, 3-21; Lochmann, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le colonel Lochmann, vice-président de la Commission géodésique suisse', in ibid., 30-2; Morel, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le professeur Morel, recteur de l'Académie', in ibid., 25-7; David Perret, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. David Perret', in ibid., 32; Quartier-la-Tente, 'Discours prononcés aux funérailles du Dr. Hirsch: Discours de M. le conseiller d'Etat Quartier-la-Tente', in ibid., 22-5. For a history of the Observatory which also contains some biographical details on Hirsch see Département de l'Instruction publique, L'Observatoire cantonal neuchâtelois, 1858-1912: Souvenir de son cinquantenaire et de l'inauguration du Pavillon Hirsch, Neuchâtel, 1912, 1-144.
9. Edwin G. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, New York, 1929, 133, and idem, 'The beginning and growth of measurement in psychology', in Quantification: A History of the Meaning of Measurement in the Natural and Social Sciences (ed. Harry Woolf), Indianapolis, 1961, 108-18.
10. Edwin G. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, New York, 1929, 133, and idem, 'The beginning and growth of measurement in psychology', in Quantification: A History of the Meaning of Measurement in the Natural and Social Sciences (ed. Harry Woolf), Indianapolis, 1961, 108-18.
11. Boring, A History of Experimental Psychology, op. cit. (3), 146.
12. Simon Schaffer, 'Astronomers mark time: discipline and the personal equation', Science in Context (1988), 2, 115-45.
13. Schaffer, op. cit. (5), 136.
14. Henning Schmidgen also questions Boring's and Schaffer's accounts. See Henning Schmidgen, 'Zur Genealogie der Reaktionsversuche in der experimentellen Psychologie', in Instrument-Experiment Historischen Studien (ed. Christoph Meinel), Berlin, 2000, 168-79.
15. Josef Brozek and Maarten S. Sibinga, foreword to Origins of Psycbometry: Johan Jacob de Jaager student of F. C. Donders on Reaction Time and Mental Processes (1865) (ed. and tr. Josef Brozek and Maarten S. Sibinga), Nieuwkoop, Netherlands, 1970, 7-8.
16. Brozek and Sibinga, op. cit. (8), 7-8.
17. Brozek and Sibinga, op. cit. (8), 8.
18. F. C. Donders, 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Onderzoekingen gedaan in bet Physiologisch Laboratorium der Utrechtse Hoogeschool, Tweede reeks (1868-9), 2, 92-120, 102. Also published as 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees- en Natuurkunde (1869), 4, 117-45. Published in German in idem, 'Die Schnelligkeit psychischer Prozesse', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Medicin (1868), no. 6, 657-81, and in French in idem, 'La vitesse des actes psychiques', Archives Néerlandaises (1868), 3, 269-317. Translated into English in idem, 'On the speed of mental processes', in Attention and Performance II: Proceedings of the Donders Centenary Symposium on Reaction Time (ed. and tr. W. G. Koster), Amsterdam, 1969, 412-31.
19. F. C. Donders, 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Onderzoekingen gedaan in bet Physiologisch Laboratorium der Utrechtse Hoogeschool, Tweede reeks (1868-9), 2, 92-120, 102. Also published as 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees- en Natuurkunde (1869), 4, 117-45. Published in German in idem, 'Die Schnelligkeit psychischer Prozesse', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Medicin (1868), no. 6, 657-81, and in French in idem, 'La vitesse des actes psychiques', Archives Néerlandaises (1868), 3, 269-317. Translated into English in idem, 'On the speed of mental processes', in Attention and Performance II: Proceedings of the Donders Centenary Symposium on Reaction Time (ed. and tr. W. G. Koster), Amsterdam, 1969, 412-31.
20. F. C. Donders, 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Onderzoekingen gedaan in bet Physiologisch Laboratorium der Utrechtse Hoogeschool, Tweede reeks (1868-9), 2, 92-120, 102. Also published as 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees- en Natuurkunde (1869), 4, 117-45. Published in German in idem, 'Die Schnelligkeit psychischer Prozesse', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Medicin (1868), no. 6, 657-81, and in French in idem, 'La vitesse des actes psychiques', Archives Néerlandaises (1868), 3, 269-317. Translated into English in idem, 'On the speed of mental processes', in Attention and Performance II: Proceedings of the Donders Centenary Symposium on Reaction Time (ed. and tr. W. G. Koster), Amsterdam, 1969, 412-31.
21. F. C. Donders, 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Onderzoekingen gedaan in bet Physiologisch Laboratorium der Utrechtse Hoogeschool, Tweede reeks (1868-9), 2, 92-120, 102. Also published as 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees- en Natuurkunde (1869), 4, 117-45. Published in German in idem, 'Die Schnelligkeit psychischer Prozesse', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Medicin (1868), no. 6, 657-81, and in French in idem, 'La vitesse des actes psychiques', Archives Néerlandaises (1868), 3, 269-317. Translated into English in idem, 'On the speed of mental processes', in Attention and Performance II: Proceedings of the Donders Centenary Symposium on Reaction Time (ed. and tr. W. G. Koster), Amsterdam, 1969, 412-31.
22. F. C. Donders, 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Onderzoekingen gedaan in bet Physiologisch Laboratorium der Utrechtse Hoogeschool, Tweede reeks (1868-9), 2, 92-120, 102. Also published as 'Over de snelheid van psychische processen', Nederlandsch Archief voor Genees- en Natuurkunde (1869), 4, 117-45. Published in German in idem, 'Die Schnelligkeit psychischer Prozesse', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Medicin (1868), no. 6, 657-81, and in French in idem, 'La vitesse des actes psychiques', Archives Néerlandaises (1868), 3, 269-317. Translated into English in idem, 'On the speed of mental processes', in Attention and Performance II: Proceedings of the Donders Centenary Symposium on Reaction Time (ed. and tr. W. G. Koster), Amsterdam, 1969, 412-31.
23. Although Hirsch was born in Halberstadt, Germany, he was later naturalized as a Swiss citizen. Adolph Hirsch, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal à la Commission d'Inspection, pour l'exercise 1865-66', Bulletin de la Société des sciences naturelles de Neuchâtel (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, Appendix, 1-23, 2 (hereafter BSN).
24. In his thesis de Jaager explained. Schelske ... conducted in the astronomical observatory some experiments concerning the transmission speed in sensory nerves. The reason for this was that at the observatory there was Krille's apparatus for the registration of stellar transits. This apparatus was made available by Professor Hoek and could easily be modified for the desired purpose. Brozek and Sibinga, op. cit. (8), 46. Italics mine.
25. For the introduction of the electro-chronograph in the United States see Hugh Richard Slotten, 'The dilemmas of science in the United States: Alexander Dallas Bache and the U. S. coast survey', Isis (March 1993), 84, 26-49, 41-2.
26. Hirsch studied in Heidelberg, Berlin (with Franz Encke), Vienna and Paris (with Urbain Le Verrier).
27. Hirsch later asked for a mécanicien-concierge, an aide-astronome and for the creation of a chair of astronomy in the Académie de Neuchâtel, to which he was nominated at its founding in 1866. The aide-astronome from 1864 to 1871 was Alexander Schmidt. Adolph Hirsch, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal a la Commission d'Inspection pour 1864-1865', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, Appendix, 1-15, 1, 15.
28. Adolph Hirsch, 'Notice sur l'établissement de l'observatoire à Neuchâtel', BSN (1859 à 1861) (1861), 5, 60-5, 60.
29. Hirsch, op. cit. (17).
30. As Hirsch noted, There are entire spheres of astronomy which remain inaccessible to it. These are primarily investigations on physical astronomy, which demand optical resources we do not have. Also, it will be impossible for us to participate in the great enterprises of stellar astronomy, which occupy the best observatories, like Greenwich, Poulkova, Berlin, Vienna, Paris etc., and whose goal is to extend and precisely determine our knowledge of the stars, and to create great catalogues and celestial maps. Hirsch, op. cit. (17), 60-1.
31. Hirsch, op. cit. (17), 61.
32. The Observatory's small size was later turned to advantage. At one point Hirsch concluded from his experiments that observers should be repeatedly measured for their personal corrections before attempting to measure time and longitudes. Measuring for the personal corrections of each different observer, however, was extremely time-consuming and laborious, and large observatories, with many observers, would carry most of the burden of his prescription. In his work on longitude determination between Geneva and Neuchâtel, Hirsch stressed the perils of observatories 'where many observers do the same work, as is the case in most of the large observatories', since 'it is necessary that they determine their personal corrections not once and for all, but during short intervals of time'. Hirsch successfully turned a weakness into strength by setting a new standard for time determinations that decisively benefited small observatories with few observers. 'This determination of the personal correction is necessary every time one deals with absolute determination of time.' Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, 'Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre les observatoires de Genève et de Neuchâtel', Mémoires de la Société de physique et d'histoire naturelle de Genève (1864), 17, 289-435, 394.
33. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
34. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
35. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
36. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
37. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
38. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
39. For the Neuchâtel clock and telegraph industry see Simon Newcomb, 'The watchmaking industry in Switzerland', Science: A Weekly Record of Scientific Progress (1883), 1, 296-7; A. Bachelin, L'Horlogerie neuchâteloise, Neuchâtel, 1888; E. Quartier-la-Tente, Le Canton de Neuchâtel: Revue historique et monographique des communes du canton d l'origine à nos jours (number of volumes unknown), Neuchâtel, 1898, ii, 525-6; ibid., 1901, iii, 408-9; David S. Landes, Revolution in Time: Clocks and the Making of the Modern World, Cambridge, MA, 1983; William Gray Eberly, 'Neuchâtel: a place, a clock, a symbol', National Association of Watch and Clock Collectors Bulletin (February 1993), 35, 26-32. For the material culture of Swiss time-keeping in a later period see Peter Galison, 'Einstein's clocks: the place of time', Critical Inquiry (Winter 2000), 26, 355-89.
40. By working on longitude determinations, Hirsch also contributed to the age-old debate of the shape of the earth. For a history of the debate see I. Todhunter, A History of the Mathematical Theories of Attraction and the Figure of the Earth: From the Time of Newton to that of Laplace, 2 vols., London, 1873. For the eighteenth century see Mary Terrall, 'Representing the Earth's shape: the polemics surrounding Maupertuis's expedition to Lapland', Isis (1992), 83, 218-37.
41. By working on longitude determinations, Hirsch also contributed to the age-old debate of the shape of the earth. For a history of the debate see I. Todhunter, A History of the Mathematical Theories of Attraction and the Figure of the Earth: From the Time of Newton to that of Laplace, 2 vols., London, 1873. For the eighteenth century see Mary Terrall, 'Representing the Earth's shape: the polemics surrounding Maupertuis's expedition to Lapland', Isis (1992), 83, 218-37.
42. For the politics of standardization in a different context see Ken Alder, 'A revolution to measure: the political economy of the metric system in France', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, 1995, 39-71.
43. Legrandroy, op. cit. (2) ; Aimé Humbert, directeur de l'instruction publique at the time, was a strong proponent of the Observatory and influential in bringing Hipp to Neuchâtel. He wrote a thorough history of the rise of the Neuchâtel Republic that is excellent on railroads. Aimé Humbert, Alexis-Marie Piaget d'après sa correspondance et la République Neuchâteloise de 1848 à 1858, 2 vols., Neuchâtel, 1888-95.
44. Legrandroy, op. cit. (2) ; Aimé Humbert, directeur de l'instruction publique at the time, was a strong proponent of the Observatory and influential in bringing Hipp to Neuchâtel. He wrote a thorough history of the rise of the Neuchâtel Republic that is excellent on railroads. Aimé Humbert, Alexis-Marie Piaget d'après sa correspondance et la République Neuchâteloise de 1848 à 1858, 2 vols., Neuchâtel, 1888-95.
45. Legrandroy, op. cit. (2) ; Aimé Humbert, directeur de l'instruction publique at the time, was a strong proponent of the Observatory and influential in bringing Hipp to Neuchâtel. He wrote a thorough history of the rise of the Neuchâtel Republic that is excellent on railroads. Aimé Humbert, Alexis-Marie Piaget d'après sa correspondance et la République Neuchâteloise de 1848 à 1858, 2 vols., Neuchâtel, 1888-95.
46. Hirsch was one of the most active members of the Swiss Geodesic Commission, where he was secretary for thirty-one years and president after 1893. From 1864 he represented Switzerland in the permanent Geodesic Commission, and was secretary of the Conférences de l'Association pour la mesure des degrés en Europe, which became the International Geodesic Association in 1886 with Hirsch as permanent secretary. In conjunction with his participation in international geodesic research, he was secretary, for twenty-five years, of the Comité internationale des poids et mesures.
47. Heinrich Zschokke and Emil Zschokke, The History of Switzerland for the Swiss People (tr. Francis George Shaw), New York, 1860, 390-1.
48. Wilhelm Oechsli, History of Switzerland 1499-1914 (tr. Eden and Cedar Paul), Cambridge, 1922, 401. Not coincidentally, Hipp, who was in charge of the Neuchâtel telegraph factory, had been previously arrested as a dangerous republican.
49. Adolph Hirsch, 'Rapport de M. A. Hirsch, lu dans la 1re séance de la Conférence, le 15 octobre 1883', in R. Gautier, 'L'unification des longitudes et l'introduction d'une heure universelle', Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (1884), 11, 594-601, 597-8.
50. Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur la réorganisation de la transmision télégraphique de l'heure de l'Observatoire', BSN (1874 à 1876) (1876), 10, 245-52, 252.
51. Hirsch, op. cit. (30), 246. The same point was stated again in idem, 'Sur la transmission électrique de l'heure à travers un réseau télégraphique', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 373-9, 373, and in idem, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal à la Commission d'Inspection pour l'exercise 1874', BSN (1874 à 1876) (1876), 10, Appendix, 1-29, 4.
52. Hirsch, op. cit. (30), 246. The same point was stated again in idem, 'Sur la transmission électrique de l'heure à travers un réseau télégraphique', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 373-9, 373, and in idem, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal à la Commission d'Inspection pour l'exercise 1874', BSN (1874 à 1876) (1876), 10, Appendix, 1-29, 4.
53. Hirsch, op. cit. (30), 246. The same point was stated again in idem, 'Sur la transmission électrique de l'heure à travers un réseau télégraphique', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 373-9, 373, and in idem, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal à la Commission d'Inspection pour l'exercise 1874', BSN (1874 à 1876) (1876), 10, Appendix, 1-29, 4.
54. In this same report Hirsch suggested Switzerland should follow France in creating schools for clock-making, and should prohibit the sale of faulty clocks. Adolph Hirsch, 'Rapport du Directeur de l'Observatoire Cantonal à la Commission d'Inspection de cet établissement pour l'exercise 1862-63', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, Appendix, 1-27, 11, 25-7.
55. As Hirsch noted, Astronomical phenomena being the most general, simple and abstract of all, the study of natural philosophy must evidently begin with them, for the laws of astronomy influence those of all other phenomena, but the laws of other phenomena do not influence those of astronomy. Auguste Comte, Introduction to Positive Philosophy (ed. and revised tr. Frederick Ferré), Indianapolis, 1988, 54.
56. Comte, op. cit. (33), 50.
57. Comte, op. cit. (33), 50.
58. Auguste Comte, cited in Michael J. Crowe, Modern Theories of the Universe from Herschel to Hubble, New York, 1994, 147.
59. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 8 Novembre 1861', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 6-7.
60. For the reference to the measurement of bullet speeds see Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 380. For the military background of timing and graphic devices see Hebbel E. Hoff and L. A. Geddes, 'The technological background of physiological discovery : ballistics and the graphic method', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (1960), 15, 345-63; Christoph Hoffmann, 'Ernst Mach und Peter Salcher: Photographische Fixierung der durch Projectile in der Luft eingeleiteten Vorgänge (1887)', Fotogeschichte: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Fotografie (1996), 16, 3-18; Christoph Hoffmann and Peter Brez (eds.), Über Schall: Ernst Machs und Peter Salchers Geschoßfotografien, Göttingen, 2001.
61. For the reference to the measurement of bullet speeds see Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 380. For the military background of timing and graphic devices see Hebbel E. Hoff and L. A. Geddes, 'The technological background of physiological discovery : ballistics and the graphic method', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (1960), 15, 345-63; Christoph Hoffmann, 'Ernst Mach und Peter Salcher: Photographische Fixierung der durch Projectile in der Luft eingeleiteten Vorgänge (1887)', Fotogeschichte: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Fotografie (1996), 16, 3-18; Christoph Hoffmann and Peter Brez (eds.), Über Schall: Ernst Machs und Peter Salchers Geschoßfotografien, Göttingen, 2001.
62. For the reference to the measurement of bullet speeds see Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 380. For the military background of timing and graphic devices see Hebbel E. Hoff and L. A. Geddes, 'The technological background of physiological discovery : ballistics and the graphic method', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (1960), 15, 345-63; Christoph Hoffmann, 'Ernst Mach und Peter Salcher: Photographische Fixierung der durch Projectile in der Luft eingeleiteten Vorgänge (1887)', Fotogeschichte: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Fotografie (1996), 16, 3-18; Christoph Hoffmann and Peter Brez (eds.), Über Schall: Ernst Machs und Peter Salchers Geschoßfotografien, Göttingen, 2001.
63. For the reference to the measurement of bullet speeds see Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 380. For the military background of timing and graphic devices see Hebbel E. Hoff and L. A. Geddes, 'The technological background of physiological discovery : ballistics and the graphic method', Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences (1960), 15, 345-63; Christoph Hoffmann, 'Ernst Mach und Peter Salcher: Photographische Fixierung der durch Projectile in der Luft eingeleiteten Vorgänge (1887)', Fotogeschichte: Beiträge zur Geschichte und Ästhetik der Fotografie (1996), 16, 3-18; Christoph Hoffmann and Peter Brez (eds.), Über Schall: Ernst Machs und Peter Salchers Geschoßfotografien, Göttingen, 2001.
64. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
65. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
66. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
67. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
68. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
69. For the history of Hipp and his chronoscope see Fairfid M. Caudle, 'The developing technology of apparatus in psychology's early laboratories', Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences (1983), 412, 19-56; Anton Lübke, Das grosse Uhrenbuch: Von der Sonnenuhr zur Atomuhr, Tübingen, 1977, 392; Aymon de Mestral, 'Mathias Hipp 1813-1893', in Pionniers suisses de l'économie et de la technique (ed. Institut d'études économiques), Zurich, 1960, 9-34; Schmidgen, op. cit. (7) ; Werner Traxel, Horst Gundlach and Ulrich Zschuppe, 'Zur Geschichte der apparativen Hilfsmittel der Psychologie', in Handbuch apparativer Verfahren in der Psychologie (ed. Rolf Brickenkamp), Göttingen, 1986, 1-22, 3, 6, 20; Adolph Hirsch, 'Quelques détails biographiques sur M. Hipp', BSN (1893), 21, 199-200.
70. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 30 Mai 1862', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 64-70, 64. Italics mine.
71. Adolph Hirsch, 'Expériences chronoscopiques sur la vitesse des différentes sensations et de la transmission nerveuse', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 100-14, 100.
72. Otto Eduard Vincenz Ule, 'Sur les moyens de mesurer la pensée: Lettre de M. Ule à M. E. Desor', Revue suisse (1857), 20, 197-202.
73. Legrandroy, op. cit. (2), 4, and de Mestral, op. cit. (39), 25.
74. Legrandroy, op. cit. (2), 4, and de Mestral, op. cit. (39), 25.
75. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
76. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
77. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
78. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
79. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs
80. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
81. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
82. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
83. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
84. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
85. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
86. Current research in 'reader response' has warned historians of how readers are not a blank slate upon which texts are deposited, but rather shape and understand texts in a particular and active way. In this paper I take for granted that Hirsch's reading of, for example, Bessel may not correspond exactly with what Bessel himself wanted to convey. Although Hirsch directly cited Emil du Bois-Reymond's Untersuchungen über thierische Electricität he never directly cited Bessel or Helmholtz; rather he cited Ule on Helmholtz and Bessel, and Hervé Faye on Bessel. Helmholtz's relevant works on the speed of nervous transmission are H. Helmholtz, 'Vorläufiger Bericht über die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung (Aus dem Monatsbericht der K. Akademie der Wissenschaften Januar 1850)', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1850), no. 1, 71-3; idem, 'Messungen über den zeitlichen Verlauf der Zuckung animalischer Muskeln und die Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven', in ibid., no. 3, 276-364; idem, 'Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Nervenreizung', Bericht über die zur Bekanntmachung geeigneten Verhandlungen der Königliche Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin (1850), 14-15; idem, 'Note sur la vitesse de propagation de l'agent nerveux dans les nerfs rachidiens. (Note de M. Helmholtz, de Koeningsberg, transmise par M. Humboldt.)', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (25 February 1850), 30, 204-6; idem, 'Ueber die Methoden, kleinste Zeittheile zu messen, und ihre Anwendung für physiologische Zwecke', Königsberger Naturwissenschaftliche Unterhaltungen (1851), 2, 169-89; idem, 'Messungen über Fortpflanzungsgeschwindigkeit der Reizung in den Nerven ', Archiv für Anatomie, Physiologie und wissenschaftliche Median, von Dr. Johannes Müller (1852), no. 2, 199-216. For Faye's description of Bessel's work see Hervé Faye 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80. For excellent accounts of Helmholtz's papers see Frederic L. Holmes and Kathryn M. Olesko, 'The images of precision: Helmholtz and the graphical method in physiology', in The Values of Precision (ed. M. Norton Wise), Princeton, NJ, 1995, 198-221; Kathryn M. Olesko and Frederic L. Holmes, 'Experiment, quantification, and discovery: Helmholtz's early physiological researches, 1843-50', in Hermann von Helmholtz and the Foundations of Nineteenth-Century Science (ed. David Cahan), Berkeley, CA, 1993, 50-108; Robert M. Brain, 'The graphic method: inscription, visualization, and measurement in 19th-century science and culture', (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1996); Robert M. Brain and M. Norton Wise, 'Muscles and engines: indicator diagrams and Helmholtz's graphical methods', in Universalgenie Helmholtz (ed. Lorenz Krüger), Berlin, 124-45; reprinted in Mario Biagioli (ed.), The Science Studies Reader, New York, 1999, 51-66.
87. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 102.
88. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202.
89. Ule, op. cit. (42), 201.
90. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 103.
91. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 103-4.
92. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 103.
93. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 380.
94. Hirsch measured the precision of the Hipp chronoscope against a fall apparatus (la chute), which was frequently used to demonstrate the laws of physics. This consisted of dropping a ball from the same height a number of times and having the ball start the chronoscope at the instant it started falling and stop it at the end. The differences in the times shown by the chronoscope demonstrated to Hirsch that its average error did not surpass two thousandths of a second. The second test of the chronoscope was more difficult. It consisted of calibrating the instrument against a pendulum to make sure a measure of the chronoscope was identical to a measure of the pendulum. At first Hirsch did not have an automatic 'pendulum interrupter', so he calibrated Hipp's instrument by hand. He would simply open the chronoscope's circuit when the pendulum marked the start of a second, and would close it after the pendulum marked ten. Then he would equate the average measure shown by the chronoscope to ten pendulum seconds. In doing this manually, Hirsch acknowledged that 'undoubtedly, I introduce the physiological incertitude of this task into the determination of the chronoscope's speed', but assumed that by calibrating the chronoscope a large number of times (nearly fifty) the error would be minimized to attain 'a more than satisfactory exactitude'. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 107.
95. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 112.
96. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 103.
97. De Mestral, op. cit. (39), 12.
98. Louis Favre, 'Séance du 24 avril 1863', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 305-8, 305.
99. Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur les corrections et équations personelles dans les observations chronographiques de passage', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 365-72, 367.
100. Hirsch, op. cit. (57), 369.
101. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
102. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
103. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
104. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
105. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
106. Hirsch, mistakenly, thought his conclusion on variability was novel, and most astronomers would cite it as the first convincing proof of the dangerous diurnal variation of the personal equation. His result was preceded in published form by the French astronomer Emmanuel Liais, 'De l'emploi des observations azimutales pour la détermination des ascensions droites et des déclinaisons des étoiles', Mémoires de la Société impériale des sciences naturelles de Cherbourg (1857), 5, 146-288. The journal where Liais published was not as widely read as, for example, the Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences. In the Comptes rendus Liais published an extract of his paper which did not include any mention of variability, idem, 'Sur un procédé pour substituer des opérations de pointé aux estimations de passages dans les observations astronomiques azimutales', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (18 January 1858), 48, 131-3. In another paper on the personal equation also published in the Comptes rendus he again makes no mention of variability, 'Sur la valeur relative des divers modes de pointé avec le théodolite, et sur les équations personelles', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (10 October 1859), 49, 494-9. This may help explain why Liais was not known to astronomers as the discoverer of variability in the personal equation. The variability of the personal equation was also remarked by Charles Babbage, who in his own personal notes revealed, 'There was however not merely a personal equation but a periodic personal equation. For I found on trial that my own accuracy ... varied with the state of bodily fatigue.' Charles Babbage, Papers on Astronomy, 1862, British Library Manuscript Collection. Italics original. These observations were alluded to much earlier, but without attributing them to the 'personal equation' in Charles Babbage, Reflections on the Decline of Science in England, and Some of its Causes, 1830; reprinted New York, 1970, 173-4. According to Otto Ule, Helmholtz also remarked on the variability of the personal equation due to an observer's degree of attention and 'suivant les dispositions du moment'. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202. Finally, Wilhelm Wundt described the variability of the personal equation in Wilhelm Wundt, Vorlesungen über die Menschen- und Thierseele, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1863.
107. Hirsch, op. cit. (57), 370.
108. From the immediate goal of determining the difference in longitude between Neuchâtel and Geneva, Hirsch and Plantamour wanted to take the more ambitious step of telegraphically linking the Swiss observatories to Paris or London and, in doing so, to contribute to the vast geodesic enterprise of determining the shape of the Earth. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21).
109. 'Astronomers will find in this work the facts on the merits and faults of chronographs, used either inside observatories or at a distance.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 290.
110. 'In fact, this advantage is countered by the time required to transcribe the chronographic observations.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 343.
111. 'The personal correction in stellar transit observations done with the American method (and by necessity for observations done with the eye-and-ear method), is not a constant quantity for individuals.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 393. Italics original.
112. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 342.
113. 'We must first assume that both observers using an uncustomary, foreign instrument observe in the same way as if they were using their own instrument.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 369.
114. According to Plantamour and Hirsch, The method by which two astronomers alternately observe the passage of the same star through different wires of the meridian instrument is certainly better than the other method, where they alternately observe different stars, because it is independent of the pendulum's variation and of instrumental corrections. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 372.
115. The following month Hirsch presented to the Société his first attempts at 'measuring the elapsed time between the instant a phenomenon takes place and the time when an experimental subject acknowledges he has sensed that phenomenon', which were interrupted by the failure of his Hipp chronoscope. In April 1862 they continued measuring their personal equations for the immediate goal of finding the difference in longitude between Neuchâtel and Geneva, and still witnessed the worrisome variation in both of their personal equations. A month later, once the Hipp chronoscope was repaired, Hirsch undertook his influential 'chronoscopic experiments on the speed of the different senses and of nervous transmission', which corroborated his earlier observation of variability in an observer's personal equation. In November 1862, to continue their work for determining longitudes, they tried to measure their absolute personal equations with Hirsch's artificial stars. The results were announced to the Société on 24 April 1863.
116. Emile Plantamour, Rudolf Wolf and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique de Righi-Kulm et les observatoires de Zurich et de Neuchâtel, Genève and Bâle, 1871, 1-220. Hirsch later learned Carlini had observed this phenomenon in 1819, who mentioned it in the Milan Ephemerides. For the preliminary work behind these longitude determinations see Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 6 juin 1867', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 550-8, 550-5.
117. Emile Plantamour, Rudolf Wolf and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique de Righi-Kulm et les observatoires de Zurich et de Neuchâtel, Genève and Bâle, 1871, 1-220. Hirsch later learned Carlini had observed this phenomenon in 1819, who mentioned it in the Milan Ephemerides. For the preliminary work behind these longitude determinations see Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 6 juin 1867', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 550-8, 550-5.
118. The results were baffling. For Plantamour, neither telescopic magnitude nor direction affected his absolute personal equation; for Rudolf Wolf, changes in telescopic magnitude affected his personal equation noticeably, and Hirsch's equation suffered from both changes in telescopic magnitude and sense of stellar transit. Hirsch's findings were of international importance. Wilhelm Förster and Weiss found analogous changes in their personal equations for the determination of longitude between Berlin and Vienna; Bruhns and Weiss for Leipzig and Dablitz (in Bohemia); and Karl von Littrow presented to the Vienna Academy his research on this topic. Correspondence from Hirsch to von Littrow can be found at the Wiener Stadt- und Landesbibilothek, Vienna.
119. The conclusions from the longitude determination between Rigi-Kulm (Switzerland), Geneva, Zurich and Neuchâtel were used in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre des stations suisses, Genève and Bâle, 1872, and in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique du Simplon et les observatoires de Milan et de Neuchâtel, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1875. They used averaged results for the personal equation in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre l'Observatoire de Zurich et les stations astronomiques du Pfänder et du Gäbris, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1877.
120. The conclusions from the longitude determination between Rigi-Kulm (Switzerland), Geneva, Zurich and Neuchâtel were used in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre des stations suisses, Genève and Bâle, 1872, and in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique du Simplon et les observatoires de Milan et de Neuchâtel, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1875. They used averaged results for the personal equation in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre l'Observatoire de Zurich et les stations astronomiques du Pfänder et du Gäbris, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1877.
121. The conclusions from the longitude determination between Rigi-Kulm (Switzerland), Geneva, Zurich and Neuchâtel were used in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre des stations suisses, Genève and Bâle, 1872, and in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique du Simplon et les observatoires de Milan et de Neuchâtel, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1875. They used averaged results for the personal equation in Emile Plantamour and Adolph Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre l'Observatoire de Zurich et les stations astronomiques du Pfänder et du Gäbris, Genève, Bâle and Lyon, 1877.
122. 'One knows that in fact there are two distinct ways of seizing the passage of stars in chronographic observations'. Plantamour and Hirsch, Détermination télegraphique de la différence de longitude entre la station astronomique du Simplon et les observatoires de Milan et de Neuchâtel, op. cit. (71), 110.
123. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (71), 111.
124. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (71), 121-2. One hypothesis, however was put forth: 'Il est donc probable à priori que l'influence de la direction sur les temps physiologique doit être une fonction de la hauteur de l'étoile'.
125. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 434 n1.
126. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 435 n1.
127. For Charles Wolf see Jimena Canales 'The single eye: re-evaluating ancien régime science', History of Science (2001), 39, 71-94.
128. Charles Wolf, 'Recherches sur l'équation personnelle dans les observations de passages, sa détermination absolue, ses lois et son origine', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (19 June 1865), 60, 1268-72. The complete work appeared in idem, 'Recherches sur l'équation personnelle dans les observations de passages, sa détermination absolue, ses lois et son origine', Annales de l'Observatoire impérial de Paris, mémoires (1866), 8, 153-208.
129. Charles Wolf, 'Recherches sur l'équation personnelle dans les observations de passages, sa détermination absolue, ses lois et son origine', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (19 June 1865), 60, 1268-72. The complete work appeared in idem, 'Recherches sur l'équation personnelle dans les observations de passages, sa détermination absolue, ses lois et son origine', Annales de l'Observatoire impérial de Paris, mémoires (1866), 8, 153-208.
130. Charles Wolf, 'Sur les erreurs personelles: Lettre de M. Wolf en réponse à la lettre de M. Hirsch', Le Moniteur scientifique: Journal des sciences pures et appliquées (25 April 1866), 8, 425.
131. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 février 1866', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 264-9, 264-5; Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 mars 1866', in ibid., 275-6; Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur les erreurs personelles: lettre de M. A. Hirsch, directeur de l'Observatoire cantonal de Neuchâtel, à M. R. Radau', Le Moniteur scientifique: Journal des sciences pures et appliquées (1866), 8, 315-17; [Adolph Hirsch?], 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 277-84. Although the 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle' stated no author, only Hirsch's work is taken into consideration and defended. This led me to suppose that either Hirsch wrote it in the third person, or he collaborated closely with the author. Since the anonymous author stated that it was a faithful account of Hirsch's own views, I considered them as such.
132. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 février 1866', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 264-9, 264-5; Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 mars 1866', in ibid., 275-6; Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur les erreurs personelles: lettre de M. A. Hirsch, directeur de l'Observatoire cantonal de Neuchâtel, à M. R. Radau', Le Moniteur scientifique: Journal des sciences pures et appliquées (1866), 8, 315-17; [Adolph Hirsch?], 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 277-84. Although the 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle' stated no author, only Hirsch's work is taken into consideration and defended. This led me to suppose that either Hirsch wrote it in the third person, or he collaborated closely with the author. Since the anonymous author stated that it was a faithful account of Hirsch's own views, I considered them as such.
133. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 février 1866', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 264-9, 264-5; Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 mars 1866', in ibid., 275-6; Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur les erreurs personelles: lettre de M. A. Hirsch, directeur de l'Observatoire cantonal de Neuchâtel, à M. R. Radau', Le Moniteur scientifique: Journal des sciences pures et appliquées (1866), 8, 315-17; [Adolph Hirsch?], 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 277-84. Although the 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle' stated no author, only Hirsch's work is taken into consideration and defended. This led me to suppose that either Hirsch wrote it in the third person, or he collaborated closely with the author. Since the anonymous author stated that it was a faithful account of Hirsch's own views, I considered them as such.
134. Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 février 1866', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 264-9, 264-5; Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 22 mars 1866', in ibid., 275-6; Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur les erreurs personelles: lettre de M. A. Hirsch, directeur de l'Observatoire cantonal de Neuchâtel, à M. R. Radau', Le Moniteur scientifique: Journal des sciences pures et appliquées (1866), 8, 315-17; [Adolph Hirsch?], 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle', BSN (1864 à 1867) (1867), 7, 277-84. Although the 'Nouvelles recherches sur l'équation personelle' stated no author, only Hirsch's work is taken into consideration and defended. This led me to suppose that either Hirsch wrote it in the third person, or he collaborated closely with the author. Since the anonymous author stated that it was a faithful account of Hirsch's own views, I considered them as such.
135. Hirsch, op. cit. (80), 315-16.
136. Hirsch, op. cit. (80), 316.
137. Hirsch, op. cit. (80), 316.
138. The researchers noted, In our discussion of chronographic observations we have seen that the personal equation can vary as much during the course of a day as from one day to the next. It is probable that the same thing happens in astronomical observations, and if observers rest for more or less long intervals during the night, their physiological disposition will have changed. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 391.
139. As noted before, Hirsch later had Schmidt, an aide-astronome, help him in observations, but he still did many of the observations himself.
140. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 393.
141. 'This constant attention is excessively fatiguing, and explains the vexation produced by prolonged astronomical observation.' Adolph Hirsch, 'Sur quelques recherches récentes concernant l'équation personnelle et le temps physiologique', BSN (1874 à 1876) (1876), 10, Appendix, 1-14, 6.
142. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202.
143. 'Because even for highly skilled observers this time varies according to the observer's disposition at the time'. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 103. Italics mine.
144. Hirsch, op. cit. (80), 316.
145. [Hirsch?], op. cit. (80), 280.
146. Hirsch, op. cit. (80), 316.
147. On nineteenth-century 'mechanical objectivity' see Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, 'The image of objectivity', Representations (1992), 40, 81-128.
148. Hervé Faye, 'Sur les erreurs d'origine physiologique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (12 September 1864), 59, 473-80.
149. Hirsch, op. cit. (16), Appendix, 10. The same point was stated again in [Hirsch?], op. cit. (80), 282-3.
150. Hirsch, op. cit. (16), Appendix, 10. The same point was stated again in [Hirsch?], op. cit. (80), 282-3.
151. Charles Wolf, 'Sur la comparaison des résultats de l'observation astronomique directe aves ceux de l'inscription photographique', Comptes rendus hebdomadaires (1 May 1886), 102, 476-7.
152. Charles Wolf, 'Le temps local et l'heure universelle', Revue pédagogique (October 1891), 19, 354-63, 356.
153. Georg Thürer, Free and Swiss: The Story of Switzerland (tr. R. P. Heller and E. Long), London, 1970, 121, 131-2.
154. Hirsch, for example, commented on the work of Robert Wilhelm Bunsen and Gustav Robert Kirchhoff of Heidelberg on spectra. In Louis Coulon, 'Séance du 1 Novembre 1861', BSN (1861 à 1864) (1864), 6, 1-6, 6.
155. [Hirsch?], op. cit. (80), 282.
156. He admitted variations of the temps physiologique should be due to both, the eyes and the brain, but the latter was overwhelmingly responsible.
157. [Hirsch?], op. cit. (80), 282.
158. Ule, op. cit. (42), 199.
159. Hirsch learned of Schelske's work through Emil du Bois-Reymond, who sent him a copy. In a letter to du Bois-Reymond Hirsch wrote, 'Schelske's work naturally interested me very much, not only because his results compared to mine fall completely within the error-limits, but especially because his method, in essence, is based on the same principles as mine.' Adolph Hirsch to Emil du Bois-Reymond, 23 July 1864, Briefe von Adolph Hirsch, Sammlung Darmstädter, Staatsbibliothek Berlin.
160. Adolph Hirsch to Emil du Bois-Reymond, 13 February 1869, Briefe von Adolph Hirsch, Sammlung Darmstädter, Staatsbibliothek Berlin.
161. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 1-14, 1.
162. Adolph Hirsch to Emil du Bois-Reymond, 15 October 1873, Briefe von Adolph Hirsch, Sammlung Darmstädter, Staatsbibliothek Berlin.
163. 'For astronomers the effect of exercise results in a greater constancy and not in a diminution of the "temps physiologique".' Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 8.
164. Sigm. Exner, 'Experimentelle Untersuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. Erste Abhandlung: Die persönliche Gleichung', Archiv für die gesammte Physiologie des Menschen und der Thiere, herausgegeben von Dr. E. F. W. Pflüger (1873), 7, 601-60, 608-9. See also idem, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. Zweite Abhandlung: Ueber Reflexzeit und Rückenmarksleitung', in ibid., (1874), 8, 526-37.
165. Sigm. Exner, 'Experimentelle Untersuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. Erste Abhandlung: Die persönliche Gleichung', Archiv für die gesammte Physiologie des Menschen und der Thiere, herausgegeben von Dr. E. F. W. Pflüger (1873), 7, 601-60, 608-9. See also idem, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. Zweite Abhandlung: Ueber Reflexzeit und Rückenmarksleitung', in ibid., (1874), 8, 526-37.
166. Ule, op. cit. (42), 202.
167. For the importance of 'attention' in the history of modernity see Jonathan Crary, 'Attention and modernity in the nineteenth century', in Picturing Science, Producing Art, (ed. Caroline A. Jones and Peter Galison), New York, 1998, 475-99, and idem, Suspensions of Perception: Attention, Spectacle, and Modern Culture, Cambridge, MA, 1999.
168. For the importance of 'attention' in the history of modernity see Jonathan Crary, 'Attention and modernity in the nineteenth century', in Picturing Science, Producing Art, (ed. Caroline A. Jones and Peter Galison), New York, 1998, 475-99, and idem, Suspensions of Perception: Attention, Spectacle, and Modern Culture, Cambridge, MA, 1999.
169. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 5.
170. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 9.
171. Sigmund Exner, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. III. Abhandlung: Der persönlichen Gleichung zweiter Theil', Archiv für die gesammte Physiologie des Menschen und der Thiere, herausgegeben von Dr. E. F. W. Pflüger (1875), 11, 403-32. See also idem, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. IV Abhandlung: Die Empfindungszonen des Sehnervenapparate', in ibid., 581-602.
172. Sigmund Exner, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. III. Abhandlung: Der persönlichen Gleichung zweiter Theil', Archiv für die gesammte Physiologie des Menschen und der Thiere, herausgegeben von Dr. E. F. W. Pflüger (1875), 11, 403-32. See also idem, 'Experimentelle Untershuchung der einfachsten psychischen Processe. IV Abhandlung: Die Empfindungszonen des Sehnervenapparate', in ibid., 581-602.
173. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 12.
174. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 14.
175. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 14.
176. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 100.
177. For work which has questioned the traditionally unproblematic notion of instruments see H. O. Sibum, 'Reworking the mechanical value of heat', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science (1995), 26, 73-106 and Klaus Staubermann, 'Controlling vision: the photometry of Karl Friedrich Zöllner', (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1998).
178. For work which has questioned the traditionally unproblematic notion of instruments see H. O. Sibum, 'Reworking the mechanical value of heat', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science (1995), 26, 73-106 and Klaus Staubermann, 'Controlling vision: the photometry of Karl Friedrich Zöllner', (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1998).
179. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 396.
180. Adolphe Quételet, 'Lettre XX', in Lettres à S. A. R. le duc régnant de Saxe-Coburg et Gotha, sur la théorie des probabilités, appliquée aux sciences morales et politiques, Brussels, 1846, 133-8.
181. 'The apparatus used in Geneva has the advantage of being simple and transportable, while the chronograph at Neuchâtel is a very heavy machine which is essentially fixed. This prevents us from exchanging the two instruments for eliminating their equations.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 310.
182. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 294.
183. 'The motor force, the regulator of the mechanism which makes the sheets of paper advance, the pens which mark the signals, the electro-magnets, and their batteries are almost identical.' Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 296.
184. Plantamour and Hirsch, op. cit. (21), 355.
185. Hirsch, op. cit. (87), Appendix, 3. Italics original.
186. Hirsch, op. cit. (41), 101.
187. For Hirsch's position see R. Gautier, 'L'unification des longitudes et l'introduction d'une heure universelle', Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (1884), 11, 593-617. For Wolf's see Wolf, op. cit. (97), 357.
188. For Hirsch's position see R. Gautier, 'L'unification des longitudes et l'introduction d'une heure universelle', Archives des sciences physiques et naturelles (1884), 11, 593-617. For Wolf's see Wolf, op. cit. (97), 357.