Liberalization, the Islamists, and the stability of the Arab state: Jordan as a case study

Muslim World

Volumn 86, Issue 1, 1996, Pages 1-32

  Freij, Hanna Y ^a   Robinson, Leonard C ^b  

^a Department of Political Science ^*

^b UNIVERSITY OF UTAH   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0037696444     PISSN: 00274909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/j.1478-1913.1996.tb03629.x     Document Type: Article

References (114)

1. The authors would like to thank the following individuals for their helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper: Byron Cannon, John Francis and Ibrahim Karawan. In addition, Hanna Freij would like to thank the Middle East Center at the University of Utah for providing funding for travel to Jordan through the Department of Education, Grant number PR/A Award PO15A10110-92. Thanks also to Catherine Scott-Freij for her editorial and technical help with the Appendices.
2. Youssef Ibrahim, "Jordanian Vote Endorses Peace Effort,' New York Times, 10 November 1993, sec. A, p. 8.
3. "Jordan," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 28, No. 3, (1984), pp. 20-1.
4. Zayd Abū-Amr, al-Harka al-Islāmiyan fī aJ-difa al gharbiya wa Qitā' Gaza, (Akka:Dār al-Aswār, 1989), p. 23.
5. Terry Lynn Karl and Phillipe Schmitter, "Modes of Transition in Latin America, Southern and Eastern Europe,' International Social Science Journal, Vol. 43, (May 1991), pp. 269-84.
6. Gudrun Kramer, "The Integration of the Integrists: a comparative study of Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia,' in Ghassan Salame, (editor), Democracy Without Democrats? The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World, (London & New York: I. B. Tauris Publishers, 1994), p. 202.
7. Samuel Huntington, The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late TwentietA Century, (Norman and London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), p. 9.
8. See Gudrun Kramer, "Islamist Notions of Democracy," Middie East Report, (July-August 1993), pp. 2-8.
9. Abdallah al-Akailah, "The Experience of the Jordanian Islamic Movement," Power-Sharing Islam?, ed. Azzam Tamīmī (London: Liberty for Muslim World Publications, 1993), p. 97.
10. I. William Zartman, "Opposition as Support of the State," in Giacomo Luciani, (editor), The Arab State, (Berkeley & Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 220-46.
11. Zayd Abū-Amr, Islamic Fundamentalism in the West Bank and Gaza: Muslim Brotherhood and Islamic Jihad, (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994), pp. 1-3.
12. Amnon Cohen, Politicai Parties in the West Bank under Jordanian Rule, 1949-67 (Ithaca:. Cornell University Press, 1982), pp. 144-5.
13. Shual Mishal, West Bank/Bast Bank: The Palestinians in Jordan, 1949-1967, (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 39.
14. Iyād al-Bargouthi, "Al-Islām bayn al-Sulta wa al-Muārada fī al-Urdun," Qadāyah Fikriya, No. 5, p. 236.
15. Al-Akailah, op. cit., p. 98.
16. Cohen, op. cit., pp. 158-9.
17. In the early 1980's, the Brethren proved their usefulness as a foreign policy tool when Ikhwān fighters operating out of Jordan carried out numerous strikes against the despised Syrian regime of Häfiz al-Asad. Although a shift in the swirling winds of Middle East regional politics led to a discontinuation of this policy in late 1985, and even to a temporary crackdown on the Brotherhood in Jordan, the King clearly appreciated the Ikhwān's potential for external action in the internecine world of Arab foreign policy. By early 1986, the Hashemite regime quietly lessened its pressure on the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan. See Robert Satloff, Troubles on tne Bast Bank, (New York: Praeger, 1986), Ch. 2.
18. Shaul Mishal, op. cit., p. 96.
19. "Communist Party Raided in Jordan," New York Times, 21 May 1986, sec. A, p. 13;
20. Alan Cowell, "Unrest in Jordan Gains Islamic Tone," New York Times, 22 April 1989, sec. A, pp. 1, 6.
21. However, in 1985 the regime cracked down on the Islamists by arresting close to three hundred members of the Ihkwan, and imposing restrictions on preachers. Valerie Yorke, Domestic Politics and Regional Security, Jordan, Syria and Israel, (Aldershot: Gower, 1988), p. 52.
22. Charles Snow, "Jordanian Prime Minister Resigns," Middle East Economic Survey, Vol. 32, No. 30, (1989), sec. C, pp. 1-2. The combined impact of the collapse of oil prices, the outbreak and continuation of the Iran-Iraq war, and King Hussein's decision in 1988 to sever legal and adminstrative ties with the West Bank hit Jordan's economy especially hard, as crucial sources of capital, such as foreign aid and workers' remittances, dried up. By the end of 1988, Jordan had accumulated a huge debt of nearly $8 billion.
23. See Satloff, op. cit., p. 20;
24. Satloff, "Hussein Heeds Rioters Message," New York Times, 5 May 1989, sec. A, p. 35;
25. John Roberts, "Prospects for Democracy in Jordan," Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 3 (1991), p. 120;
26. and Alan Cowell, "High Living Jordan Tightens its Belt," New York Times, 7 November 1988, sec. A, p. 3.
27. "Jordan," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 33, No. 16, (1989), pp. 21-2;
28. and Robert Satloff, "Jordan Looks Inward," Current History, Vol. 89, (1990), p. 57.
29. New York Times, op. cit., 22 April 1989.
30. "Hussein Goes on TV and Vows an Election," New York Times, 27 April 1989, sec. A, p. 3.
31. Burhān Ghalyūn, "Binā al-Mujtama al-Madanī al-Arabī: Dawr al-Awāmil al-Dākhiliyya wal-Khārijyya,' in al-Mujtama al-Madanī fī al-Watan al-Arabī wa Dawruhu fi Tahqiq al-Dīmūgratiyya, (Beirut: Center for Arab Unity Studies, 1992), p. 734.
32. "Jordan,' Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 33, No. 21, (1989), p. 16.
33. Lamis Andoni, "Lifting the Lid," and "The Major Trends in the Election," Middle Fast International, No. 362, (3 November 1989), pp. 8-10.
34. Under Jordan's Constitution, the upper chamber of the parliament is mainly a symbolic body with a membership numbered at 40 and comprised almost exclusively of pro-regime elites. The lower house, on the other hand, enjoys the right to generate, pass, and reject laws, although the King still retains the prerogative to dissolve parliament, dismiss the government, declare martial law, and to rule by decree. See Peter David, "Democracy Road," The Economist, 12 May 1990, p. 20.
35. In the opinion of some Islamists, King Hussein's decision to open up the campaign to the leftist "radicals" represented an effort to offset what they saw as the growing support within the electorate for Islamist candidates. See Middle East international op. cit., (3 November 1989).
36. Lamis Andoni, "King Hussein Leads Jordan into a New Era," Middle East International No. 363, (17 November 1989), p. 3;
37. and Ami Ayalon, ed., Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. 13, (1989), (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), p. 476.
38. Leonard C. Robinson, "Al-Dawla wa al-Isāmiyoun wa al-Infitāh al-Siyāsī fī al-Urdun," Qira āt Siyāsiyyah, Vol. 4, No. 2, (Spring 1414-1994), pp. 33-60.
39. Lamis Andoni, "Jordan Mixed Signals," Middle East International No. 361, (20 October 1989), p. 11.
40. Dominic Abrams, 'Processes of Social Identification," in Glynis M. Breakwell, (editor), Social Psychology of Identity and The Self Concept, (San Diego, CA: Academic Press Inc., 1992), p. 62. Thanks to Glenn Robinson at the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, CA, for bringing this identity issue to our attention.
41. "Islamic Movement Outlines Election Program," al-Ra y, (25 October 1989), in Foreign Broadcast information Service, Near Fast and South Asia, (Hereafter FBIS-NES), 89-207, (27 October 1989), p. 24.
42. For a discussion of the 1986 electoral law see Philip J. Robins, "Politics and the 1986 electoral law in Jordan," in Rodney Wilson, (editor), Politics and the Economy in Jordan, (London and New York: Routledge, 1991), pp. 184-207. Robins argues that the 1986 law was designed to favor the rural areas, where support for the Hashemite regime has traditionally been the strongest, and where voters have tended to case their ballots based on tribal and family identity instead of on the basis of ideology.
43. Middle East Economic Digest, op. cit., Vol. 33, No. 16, (1989), p. 22.
44. Schirin H. Fathi, The Palestinian Component in Jordan's 1989 Parliamentary Elections, (Jerusalem: Palestinian Academic Society for the Study of International Affairs, 1990), p. 20.
45. The Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. 13 (1989), op. cit., p. 461.
46. Alan Cewell, "Militant Muslims Gain in Voting," New York Times, 10 November 1989, sec. A, p. 3.
47. Kamel S. Abū Jaber and Schirin H. Fathi, "The 1989 Jordanian parliamentary elections," Orient, 31, (1990), p. 74.
48. Middle East International op. cit., (3 November 1989).
49. Pamela Dougherty, "Jordanian Elections: The Rise of Fundamentalists,' Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 33, No. 46, (1989), p. 8.
50. United Nations, UN Statistical Yearbook, (1988-89), (New York: UN, 1992), p. 78;
51. and Roberts, op. cit.
52. Philip Robins, "Jordan's Election: A New Era?" MERIP, Vol. 20, Nos. 3 & 4, (May-June/ July-August 1990), p. 56.
53. FBIS-NES, 89-207, (27 October 1989), pp. 20-2.
54. Middle East Economic Digest, op. cit., Vol. 33, No. 46.
55. Middle East International, op. cit., (17 November 1989).
56. Middie East Contemporary Survey, Vol. 13 (1989), op. cit., p. 463.
57. Satloff, "Jordan Looks Inward," op. cit., pp. 85-86.
58. See George Hawatmeh, "Drink Problem," Middle East International, No. 420, (6 March 1992), pp. 13-14.
59. "Jordan," in Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 34, No. 51, (1990), p. 16;
60. and John Esposito and J. Piscatori, "Democratization and Islam," Middle East Journal, Vol. 45, No. 3 (Summer 1991), pp. 434-437.
61. Lamis Andoni, "Jordan: Pressures Mount," Middle East International, (11 January 1991), No. 391, p. 15.
62. For more details on the King's public stance during the crisis, see Pamela Dougherty and Simon Edge, "Jordan Heads for the Rocks," Middie East Economic Digest, Vol. 34, No. 36, (1990), p. 4;
63. and Edge "Holding the Fort," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 35, No. 7, (1991), p. 7.
64. Middle East Economic Digest, op. cit., Vol. 35, No. 7.
65. Ami Ayalon, ed., Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. 14 (1990), (Boulder: Westview Press, 1992), p. 464.
66. George Hawatmeh, "Jordan on Stream," Middle East International, No. 406, (16 August 1991), p. 10.
67. George Hawatmeh, "A Change at the Top," Middle East International No. 413, (22 November 1991), p. 8.
68. New York Times, op. cit., 10 November 1993.
69. "Jordan," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 33, No. 48, (1989), p. 26.
70. Jamil E. Jreisat and Hanna Y. Freij, "Jordan, the United States, and the Gulf Crisis," Arab Studies Quarterly, Vol. 13, No. 1 and 2, (1991), p. 107.
71. "Jordan," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 33, No. 50, (1989), pp. 15-16.
72. George Hawatmeh, "The King's Message," Middle East International, No. 452, (11 June 1993), p. 8.
73. It is interesting to note in the case of the new political charter that it was drawn up by a Royal Commission comprised of sixty members who were carefully chosen by the King to include the various political trends in the country at that time. Essentially, the special congress' job was to "rubber stamp" the document, as it was designed by the regime.
74. In fact, in an interview conducted by Hanna Freij with Laila Sharaf in Amman in January 1991, Mrs. Sharaf, a former minister and a member of the Jordanian Upper House who was involved in drafting the charter, noted that all the various political forces declared their support for the King. The Muslim Brotherhood members of the panel cooperated throughout the process, with one of their stated objectives being to assure the legitimacy of the monarchy as represented by the Hashemites. See also Lamis Andoni, "Legalizing the Monarchy," Middle East International, No. 402, (14 June 1991), p. 13.
75. George Hawatmeh, "Now for Liberalization,' Middle East International, No. 431, (7 August 1992), pp. 11-12.
76. George Hawatmeh, "Now Not the Moment for Change,' Middle East Internation, No. 436, (23 October 1992), pp. 6-7.
77. Recall that Shubaylāt had claimed just prior to the 1989 elections that no one "is interested in making a change in the regime. ' See New York Times, op. cit., 29 October 1989.
78. George Hawatmeh, "A Boost for the Islamists,' Middle East International, No. 441, (8 January 1993), p. 9.
79. Ishāq A. al-Farhān, Hizb Jabhat al-A mal al- islāmī: al-Moubarirāt wa al-Thawābit wa al-Mashrou āt, (Amman: Matba at Hitūn, 1994), p. 2.
80. Interview with Hanna Freij, Amman, June 1993.
81. Al-Dustūr, 22 August 1994, p. 12.
82. Al-Hayāt, 14 August 1993.
83. Interview with Hanna Freij in Amman in June of 1993.
84. Interview with Hanna Freij in Amman, June of 1993. The member of parliament asked that his name not be mentioned on this point.
85. George Hawatmeh, "Leaving the Door Open,' Middle East International, No. 443, (5 February 1993), pp. 8-9.
86. Rana Sabbagh, "Gulf war 'returnees' to be factor in Jordan ballot," Jordan Tjmes, 9 June 1993.
87. AI-Hayāt, 5 August 1993, p. 18.
88. Ayman al-Safadi, "Expected high voter turnout in elections seen to help non-Islāmists, Jordan Times, (May 23, 1993).
89. George Hawatmeh, "Curbing the Islamists," Middle East International, No. 457, (28 August 1993), pp. 11-12.
90. "Tribal Heartbeat," The Economist, 6 November 1993, p. 50.
91. Hanī al-Hourānī, "Sawt Wāhed Lil-Muwātin Wāhed . . . Qadiyah Khalfiya bayin al-Qiwa al-Siyāsiyah," al-Hayāt, (7 August 1993).
92. "Hawājis Intikabiyal Urduniyah wa Hiwār ma Ra is al-Majilis al-Niyābī (Abdul Latīf Arabiyāt," al-Ousbou al-Arabī, No. 1757, (14 June 1993), pp. 18-19.
93. Middle East International op. cit., (28 August 1993);
94. and George Hawatmeh, "Why Hussein Said Yes," Middle East International. No. 458, (10 September 1993), p. 10.
95. Reuters, BC Cycle, 26 August 1993.
96. "Jordan," Middle East Economic Digest, Vol. 37, No. 36, (1993), p. 17.
97. Mariam Shahin, "The King Lashes Out," Middle East International, No. 439, (4 December 1992), pp. 3-4.
98. FBIS-NES, 18 August 1993, p. 25.
99. Center for Strategic Studies, "A Public Opinion Survey on Democracy in Jordan: Preliminary Findings," (University of Jordan, March 1993), p. 19.
100. Hanī al-Hourānī, "Kharitat al-Ahzāb al-Urduniya," Al-Sharq al Awsat, No. 5385, (26 August 1993), p. 8.
101. Interview by Hanna Freij with Yāssir al-Zā atreh, editor of Filistine al-Muslema, Amman, June of 1993.
102. Hanī al-Hourānī, op. cit.
103. Al-Ufuq. 79, (17 November 1993), p. 25.
104. CSS Study, op. cit., p. 3.
105. There are two main external actors presently attempting to shape the regime's program of political and economic liberalization. The first of these, which was mentioned earlier in the paper, is the International Monetary Fund. The second is the Clinton Administration in Washington which, while pushing for liberalization, is fearful that the Islamists will use democratic means as a way of achieving their "non-democratic" ends - i. e., the creation of an Iranian-style fundamentalist state in Jordan. For more on Bill Clinton's policy on Jordan, see George Hawatmeh, "What Hussein Wants," Middle East International, No. 451, (28 May 1993), pp. 7-8.
106. Filīstīne al-Muslema, No. 3, (March 1993), p. 83.
107. For a detailed historical analysis of the Islamists in Jordan, see Cohen, op. cit., pp. 114-230.
108. Najeeb al-Ghadbān, "Al-Tajriba al-Dimoqrātiyah al-Urduniyah: Nazra Tahlīliyah," Qira āt Siyāsiyyah, Vol. 4, No. 2, (Spring 1414-1994), p. 65.
109. Filīstine al-Muslema, Vol, 11, No. 12, (December 1993), p. 31
110. al-Ufuq, No. 79, (17 November, 1993), p. 23.
111. Filīstīne al-Muslema, op. cit., (December 1993), pp. 30-31.
112. Mariam Shahin, "One Person-One Vote System Analyzed.," Jordan Times, 21 August 1993
113. Paul Jureindini and RD McLaurin, Jordan: The Impact of Social Change on the Role of the Tribes (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1984), p. 40.
114. New York Times, op. cit., 10 November 1993, p. 8.