Court and controversy: Patenting science in the nineteenth century

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 29, Issue 2, 1996, Pages 139-154

  Lucier, Paul ^a  

^a RENSSELAER POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTE   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0037648234     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0007087400034191     Document Type: Article

References (136)

1. C. T. Jackson, 'Encouragement and cultivation of the sciences in the United States, Twenty-Fourth Anniversary Address, before the American Institute, of the City of New-York, at the Tabernacle, on 16th of October, 1851', Transactions of the American Institute (1851), 227-46.
2. Jackson, op. cit. (1), 237.
3. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
4. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
5. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
6. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
7. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
8. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
9. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
10. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
11. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
12. See, for example, H. E. LeGrand, 'Theory and application: the early chemical work of J. A. C. Chaptal', ByHS (1984), 17, 31-46; A. R. Hall, 'What did the Industrial Revolution in Britain owe to science?', in Historical Perspectives: Studies in English Thought and Society in Honour of J. H. Plumb (ed. N. McKendrick), London, 1974, 129-51; R. Porter, 'The Industrial Revolution and the rise of the science of geology', in Changing Perspectives in the History of Science: Essays in Honour of Joseph Needham (ed. M. Teich and R. Young), London, 1973, 320-43; C. C. Gillispie, 'The natural history of industry', Isis (1957), 48, 398-407; and J. Mokyr, 'Editor's Introduction: The new economic history and the Industrial Revolution', in The British Industrial Revolution: An Economic Perspective (ed. J. Mokyr), Boulder, CO, 1993, 78-83. Alternative points of view are put forward by B. W. Keyser, 'Between science and craft: the case of Berthollet and dyeing', Annals of Science (1990), 47, 213-60; C. Perrin, 'Of theory shifts and industrial innovations: the relations of J. A. C. Chaptal and A. L. Lavoisier', Annals of Science (1986), 43, 511-42; N. McKendrick, 'The role of science in the Industrial Revolution', in Teich and Young, as above, 274-319; M. C. Jacob, The Cultural Meaning of the Scientific Revolution, New York, 1988; and A. E. Musson and E. Robinson, Science and Technology in the Industrial Revolution, Manchester, 1969.
13. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
14. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
15. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
16. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
17. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
18. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
19. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
20. D. S. Landes, The Unbound Prometheus: Technological Change and Industrial Development in Western Europe from 1759 to the Present, Cambridge, 1969. Work on American science and industry includes: M. A. Dennis, 'Accounting for research: new histories of corporate laboratories and the social history of American science', Social Studies of Science (1987), 17 479-518; J. K. Smith, Jr, 'The scientific tradition in American industrial research', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 121-31; and L. S. Reich, The Making of American Industrial Research: Science and Business at GE and Bell, 1876-1926, Cambridge, 1985, 12-41. On the rise of science-based industry in Germany see, for example, Ernst Homburg, 'The emergence of research laboratories in the dyestuffs industry, 1870-1900', BJHS (1992), 25, 91-111; G. Meyer-Thurow, 'The industrialization of invention: a case study from the German chemical industry', Isis (1982), 73, 363-81; J. J. Beer, The Emergence of the German Dye Industry, Urbana, 1959 ; and L. F. Haber, The Chemical Industry during the Nineteenth Century: A Study of the Economic Aspects of Applied Chemistry in Europe and North America, Oxford, 1958.
21. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
22. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
23. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
24. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
25. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
26. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
27. This point is also made by S. H. Mauskopf, 'Chemistry and cannons: J.-L. Proust and gunpowder analysis', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 398-426. Recent work on mid-to-late nineteenth-century chemistry and the emerging chemical industry includes, A. S. Travis, 'Perkin's mauve: ancestor of the organic chemical industry', Technology and Culture (1990), 31, 51-82; and A. S. Travis, 'Science's powerful companion: A. W. Hofmann's investigation of aniline red and its derivatives', H. van den Belt, 'Why monopoly failed: the rise and fall of Société La Fuchsine', and W. J. Hornix, 'From process to plant: innovation in the early artificial dye industry', all in a special issue, 'Organic Chemistry and High Technology, 1850-1950', BJHS (1992), 25, 27-44, 45-64, 65-90. On the relations of geology and industry see P. Lucier, 'Commercial interests and scientific disinterestedness: consulting geologists in antebellum America', Isis (1995), 86, 245-67.
28. Several scholars have noted the importance of patents in this regard, but they have tended to concentrate on the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. See, for example, D. Noble, America by Design: Science, Technology and The Rise of Corporate Capitalism, Oxford, 1979, 84-109;
29. and Reich, op. cit. (4).
30. For a discussion of patents in eighteenth-century Britain, see C. MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English Patent System, 1660-1800, Cambridge, 1988; and H. I. Dutton, The Patent System and Inventive Activity during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1852, Manchester, 1984. For a survey of the literature on the relations of science and technology see J. M. Staudenmaier, Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric, Cambridge, MA, 1985, 83-120.
31. For a discussion of patents in eighteenth-century Britain, see C. MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English Patent System, 1660-1800, Cambridge, 1988; and H. I. Dutton, The Patent System and Inventive Activity during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1852, Manchester, 1984. For a survey of the literature on the relations of science and technology see J. M. Staudenmaier, Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric, Cambridge, MA, 1985, 83-120.
32. For a discussion of patents in eighteenth-century Britain, see C. MacLeod, Inventing the Industrial Revolution: The English Patent System, 1660-1800, Cambridge, 1988; and H. I. Dutton, The Patent System and Inventive Activity during the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1852, Manchester, 1984. For a survey of the literature on the relations of science and technology see J. M. Staudenmaier, Technology's Storytellers: Reweaving the Human Fabric, Cambridge, MA, 1985, 83-120.
33. For more on Young see John Butt, 'James Young, Scottish Industrialist and Philanthropist' (Ph.D. dissertation, Glasgow University, 1964) ; and R. J. Forbes, Studies in Early Petroleum History, Leiden, 1958, 182-94. Young's papers are located in Strathclyde University Library, Glasgow; this essay, however, was completed before the author had a chance to consult them. On the interrelations of British academic chemistry and the chemical industry see R. Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain, Manchester, 1984; and J. F. Donnelly, 'Representations of applied science: academics and chemical industry in late nineteenth-century England', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 195-234.
34. For more on Young see John Butt, 'James Young, Scottish Industrialist and Philanthropist' (Ph.D. dissertation, Glasgow University, 1964) ; and R. J. Forbes, Studies in Early Petroleum History, Leiden, 1958, 182-94. Young's papers are located in Strathclyde University Library, Glasgow; this essay, however, was completed before the author had a chance to consult them. On the interrelations of British academic chemistry and the chemical industry see R. Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain, Manchester, 1984; and J. F. Donnelly, 'Representations of applied science: academics and chemical industry in late nineteenth-century England', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 195-234.
35. For more on Young see John Butt, 'James Young, Scottish Industrialist and Philanthropist' (Ph.D. dissertation, Glasgow University, 1964) ; and R. J. Forbes, Studies in Early Petroleum History, Leiden, 1958, 182-94. Young's papers are located in Strathclyde University Library, Glasgow; this essay, however, was completed before the author had a chance to consult them. On the interrelations of British academic chemistry and the chemical industry see R. Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain, Manchester, 1984; and J. F. Donnelly, 'Representations of applied science: academics and chemical industry in late nineteenth-century England', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 195-234.
36. For more on Young see John Butt, 'James Young, Scottish Industrialist and Philanthropist' (Ph.D. dissertation, Glasgow University, 1964) ; and R. J. Forbes, Studies in Early Petroleum History, Leiden, 1958, 182-94. Young's papers are located in Strathclyde University Library, Glasgow; this essay, however, was completed before the author had a chance to consult them. On the interrelations of British academic chemistry and the chemical industry see R. Bud and G. K. Roberts, Science versus Practice: Chemistry in Victorian Britain, Manchester, 1984; and J. F. Donnelly, 'Representations of applied science: academics and chemical industry in late nineteenth-century England', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 195-234.
37. On the development of the British coal oil industry see J. Butt, 'Legends of the coal-oil industry (1847-1864)', Explorations in Entrepreneurial History (1964), 2, 16-31, and 'Technical change and the growth of the British shale-oil industry (1680-1870)', Economic History Review (1965), 17, 511-21. On Playfair's role see W. Reid (ed.), Memoirs and Correspondence of Lyon Playfair, London, 1899.
38. On the development of the British coal oil industry see J. Butt, 'Legends of the coal-oil industry (1847-1864)', Explorations in Entrepreneurial History (1964), 2, 16-31, and 'Technical change and the growth of the British shale-oil industry (1680-1870)', Economic History Review (1965), 17, 511-21. On Playfair's role see W. Reid (ed.), Memoirs and Correspondence of Lyon Playfair, London, 1899.
39. On the development of the British coal oil industry see J. Butt, 'Legends of the coal-oil industry (1847-1864)', Explorations in Entrepreneurial History (1964), 2, 16-31, and 'Technical change and the growth of the British shale-oil industry (1680-1870)', Economic History Review (1965), 17, 511-21. On Playfair's role see W. Reid (ed.), Memoirs and Correspondence of Lyon Playfair, London, 1899.
40. British Patent No. 13,292, 17 October 1850.
41. 'The manufacture of coal oil. The first patent', Scientific American (12 February 1859), 14, 186; and 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports (1864), 10, 861-5.
42. 'The manufacture of coal oil. The first patent', Scientific American (12 February 1859), 14, 186; and 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports (1864), 10, 861-5.
43. US Patent No. 8833, 23 March 1852.
44. In partnership with Edward Meldrum and the respected metropolitan geologist Edward William Binney, Young established three paraffine oil manufactories: E. W. Binney & Company of Bathgate, Scotland; E. Meldrum & Company of Glasgow; and James Young & Company of Manchester. For more on Binney see J. Binney, The Centenary of a Nineteenth-Century Geologist: Edward William Binney, Taunton, 1912.
45. In partnership with Edward Meldrum and the respected metropolitan geologist Edward William Binney, Young established three paraffine oil manufactories: E. W. Binney & Company of Bathgate, Scotland; E. Meldrum & Company of Glasgow; and James Young & Company of Manchester. For more on Binney see J. Binney, The Centenary of a Nineteenth-Century Geologist: Edward William Binney, Taunton, 1912.
46. US Patent Nos. 11,203, 11,204, and 11,205, 27 June 1854. For more on Gesner and Kerosene see Kendall Beaton, 'Dr. Gesner's Kerosene: the start of American oil refining', Business History Review (1955), 29, 28-53; Butt, 'Legends' op. cit. (8); and Harold F. Williamson and Arnold R. Daum, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age of Illumination, 1859-1899, Evanston, 1959, 43-60.
47. US Patent Nos. 11,203, 11,204, and 11,205, 27 June 1854. For more on Gesner and Kerosene see Kendall Beaton, 'Dr. Gesner's Kerosene: the start of American oil refining', Business History Review (1955), 29, 28-53; Butt, 'Legends' op. cit. (8); and Harold F. Williamson and Arnold R. Daum, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age of Illumination, 1859-1899, Evanston, 1959, 43-60.
48. US Patent Nos. 11,203, 11,204, and 11,205, 27 June 1854. For more on Gesner and Kerosene see Kendall Beaton, 'Dr. Gesner's Kerosene: the start of American oil refining', Business History Review (1955), 29, 28-53; Butt, 'Legends' op. cit. (8); and Harold F. Williamson and Arnold R. Daum, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age of Illumination, 1859-1899, Evanston, 1959, 43-60.
49. US Patent Nos. 11,203, 11,204, and 11,205, 27 June 1854. For more on Gesner and Kerosene see Kendall Beaton, 'Dr. Gesner's Kerosene: the start of American oil refining', Business History Review (1955), 29, 28-53; Butt, 'Legends' op. cit. (8); and Harold F. Williamson and Arnold R. Daum, The American Petroleum Industry: The Age of Illumination, 1859-1899, Evanston, 1959, 43-60.
50. 'Young's coal oil patent', Scientific American (12 March 1859), 14, 221. The article generated a large response, and, under the rubric of 'The coal oil controversy', Scientific American published some fifteen articles on Young's patent, from March to December 1859.
51. 'Young's coal oil patent', Scientific American (5 March 1859), 14, 213.
52. 'Young's coal oil patent', op. cit. (14).
53. 'The manufacture of coal oil. The first patent', op. cit. (10).
54. 'The coal oil controversy', Scientific American (26 March 1859), 14, 238.
55. For more on the US patent system see S. Lubar, 'The transformation of antebellum patent law', and K. J. Dood, 'Pursuing the essence of inventions: reissuing patents in the 19th century', both articles in a special issue 'Patents and Invention', Technology and Culture (1991), 32, 932-59, 999-1017. For the British patent system see Dutton, op. cit. (6), and MacLeod, op. cit. (6).
56. For more on the US patent system see S. Lubar, 'The transformation of antebellum patent law', and K. J. Dood, 'Pursuing the essence of inventions: reissuing patents in the 19th century', both articles in a special issue 'Patents and Invention', Technology and Culture (1991), 32, 932-59, 999-1017. For the British patent system see Dutton, op. cit. (6), and MacLeod, op. cit. (6).
57. For more on the US patent system see S. Lubar, 'The transformation of antebellum patent law', and K. J. Dood, 'Pursuing the essence of inventions: reissuing patents in the 19th century', both articles in a special issue 'Patents and Invention', Technology and Culture (1991), 32, 932-59, 999-1017. For the British patent system see Dutton, op. cit. (6), and MacLeod, op. cit. (6).
58. For more on the US patent system see S. Lubar, 'The transformation of antebellum patent law', and K. J. Dood, 'Pursuing the essence of inventions: reissuing patents in the 19th century', both articles in a special issue 'Patents and Invention', Technology and Culture (1991), 32, 932-59, 999-1017. For the British patent system see Dutton, op. cit. (6), and MacLeod, op. cit. (6).
59. For more on the US patent system see S. Lubar, 'The transformation of antebellum patent law', and K. J. Dood, 'Pursuing the essence of inventions: reissuing patents in the 19th century', both articles in a special issue 'Patents and Invention', Technology and Culture (1991), 32, 932-59, 999-1017. For the British patent system see Dutton, op. cit. (6), and MacLeod, op. cit. (6).
60. Controversies over the precision of patent specifications are as old as patents themselves. The earliest examination of this issue involved James Watt and his patented steam engine; see E. Robinson, 'James Watt and the Law of Patents', Technology and Culture (1972), 13, 115-39. For a discussion of the social construction of patents and patent specifications see C. Cooper, Shaping Invention: Thomas Blanchard's Machinery and Patent Management in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1991.
61. Controversies over the precision of patent specifications are as old as patents themselves. The earliest examination of this issue involved James Watt and his patented steam engine; see E. Robinson, 'James Watt and the Law of Patents', Technology and Culture (1972), 13, 115-39. For a discussion of the social construction of patents and patent specifications see C. Cooper, Shaping Invention: Thomas Blanchard's Machinery and Patent Management in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1991.
62. This point was made explicit by the Commissioner of Patents, L. D. Gale, in 'On the relations of the American patent system to the progress of science', Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science (1854), 8, 292-301.
63. T. Antisell, The Manufacture of Photogenic or Hydro-Carbon Oils, from Coal and Other Bituminous Substances, Capable of Supplying Burning Fluid, New York, 1859.
64. For more on the US Patent Office see R. C. Post, Physics, Patents, and Politics: A Biography of Charles Grafton Page, New York, 1976; and '$Liberalizers$ versus $Scientific Men$ in the antebellum Patent Office', Technology and Culture (1976), 17, 24-54. Britain had no such law for the examination of patent applications; instead it operated a mere registration system. The system was simplified, but not substantially altered, by the Reform Act of 1852. See Dutton, op. cit. (6), 57-68.
65. For more on the US Patent Office see R. C. Post, Physics, Patents, and Politics: A Biography of Charles Grafton Page, New York, 1976; and '$Liberalizers$ versus $Scientific Men$ in the antebellum Patent Office', Technology and Culture (1976), 17, 24-54. Britain had no such law for the examination of patent applications; instead it operated a mere registration system. The system was simplified, but not substantially altered, by the Reform Act of 1852. See Dutton, op. cit. (6), 57-68.
66. For more on the US Patent Office see R. C. Post, Physics, Patents, and Politics: A Biography of Charles Grafton Page, New York, 1976; and '$Liberalizers$ versus $Scientific Men$ in the antebellum Patent Office', Technology and Culture (1976), 17, 24-54. Britain had no such law for the examination of patent applications; instead it operated a mere registration system. The system was simplified, but not substantially altered, by the Reform Act of 1852. See Dutton, op. cit. (6), 57-68.
67. Antisell, op. cit. (22), 15.
68. For very similar histories, also written by defenders of Young's patent, see B. H. Paul, 'On destructive distillation, considered in reference to modern industrial arts', read before the Society of Arts, 27 May 1863, reprinted in Chemical News (1863), 7, 282-3, 295-7, and (1863), 8, 56-8, 78-9; and E. Frankland, 'On artificial illumination', Chemical News (1863), 7, 91-3.
69. For very similar histories, also written by defenders of Young's patent, see B. H. Paul, 'On destructive distillation, considered in reference to modern industrial arts', read before the Society of Arts, 27 May 1863, reprinted in Chemical News (1863), 7, 282-3, 295-7, and (1863), 8, 56-8, 78-9; and E. Frankland, 'On artificial illumination', Chemical News (1863), 7, 91-3.
70. For very similar histories, also written by defenders of Young's patent, see B. H. Paul, 'On destructive distillation, considered in reference to modern industrial arts', read before the Society of Arts, 27 May 1863, reprinted in Chemical News (1863), 7, 282-3, 295-7, and (1863), 8, 56-8, 78-9; and E. Frankland, 'On artificial illumination', Chemical News (1863), 7, 91-3.
71. For an insightful discussion of patents as history see Geof Bowker, 'What's in a patent?', in Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change (ed. W. E. Bijker and J. Law), Cambridge, 1992, 53-74.
72. Stephen Hales, for instance, had distilled Newcastle coal and produced gas, liquid and tar; see S. Hales, Vegetable Staticks, London, 1727, ch. 6: 'Analysis of the air'.
73. Reichenbach used coal from Moravian mines. See W. V. Farrar, 'Reichenbach, Karl (or Carl) ', DSB, xi, 359-60.
74. Antisell, op. cit. (22), 14-15.
75. 'Storer, Francis Humphreys', Dictionary of American Biography, xviii, 94-5.
76. F. H. Storer, 'Review of Dr. Antisell's work on photogenic oils, & c', American Journal of Science (1860), 30, 112-21, 254-64.
77. B. Silliman, Jr and J. D. Dana, 'Introduction to Frank H. Storer, "Review of Dr. Antisell's Work on Photogenic Oils, & c"', American Journal of Science (1860), 30, 112.
78. Storer, op. cit. (31), 112.
79. Antisell actually thought the review was 'double handed', meaning 'the joint production of a young chemist and a more mature patent solicitor'. T. Antisell, 'A scientific reviewer reviewed', American Gas-Light Journal (16 July 1860), 2, 25-6.
80. Storer, op. cit. (31), 117.
81. Dutton, op. cit. (6), 17-33.
82. It must also be noted that Abraham Gesner played a role in the successful defence, at least in print, of the American manufacturers. See A. Gesner, A Practical Treatise on Coal, Petroleum, and Other Distilled Oils, New York, 1861.
83. E. W. Binney to E. Meldrum, 11 January 1859, quoted in Butt, 'Legends', op. cit. (8), 25.
84. E. W. Binney and Company versus The Clydesdale Chemical Company, 1-7 November (Court of Session, Edinburgh, 1860). The case was watched very closely in the United States for it was widely believed that its outcome would set a precedent for the prosecution of similar American cases. See 'Young's coal oil patent case', Scientific American (5 January 1861), 4, 11; and 'Coal oil patent - important case', Scientific American (8 December 1860), 3, 378. The American Gas-Light Journal published two accounts of the trial: 'Coal-oil. Important patent decision', American Gas-Light Journal (1 December 1860), 2, 172; and 'The paraffine patent case' ibid. (1 January 1861), 2, 206.
85. E. W. Binney and Company versus The Clydesdale Chemical Company, 1-7 November (Court of Session, Edinburgh, 1860). The case was watched very closely in the United States for it was widely believed that its outcome would set a precedent for the prosecution of similar American cases. See 'Young's coal oil patent case', Scientific American (5 January 1861), 4, 11; and 'Coal oil patent - important case', Scientific American (8 December 1860), 3, 378. The American Gas-Light Journal published two accounts of the trial: 'Coal-oil. Important patent decision', American Gas-Light Journal (1 December 1860), 2, 172; and 'The paraffine patent case' ibid. (1 January 1861), 2, 206.
86. E. W. Binney and Company versus The Clydesdale Chemical Company, 1-7 November (Court of Session, Edinburgh, 1860). The case was watched very closely in the United States for it was widely believed that its outcome would set a precedent for the prosecution of similar American cases. See 'Young's coal oil patent case', Scientific American (5 January 1861), 4, 11; and 'Coal oil patent - important case', Scientific American (8 December 1860), 3, 378. The American Gas-Light Journal published two accounts of the trial: 'Coal-oil. Important patent decision', American Gas-Light Journal (1 December 1860), 2, 172; and 'The paraffine patent case' ibid. (1 January 1861), 2, 206.
87. E. W. Binney and Company versus The Clydesdale Chemical Company, 1-7 November (Court of Session, Edinburgh, 1860). The case was watched very closely in the United States for it was widely believed that its outcome would set a precedent for the prosecution of similar American cases. See 'Young's coal oil patent case', Scientific American (5 January 1861), 4, 11; and 'Coal oil patent - important case', Scientific American (8 December 1860), 3, 378. The American Gas-Light Journal published two accounts of the trial: 'Coal-oil. Important patent decision', American Gas-Light Journal (1 December 1860), 2, 172; and 'The paraffine patent case' ibid. (1 January 1861), 2, 206.
88. 'Coal oil. Important patent decision', op. cit. (39).
89. 'Young's coal oil patent case', op. cit. (39).
90. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
91. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
92. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
93. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
94. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and
95. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
96. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
97. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
98. See, however, R. Smith and B. Wynne (eds.), Expert Evidence: Interpreting Science in the Law, London, 1989; C. Hamlin, 'Scientific method and expert witnesses: Victorian perspectives on a modern problem', Social Studies of Science (1986), 16, 485-573; J. Z. Fullmer, 'Technology, chemistry, and the law in early 19th-century England', Technology and Culture (1980), 21, 1-28; and W. H. Brock, 'The spectrum of science patronage', in Patronage of Science in the Nineteenth Century (ed. G. L'E. Turner), Leyden, 1976, 173-206. Yet historians of medicine seem much more conscious of the relations between medicine and the law, as in C. Crawford, 'Medicine and the law', in Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (ed. W. F. Bynum and R. Porter), 2 vols., London, 1993, ii, 1619-40; M. Clark and C. Crawford (eds.), Legal Medicine in History, Cambridge, 1993; R. Smith, Trial by Medicine: Insanity and Responsibility in Victorian Trials, Edinburgh, 1981; C. G. Jones, Expert Witnesses: Science, Medicine, and the Practice of Law, Oxford, 1994; and J. C. Mohr, Doctors and the Law: Medical Jurisprudence in Nineteenth-Century America, New York, 1993.
99. William Thomas Brande (1788-1866), FRS, was the successor to Humphry Davy as Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution in 1813 and editor of the Dictionary of Science and Arts from 1842 till his death. Alfred Swaine Taylor (1806-80) held the first professorship of medical jurisprudence at Guy's Hospital (1831-80) as well as a lectureship in chemistry (1832-80); he wrote Medical Jurisprudence (1843), the standard text of the time.
100. William Thomas Brande (1788-1866), FRS, was the successor to Humphry Davy as Professor of Chemistry at the Royal Institution in 1813 and editor of the Dictionary of Science and Arts from 1842 till his death. Alfred Swaine Taylor (1806-80) held the first professorship of medical jurisprudence at Guy's Hospital (1831-80) as well as a lectureship in chemistry (1832-80); he wrote Medical Jurisprudence (1843), the standard text of the time.
101. Cited in 'The paraffine patent case', op. cit. (39).
102. 'Young's coal oil patent case', op. cit. (39).
103. 'Coal-oil. Important patent decision', op. cit. (39).
104. James Young and Others versus Ebenezer Fernie and Others, 29 February - 7 May (Courts of Chancery, 1864), reported in 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10). The trial received an extended review in the London Chemical News. See 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News (21 May 1864), 9, 249-50; (28 May 1864), 9, 262-4; and (4 June 1864), 9, 273-6.
105. James Young and Others versus Ebenezer Fernie and Others, 29 February - 7 May (Courts of Chancery, 1864), reported in 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10). The trial received an extended review in the London Chemical News. See 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News (21 May 1864), 9, 249-50; (28 May 1864), 9, 262-4; and (4 June 1864), 9, 273-6.
106. James Young and Others versus Ebenezer Fernie and Others, 29 February - 7 May (Courts of Chancery, 1864), reported in 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10). The trial received an extended review in the London Chemical News. See 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News (21 May 1864), 9, 249-50; (28 May 1864), 9, 262-4; and (4 June 1864), 9, 273-6.
107. James Young and Others versus Ebenezer Fernie and Others, 29 February - 7 May (Courts of Chancery, 1864), reported in 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10). The trial received an extended review in the London Chemical News. See 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News (21 May 1864), 9, 249-50; (28 May 1864), 9, 262-4; and (4 June 1864), 9, 273-6.
108. Hofmann was the first director of the Royal College of Chemistry (1845-63), and the most successful chemical expert of his generation; he annually augmented his income by £8000-£9000 as a legal consultant, see Brock, op. cit. (42), 186. At the same time as he was defending Young, for example, Hofmann was the chief chemical expert for the plaintiff in the trial Renard versus Levinstein (Courts of Chancery, 1864), a patent dispute over a blue aniline dye. See 'Renard v. Levinstein', Chemical News (9 April 1864), 9, 168. For more on Hofmann's career see Bud and Roberts, op. cit. (7); Beer, op. cit. (4); and Travis, 'Science's powerful companion', op. cit. (5).
109. Hofmann was the first director of the Royal College of Chemistry (1845-63), and the most successful chemical expert of his generation; he annually augmented his income by £8000-£9000 as a legal consultant, see Brock, op. cit. (42), 186. At the same time as he was defending Young, for example, Hofmann was the chief chemical expert for the plaintiff in the trial Renard versus Levinstein (Courts of Chancery, 1864), a patent dispute over a blue aniline dye. See 'Renard v. Levinstein', Chemical News (9 April 1864), 9, 168. For more on Hofmann's career see Bud and Roberts, op. cit. (7); Beer, op. cit. (4); and Travis, 'Science's powerful companion', op. cit. (5).
110. Hofmann was the first director of the Royal College of Chemistry (1845-63), and the most successful chemical expert of his generation; he annually augmented his income by £8000-£9000 as a legal consultant, see Brock, op. cit. (42), 186. At the same time as he was defending Young, for example, Hofmann was the chief chemical expert for the plaintiff in the trial Renard versus Levinstein (Courts of Chancery, 1864), a patent dispute over a blue aniline dye. See 'Renard v. Levinstein', Chemical News (9 April 1864), 9, 168. For more on Hofmann's career see Bud and Roberts, op. cit. (7); Beer, op. cit. (4); and Travis, 'Science's powerful companion', op. cit. (5).
111. Hofmann was the first director of the Royal College of Chemistry (1845-63), and the most successful chemical expert of his generation; he annually augmented his income by £8000-£9000 as a legal consultant, see Brock, op. cit. (42), 186. At the same time as he was defending Young, for example, Hofmann was the chief chemical expert for the plaintiff in the trial Renard versus Levinstein (Courts of Chancery, 1864), a patent dispute over a blue aniline dye. See 'Renard v. Levinstein', Chemical News (9 April 1864), 9, 168. For more on Hofmann's career see Bud and Roberts, op. cit. (7); Beer, op. cit. (4); and Travis, 'Science's powerful companion', op. cit. (5).
112. Hofmann was the first director of the Royal College of Chemistry (1845-63), and the most successful chemical expert of his generation; he annually augmented his income by £8000-£9000 as a legal consultant, see Brock, op. cit. (42), 186. At the same time as he was defending Young, for example, Hofmann was the chief chemical expert for the plaintiff in the trial Renard versus Levinstein (Courts of Chancery, 1864), a patent dispute over a blue aniline dye. See 'Renard v. Levinstein', Chemical News (9 April 1864), 9, 168. For more on Hofmann's career see Bud and Roberts, op. cit. (7); Beer, op. cit. (4); and Travis, 'Science's powerful companion', op. cit. (5).
113. 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News, op. cit. (47), 263.
114. Stuart was directly quoting Antisell, op. cit. (22), 14.
115. 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News, op. cit. (47), 276; and 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10), 865.
116. 'Young v. Fernie', Chemical News, op. cit. (47), 276; and 'Young versus Fernie', The Law Times Reports, op. cit. (10), 865.
117. Williamson and Daum, op. cit. (13); and P. Lucier, 'Petroleum: what is it good for?', American Heritage of Invention and Technology (1991), 7, 56-63.
118. Williamson and Daum, op. cit. (13); and P. Lucier, 'Petroleum: what is it good for?', American Heritage of Invention and Technology (1991), 7, 56-63.
119. J. Merrill, 'Reminiscences', in Derrick's Hand-Book of Petroleum: A Complete Chronological and Statistical Review of Petroleum Developments from 1859 to 1898, Oil City, PA, 1898, 880-90, on 882.
120. Frankland, op. cit. (25), reprinted in Journal of the Franklin Institute (1864), 48, 30-7.
121. For a comparison of scientific and technological norms see Edwin T. Layton, Jr, 'Mirror-image twins: the communities of science and technology in 19th century America ', Technology and Culture (1971), 12, 562-80, and D. J. DeSolla Price, 'Is technology historically independent of science?', ibid., (1965), 6, 553-68.
122. For a comparison of scientific and technological norms see Edwin T. Layton, Jr, 'Mirror-image twins: the communities of science and technology in 19th century America ', Technology and Culture (1971), 12, 562-80, and D. J. DeSolla Price, 'Is technology historically independent of science?', ibid., (1965), 6, 553-68.
123. Jackson, op. cit. (1), 237.
124. Paraffine, 'Coal-oil', American Gas-Light Journal (15 September 1860), 2, 86.
125. Antisell, op. cit. (34).
126. Antisell, op. cit. (34).
127. 'The Torbanehill mineral', Chemical News (2 March 1861), 3, 217.
128. 'The evidence of experts', Chemical News (5 April 1862), 5, 183.
129. For further discussion of the effects of expert witnessing on the practice, public image and ethics of scientists see Hamlin, op. cit. (42).
130. Disinterestedness, of course, was one of the basic institutional elements of science for Robert K. Merton; see R. K. Merton, 'The normative structure of science', The Sociology of Science, Chicago, 1973, 267-78. Larry Stewart has made a persuasive case for the close interrelations of science and commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see L. Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992. Also see P. Dear, 'From truth to disinterestedness in the seventeenth century', Social Studies of Science (1992), 22, 619-31; G. Tweedale, 'Geology and industrial consultancy: Sir William Boyd Dawkins (1837-1929) and the Kent Coalfield', BJHS (1991), 24, 435-51; and Lucier, op. cit. (5), 264-7.
131. Disinterestedness, of course, was one of the basic institutional elements of science for Robert K. Merton; see R. K. Merton, 'The normative structure of science', The Sociology of Science, Chicago, 1973, 267-78. Larry Stewart has made a persuasive case for the close interrelations of science and commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see L. Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992. Also see P. Dear, 'From truth to disinterestedness in the seventeenth century', Social Studies of Science (1992), 22, 619-31; G. Tweedale, 'Geology and industrial consultancy: Sir William Boyd Dawkins (1837-1929) and the Kent Coalfield', BJHS (1991), 24, 435-51; and Lucier, op. cit. (5), 264-7.
132. Disinterestedness, of course, was one of the basic institutional elements of science for Robert K. Merton; see R. K. Merton, 'The normative structure of science', The Sociology of Science, Chicago, 1973, 267-78. Larry Stewart has made a persuasive case for the close interrelations of science and commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see L. Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992. Also see P. Dear, 'From truth to disinterestedness in the seventeenth century', Social Studies of Science (1992), 22, 619-31; G. Tweedale, 'Geology and industrial consultancy: Sir William Boyd Dawkins (1837-1929) and the Kent Coalfield', BJHS (1991), 24, 435-51; and Lucier, op. cit. (5), 264-7.
133. Disinterestedness, of course, was one of the basic institutional elements of science for Robert K. Merton; see R. K. Merton, 'The normative structure of science', The Sociology of Science, Chicago, 1973, 267-78. Larry Stewart has made a persuasive case for the close interrelations of science and commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see L. Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992. Also see P. Dear, 'From truth to disinterestedness in the seventeenth century', Social Studies of Science (1992), 22, 619-31; G. Tweedale, 'Geology and industrial consultancy: Sir William Boyd Dawkins (1837-1929) and the Kent Coalfield', BJHS (1991), 24, 435-51; and Lucier, op. cit. (5), 264-7.
134. Disinterestedness, of course, was one of the basic institutional elements of science for Robert K. Merton; see R. K. Merton, 'The normative structure of science', The Sociology of Science, Chicago, 1973, 267-78. Larry Stewart has made a persuasive case for the close interrelations of science and commerce in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries; see L. Stewart, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992. Also see P. Dear, 'From truth to disinterestedness in the seventeenth century', Social Studies of Science (1992), 22, 619-31; G. Tweedale, 'Geology and industrial consultancy: Sir William Boyd Dawkins (1837-1929) and the Kent Coalfield', BJHS (1991), 24, 435-51; and Lucier, op. cit. (5), 264-7.
135. 'Dr. Jackson's Address before the American Institute', Scientific American (1 November 1851), 7, 51.
136. For more on Kelvin's commercial interests see C. Smith and M. N. Wise, Energy and Empire: A Biographical Study of Lord Kelvin, Cambridge, 1989.