The whipping of Richard Moore: Reading emotion in reconstruction America

Journal of Social History

Volumn 36, Issue 2, 2002, Pages

  Harcourt, Edward John ^a  

^a Department of History ^*  (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0036955632     PISSN: 00224529     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/jsh.2003.0016     Document Type: Review

References (111)

1. State of Tennessee, Report of Evidence Taken before the Military Committee in Relation to Outrages Committed by the Ku Klux Klan in Middle and West Tennessee (Nashville, 1868), 46-47. For the full text of Richard Moore's remarks see Appendix One.
2. For general commentary on violence in Reconstruction-era Tennessee, see Thomas B. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee (Nashville, 1950), 49-68, 176-199; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, 1971), 3-48, 175-188. The Case assassination is described in Charles L. Lufkin, "Forgotten Controversy: The Assassination of Senator Almon Case of Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 39 (1985): 37-50. Two recent studies of the 1866 Memphis riot have appeared in these pages: Altina L. Waller, "Community, Class and Race in the Memphis Riot of 1866," Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 233-246; Kevin R. Hardwick, "'Your Old Father Abe Lincoln is Dead and Damned': Black Soldiers and the Memphis Race Riot of 1866,"Journal of Social History 27 (1993): 109-128.
3. For general commentary on violence in Reconstruction-era Tennessee, see Thomas B. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee (Nashville, 1950), 49-68, 176-199; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, 1971), 3-48, 175-188. The Case assassination is described in Charles L. Lufkin, "Forgotten Controversy: The Assassination of Senator Almon Case of Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 39 (1985): 37-50. Two recent studies of the 1866 Memphis riot have appeared in these pages: Altina L. Waller, "Community, Class and Race in the Memphis Riot of 1866," Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 233-246; Kevin R. Hardwick, "'Your Old Father Abe Lincoln is Dead and Damned': Black Soldiers and the Memphis Race Riot of 1866,"Journal of Social History 27 (1993): 109-128.
4. For general commentary on violence in Reconstruction-era Tennessee, see Thomas B. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee (Nashville, 1950), 49-68, 176-199; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, 1971), 3-48, 175-188. The Case assassination is described in Charles L. Lufkin, "Forgotten Controversy: The Assassination of Senator Almon Case of Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 39 (1985): 37-50. Two recent studies of the 1866 Memphis riot have appeared in these pages: Altina L. Waller, "Community, Class and Race in the Memphis Riot of 1866," Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 233-246; Kevin R. Hardwick, "'Your Old Father Abe Lincoln is Dead and Damned': Black Soldiers and the Memphis Race Riot of 1866,"Journal of Social History 27 (1993): 109-128.
5. For general commentary on violence in Reconstruction-era Tennessee, see Thomas B. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee (Nashville, 1950), 49-68, 176-199; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, 1971), 3-48, 175-188. The Case assassination is described in Charles L. Lufkin, "Forgotten Controversy: The Assassination of Senator Almon Case of Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 39 (1985): 37-50. Two recent studies of the 1866 Memphis riot have appeared in these pages: Altina L. Waller, "Community, Class and Race in the Memphis Riot of 1866," Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 233-246; Kevin R. Hardwick, "'Your Old Father Abe Lincoln is Dead and Damned': Black Soldiers and the Memphis Race Riot of 1866,"Journal of Social History 27 (1993): 109-128.
6. For general commentary on violence in Reconstruction-era Tennessee, see Thomas B. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee (Nashville, 1950), 49-68, 176-199; Allen W. Trelease, White Terror: The Ku Klux Klan Conspiracy and Southern Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, 1971), 3-48, 175-188. The Case assassination is described in Charles L. Lufkin, "Forgotten Controversy: The Assassination of Senator Almon Case of Tennessee," West Tennessee Historical Society Papers 39 (1985): 37-50. Two recent studies of the 1866 Memphis riot have appeared in these pages: Altina L. Waller, "Community, Class and Race in the Memphis Riot of 1866," Journal of Social History 18 (1984): 233-246; Kevin R. Hardwick, "'Your Old Father Abe Lincoln is Dead and Damned': Black Soldiers and the Memphis Race Riot of 1866,"Journal of Social History 27 (1993): 109-128.
7. Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973), 3-32, quotation from p. 23.
8. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York, 1988), chapters 7 & 8; Michael Les Benedict, A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863-1869 (New York, 1974); Xi Wang, The Trial of Democracy: Black Suffrage and Northern Republicans, 1860-1910 (Athens, Ga., 1997), 1-48.
9. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York, 1988), chapters 7 & 8; Michael Les Benedict, A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863-1869 (New York, 1974); Xi Wang, The Trial of Democracy: Black Suffrage and Northern Republicans, 1860-1910 (Athens, Ga., 1997), 1-48.
10. Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York, 1988), chapters 7 & 8; Michael Les Benedict, A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863-1869 (New York, 1974); Xi Wang, The Trial of Democracy: Black Suffrage and Northern Republicans, 1860-1910 (Athens, Ga., 1997), 1-48.
11. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, quotation on p.72.
12. William Ganaway Brownlow, message to General Assembly of October 2 1865-May 28 1866, reprinted in House and Senate Journals (Nashville, 1866), 11.
13. R.M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven, 1997), 257; Thomas B. Alexander, "Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1865-1870" in Richard O. Curry, ed., Radicalism, Racism, and Party Realignment: The Border States During Reconstruction (Baltimore, 1969), 57; Paul H. Bergeron, Stephen V. Ash, and Jeanette Keith, Tennesseans and Their History ( Knoxville, 1999), 165-172.
14. R.M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven, 1997), 257; Thomas B. Alexander, "Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1865-1870" in Richard O. Curry, ed., Radicalism, Racism, and Party Realignment: The Border States During Reconstruction (Baltimore, 1969), 57; Paul H. Bergeron, Stephen V. Ash, and Jeanette Keith, Tennesseans and Their History ( Knoxville, 1999), 165-172.
15. Rogers M. Smith, Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History (New Haven, 1997), 257; Thomas B. Alexander, "Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 1865-1870" in Richard O. Curry, ed., Radicalism, Racism, and Party Realignment: The Border States During Reconstruction (Baltimore, 1969), 57; Paul H. Bergeron, Stephen V. Ash, and Jeanette Keith, Tennesseans and Their History ( Knoxville, 1999), 165-172.
16. The Republican party in Tennessee did not need black votes to win the governor's election of 1867 but was in jeopardy of losing its majorities in the Assembly without the support of blacks. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 141-162.
17. Ibid., 98-112.
18. Brownlow's message reprinted in House Journal of the Extra Session of the Thirty-Fifth General Assembly of the State of Tennessee Convened at Nashville, Monday, 27 July 1868 (Nashville, 1868).
19. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 18-32, 69-78, 110-111; Noel C. Fisher, War at Every Door: Partisan Politics and Guerilla Violence in East Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill, 1997), 166-169; Trelease, White Terror, 3-48.
20. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 18-32, 69-78, 110-111; Noel C. Fisher, War at Every Door: Partisan Politics and Guerilla Violence in East Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill, 1997), 166-169; Trelease, White Terror, 3-48.
21. Alexander, Political Reconstruction in Tennessee, 18-32, 69-78, 110-111; Noel C. Fisher, War at Every Door: Partisan Politics and Guerilla Violence in East Tennessee, 1860-1869 (Chapel Hill, 1997), 166-169; Trelease, White Terror, 3-48.
22. Moore's early genealogy is difficult to recover with precision. It appears, however, that he was born around 1846 and was likely one of four slaves owned by either M.S. or Henry Moore. This finding is based upon two facts: Richard Moore's 1868 testimony that he had been a resident of district 12 his whole life; and second, that M.S. and Henry Moore owned land in district 12 and possessed in 1860 a male slave of Richard Moore's approximate age. The Moore family descended from one of the first settlers of Lincoln County, W. D. Moore, who was awarded land for his part in the war of 1812. In 1860, eleven Moores owned slaves in Lincoln County. The median size of ownership among the Moores was three slaves, with an average of 4.27.
23. James B. Bright to Dr. Charles G. Bright, 29 March, 1869, Douglass-Maney Family Papers, Tennessee State Library and Archives (TSLA); Monthly Reports, 26 May and 30 June 1866 in Selected Records of the Tennessee Field Office of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, 1865-1872 (hereafter cited as FB Records), microfilm roll 40.
24. James B. Bright to Dr. Charles G. Bright, 29 March, 1869, Douglass-Maney Family Papers, Tennessee State Library and Archives (TSLA); Monthly Reports, 26 May and 30 June 1866 in Selected Records of the Tennessee Field Office of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, 1865-1872 (hereafter cited as FB Records), microfilm roll 40.
25. Francis Allen et al. to Clinton B. Fisk, 10 August 1865, FB Records, roll 38.
26. Fayetteville Observer, 5 April 1866; Lincoln County Court, 1 October 1865; Resolution to Clinton B. Fisk, quoted in The Volunteer (Lincoln County Historical Society, Spring 1990), TSLA.
27. Fayetteville Observer, 5 April 1866; Lincoln County Court, 1 October 1865; Resolution to Clinton B. Fisk, quoted in The Volunteer (Lincoln County Historical Society, Spring 1990), TSLA.
28. Fayetteville Observer, 5 April 1866; Lincoln County Court, 1 October 1865; Resolution to Clinton B. Fisk, quoted in The Volunteer (Lincoln County Historical Society, Spring 1990), TSLA.
29. As late as March 1868, the Bureau had organized no freedmen's schools in Lincoln County and the regional agent for Middle Tennessee noted that "there is more opposition to schools for freedmen in this county than any I know of." See Monthly Report, 31 March 1868, FB Records, roll 41.
30. Curran Pope to Andrew Johnson, April 30, 1862, Papers of Andrew Johnson, 5, ed. by Leroy P. Graf and Ralph W. Haskins, (Knoxville, 1979), 354; Deed Book 2, page 8; "Diary of James C. Wyatt," unpublished diary in the possession of Don Wyatt of Fayetteville, Lincoln County. I am grateful to Mr. Wyatt for pointing me in the direction of these sources.
31. Curran Pope to Andrew Johnson, April 30, 1862, Papers of Andrew Johnson, 5, ed. by Leroy P. Graf and Ralph W. Haskins, (Knoxville, 1979), 354; Deed Book 2, page 8; "Diary of James C. Wyatt," unpublished diary in the possession of Don Wyatt of Fayetteville, Lincoln County. I am grateful to Mr. Wyatt for pointing me in the direction of these sources.
32. Curran Pope to Andrew Johnson, April 30, 1862, Papers of Andrew Johnson, 5, ed. by Leroy P. Graf and Ralph W. Haskins, (Knoxville, 1979), 354; Deed Book 2, page 8; "Diary of James C. Wyatt," unpublished diary in the possession of Don Wyatt of Fayetteville, Lincoln County. I am grateful to Mr. Wyatt for pointing me in the direction of these sources.
33. The Lincoln County News referred to the ubiquity of Confederate sympathies among whites in the county when commenting rhetorically on the bias in local hearings to assess loyalist loses during the war years: "Who is the man who never gave aid or encouragement to the rebellion at some time, or in some way?" Lincoln County News, 4 July 1868.
34. Anderson had married William Wyatt's niece on Christmas Day, 1839. Helen Crawford Marsh, compiler, Lincoln County, Tennessee Official Marriage Records, 1838-1880 (Shelby, Tenn., 1974).
35. Steven V. Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed 1860-1870: War and Peace in the Upper South (Baton Rouge, 1988), 193-195.
36. Fayetteville Observer, 28 May 1868.
37. This matches Allen Trelease's conclusion that in general Klan activities quickly lost whatever control their central coordinators had over activities at the local level. Trelease argued that individual acts of Ku Klux violence "fed on a race hatred which transcended politics." Trelease, White Terror, 28-35.
38. Monthly Report, Pulaski, Giles County, 29 February 1868, FB Records, roll 41.
39. See Lincoln County State Senator William Wyatt's testimony to the Joint Military Committee. State of Tennessee, Report of Evidence Taken before the Military Committee, 15-18.
40. On event analysis, I have found the following to be the most useful: Gordon Leff, History and Social Theory (Tuscaloosa, 1969), 52-70; Dale H. Porter, The Emergence of the Past: A Theory of Historical Explanation (Chicago, 1981), 40-62; Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods & Research 20, no. 4 (1992): 403-7; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South ( Chapel Hill, 1997).
41. On event analysis, I have found the following to be the most useful: Gordon Leff, History and Social Theory (Tuscaloosa, 1969), 52-70; Dale H. Porter, The Emergence of the Past: A Theory of Historical Explanation (Chicago, 1981), 40-62; Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods & Research 20, no. 4 (1992): 403-7; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South ( Chapel Hill, 1997).
42. On event analysis, I have found the following to be the most useful: Gordon Leff, History and Social Theory (Tuscaloosa, 1969), 52-70; Dale H. Porter, The Emergence of the Past: A Theory of Historical Explanation (Chicago, 1981), 40-62; Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods & Research 20, no. 4 (1992): 403-7; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South ( Chapel Hill, 1997).
43. On event analysis, I have found the following to be the most useful: Gordon Leff, History and Social Theory (Tuscaloosa, 1969), 52-70; Dale H. Porter, The Emergence of the Past: A Theory of Historical Explanation (Chicago, 1981), 40-62; Larry J. Griffin, "Temporality, Events, and Explanation in Historical Sociology: An Introduction," Sociological Methods & Research 20, no. 4 (1992): 403-7; Larry J. Griffin, Paula Clark, and Joanne C. Sandberg, "Narrative and Event: Lynching and Historical Sociology," in W. Fitzhugh Brundage, ed., Under Sentence of Death: Lynching in the South ( Chapel Hill, 1997).
44. William H. Wisener, Sr., et al. to Andrew Johnson, 11 September 1868, in The Papers of Andrew Johnson, 15, eds. Paul H. Bergeron et al. (Knoxville, 1999), 45-50.
45. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 43, 50, 52; Frank Luther Mott, American Journalism: A History of Newspapers in the United States through 260 Years: 1690 to 1950 (New York, 1950), 283, 459.
46. Eric Foner, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War (New York, 1970), 43, 50, 52; Frank Luther Mott, American Journalism: A History of Newspapers in the United States through 260 Years: 1690 to 1950 (New York, 1950), 283, 459.
47. See the editorial in the 1 July 1868 edition of the Cincinnati Gazette.
48. Cincinnati Gazette, July 1, 2, 4, 6, 11, 14, 15, 21, 25, 29, 31, August 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 17, 18, 29, 22, 20, and September 3, 7.
49. Cincinnati Gazette, 11 July 1868.
50. Cincinnati Gazette, 15 July 1868.
51. Cincinnati Gazette, 1 July 1868.
52. Cincinnati Gazette, 4 August 1868. Who was the newspaper's source? We may assume from the designation "gentleman" that the source was a white, male landowner. The character of the story clearly suggests that the source was a pro-Union man. Moreover, we can deduce that the source was familiar with events in Lincoln County and had reason to visit Nashville and fraternize with the political correspondents of northern newspapers. Republican State Senator William Wyatt fits this profile. As already noted, Wyatt was himself the victim of terrorists and as one of a few elected state officials to become victim of the Ku Klux, Wyatt likely attracted the interest of newspapermen. Identifying Wyatt as the source for the Gazette's piece provides a plausible answer to the conundrum of how the story of the Richard Moore's assault was spirited out of Lincoln County and traveled via the pen of a scribe in Nashville to the columns of a northern newspaper and, ultimately, the precincts of state and federal power.
53. Lynn Hunt, "Tracing the Origin of Human Rights," unpublished Bryn lecture delivered at Vanderbilt University 28 March 2000. Hunt is obviously drawing on Benedict Anderson's neat turn of phrase in Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York, 1991).
54. Lynn Hunt, "Tracing the Origin of Human Rights," unpublished Bryn lecture delivered at Vanderbilt University 28 March 2000. Hunt is obviously drawing on Benedict Anderson's neat turn of phrase in Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London and New York, 1991).
55. Fayetteville Observer, August 13, 1868. Emphasis in original. See also, Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 221, which first alerted me - albeit obliquely - to Richard Moore's story.
56. Fayetteville Observer, August 13, 1868. Emphasis in original. See also, Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 221, which first alerted me - albeit obliquely - to Richard Moore's story.
57. Trelease, White Terror, 32-34, 62-67, 84-87. See also Lincoln County News, 14 March 1868.
58. Trelease, White Terror, 32-34, 62-67, 84-87. See also Lincoln County News, 14 March 1868.
59. Fayetteville Observer, 14 March 1868. Emphasis in original.
60. The Fayetteville Observer rejoined the debate in October when a copy of the Joint Military Committee's Report of Evidence reached their office. Linking Moore's testimony with that of Sen. William Wyatt, the paper printed both testimonies with an editorial questioning the veracity of both witnesses and remarking that both were "Hard Down" on Lincoln County (in other words, disloyal). "About Dick Moore," the editor remarked "we have but little to say, as any statement that he may make is not worthy of belief.... The white men to whom he specifically refers know no more of the Ku Klux Klan, we are satisfied, than does 'Hon.' Mr. Wyatt." Fayetteville Observer, 22 October 1868.
61. Emotions-the feelings that result from a complex set of interactions between the subjective and objective-are inextricably linked to the social world and are informed by both cultural preconceptions (emotionological context) and the transgressionary impulses of individual will (emotional experience). A consciousness of meaning emerges from this emotional processing-and in turn, this consciousness labels and frames particular symbolic features of an event in ways that continue to represent the depth of emotion the event provoked as well as the relation of the event to established cultural contexts. My discussion of emotion and its significance in framing political consciousness is chiefly indebted to Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley, 1983) and William A. Gamson's Talking Politics (New York, 1992). On the distinction between emotionology and emotion, and for a very instructive overview of the study of emotions by historians, see Peter N. Steams with Carol Z. Stearns "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Review 90 (October, 1985): 813-836; see also, Paul R. Kleinginna, Jr., and Anne M. Kleinginna, "A Categorized List of Emotion Definitions, with Suggestions for a Consensual Definition," Motivation and Emotion 5 (1981): 345-379. I concur with Barbara H. Rosenwein's recent call for "jettisoning the hydraulic view" of emotions in favor of a cognitive view of how "emotions are part of a process of perception and appraisal, not forces striving for release." Rosenwein, "Worrying about Emotions in History," a Review Essay, American Historical Review 107 (June 2002): 821-45, quotations from 836, 845.
62. Emotions-the feelings that result from a complex set of interactions between the subjective and objective-are inextricably linked to the social world and are informed by both cultural preconceptions (emotionological context) and the transgressionary impulses of individual will (emotional experience). A consciousness of meaning emerges from this emotional processing-and in turn, this consciousness labels and frames particular symbolic features of an event in ways that continue to represent the depth of emotion the event provoked as well as the relation of the event to established cultural contexts. My discussion of emotion and its significance in framing political consciousness is chiefly indebted to Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley, 1983) and William A. Gamson's Talking Politics (New York, 1992). On the distinction between emotionology and emotion, and for a very instructive overview of the study of emotions by historians, see Peter N. Steams with Carol Z. Stearns "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Review 90 (October, 1985): 813-836; see also, Paul R. Kleinginna, Jr., and Anne M. Kleinginna, "A Categorized List of Emotion Definitions, with Suggestions for a Consensual Definition," Motivation and Emotion 5 (1981): 345-379. I concur with Barbara H. Rosenwein's recent call for "jettisoning the hydraulic view" of emotions in favor of a cognitive view of how "emotions are part of a process of perception and appraisal, not forces striving for release." Rosenwein, "Worrying about Emotions in History," a Review Essay, American Historical Review 107 (June 2002): 821-45, quotations from 836, 845.
63. Emotions-the feelings that result from a complex set of interactions between the subjective and objective-are inextricably linked to the social world and are informed by both cultural preconceptions (emotionological context) and the transgressionary impulses of individual will (emotional experience). A consciousness of meaning emerges from this emotional processing-and in turn, this consciousness labels and frames particular symbolic features of an event in ways that continue to represent the depth of emotion the event provoked as well as the relation of the event to established cultural contexts. My discussion of emotion and its significance in framing political consciousness is chiefly indebted to Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley, 1983) and William A. Gamson's Talking Politics (New York, 1992). On the distinction between emotionology and emotion, and for a very instructive overview of the study of emotions by historians, see Peter N. Steams with Carol Z. Stearns "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Review 90 (October, 1985): 813-836; see also, Paul R. Kleinginna, Jr., and Anne M. Kleinginna, "A Categorized List of Emotion Definitions, with Suggestions for a Consensual Definition," Motivation and Emotion 5 (1981): 345-379. I concur with Barbara H. Rosenwein's recent call for "jettisoning the hydraulic view" of emotions in favor of a cognitive view of how "emotions are part of a process of perception and appraisal, not forces striving for release." Rosenwein, "Worrying about Emotions in History," a Review Essay, American Historical Review 107 (June 2002): 821-45, quotations from 836, 845.
64. Emotions-the feelings that result from a complex set of interactions between the subjective and objective-are inextricably linked to the social world and are informed by both cultural preconceptions (emotionological context) and the transgressionary impulses of individual will (emotional experience). A consciousness of meaning emerges from this emotional processing-and in turn, this consciousness labels and frames particular symbolic features of an event in ways that continue to represent the depth of emotion the event provoked as well as the relation of the event to established cultural contexts. My discussion of emotion and its significance in framing political consciousness is chiefly indebted to Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley, 1983) and William A. Gamson's Talking Politics (New York, 1992). On the distinction between emotionology and emotion, and for a very instructive overview of the study of emotions by historians, see Peter N. Steams with Carol Z. Stearns "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Review 90 (October, 1985): 813-836; see also, Paul R. Kleinginna, Jr., and Anne M. Kleinginna, "A Categorized List of Emotion Definitions, with Suggestions for a Consensual Definition," Motivation and Emotion 5 (1981): 345-379. I concur with Barbara H. Rosenwein's recent call for "jettisoning the hydraulic view" of emotions in favor of a cognitive view of how "emotions are part of a process of perception and appraisal, not forces striving for release." Rosenwein, "Worrying about Emotions in History," a Review Essay, American Historical Review 107 (June 2002): 821-45, quotations from 836, 845.
65. Emotions-the feelings that result from a complex set of interactions between the subjective and objective-are inextricably linked to the social world and are informed by both cultural preconceptions (emotionological context) and the transgressionary impulses of individual will (emotional experience). A consciousness of meaning emerges from this emotional processing-and in turn, this consciousness labels and frames particular symbolic features of an event in ways that continue to represent the depth of emotion the event provoked as well as the relation of the event to established cultural contexts. My discussion of emotion and its significance in framing political consciousness is chiefly indebted to Arlie Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Commercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley, 1983) and William A. Gamson's Talking Politics (New York, 1992). On the distinction between emotionology and emotion, and for a very instructive overview of the study of emotions by historians, see Peter N. Steams with Carol Z. Stearns "Emotionology: Clarifying the History of Emotions and Emotional Standards," American Historical Review 90 (October, 1985): 813-836; see also, Paul R. Kleinginna, Jr., and Anne M. Kleinginna, "A Categorized List of Emotion Definitions, with Suggestions for a Consensual Definition," Motivation and Emotion 5 (1981): 345-379. I concur with Barbara H. Rosenwein's recent call for "jettisoning the hydraulic view" of emotions in favor of a cognitive view of how "emotions are part of a process of perception and appraisal, not forces striving for release." Rosenwein, "Worrying about Emotions in History," a Review Essay, American Historical Review 107 (June 2002): 821-45, quotations from 836, 845.
66. Gamson, Talking Politics, 7, 32; Robert B. Zajonc, "Feeling and Thinking: Preferences Need No Inferences," American Psychologist 35 (1980): 151-175.
67. Gamson, Talking Politics, 7, 32; Robert B. Zajonc, "Feeling and Thinking: Preferences Need No Inferences," American Psychologist 35 (1980): 151-175.
68. Gamson, Talking Politics. On injustice frames see 31-58; for adversarial frames, see 84-109; for collective frames, see 59-83.
69. Ibid. 111-114, quotation from 113.
70. There is a danger here of oversimplification, of drawing contrasting perspectives in dichotomous terms from shards and glimpses of evidence. Texts, as literary scholars remind us, are multi-authored and polyphonic and embody open-ended and often ironic meanings for readers; this is no less true of our three brief commentaries on the whipping of Richard Moore than it is for a literary masterwork. Richard Moore was no more the single author of his testimony than the editors of the Fayetteville Observer were faithful and disinterested recorders of the assailants' private motives. Both accounts contain the suggestion of multiple authors.
71. Curiously, there is no evidence that Richard Moore voted in the 1867 gubernatorial election. In a July 1867 listing of the qualified voters from Lincoln County, Moore's name doesn't appear among the 87 black electors from District 12. None of his named assailants were among the 41 eligible white voters from District 12, and none appeared on the electoral rolls in neighboring districts. Lincoln County News, 27 July 1867.
72. Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Makingin Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1997), 116. Hartman draws upon Foucault: "right should be viewed ... not in terms of a legitimacy to be established, but in terms of the subjugation that it instigates." Michel Foucault, "Two Lectures" in Power/Knowledge: Selected Knowledge and Other Writings, 1972-1997 ed. and trans, by Colin Gordon (New York, 1980), 95-96.
73. Saidiya V. Hartman, Scenes of Subjection: Terror, Slavery, and Self-Makingin Nineteenth-Century America (New York, 1997), 116. Hartman draws upon Foucault: "right should be viewed ... not in terms of a legitimacy to be established, but in terms of the subjugation that it instigates." Michel Foucault, "Two Lectures" in Power/Knowledge: Selected Knowledge and Other Writings, 1972-1997 ed. and trans, by Colin Gordon (New York, 1980), 95-96.
74. In the inaugural issues of the Lincoln County News, the proprietors, who disclaimed any party affiliation, expressed the commonplace assumption of white supremacy: "While we fully recognize the death of slavery and accord to the black man certain rights and privileges, we yet contend that ours is a white man's government, so intended by our fathers." Lincoln County News, 10 February 1866.
75. For an excellent account of the function of etiquette in mediating black-white relations, see Jane Dailey, "Deference and Violence in the Postbellum Urban South: Manners and Massacres in Danville, Virginia," Journal of Southern History 83, no. 3 (1997): 553-590.
76. Martha Hodes, "The Sexualization of Reconstruction Politics: White Women and Black Men in the South after the Civil War," Journal of the History of Sexuality 1993 3(3): 402-407, quotation from page 403. See also Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black and White Relations in the American South Since Emancipation (New York, 1984).
77. Martha Hodes, "The Sexualization of Reconstruction Politics: White Women and Black Men in the South after the Civil War," Journal of the History of Sexuality 1993 3(3): 402-407, quotation from page 403. See also Joel Williamson, The Crucible of Race: Black and White Relations in the American South Since Emancipation (New York, 1984).
78. Laura F.Edwards, Gendered Strife and Confusion: The Political Culture of Reconstruction (Urbana, 1997), 10-11.
79. Fayetteville Observer, 16 November 1865. In a 7 March 1867 editorial, the Observer remarked on the dangers of "idle negroes."
80. Lincoln County News, 17 August 1867.
81. Lincoln County News, 3 August 1867. In June 1868, the Cincinnati Gazette noted that the Conservatives had tried unsuccessfully to win the black vote in 1867 but "now all attempts by Conservatives to win black support have been abandoned and the KKK have attempted to win over elections." Cincinnati Gazette, 17 June 1868.
82. Lincoln County News, 3 August 1867. In June 1868, the Cincinnati Gazette noted that the Conservatives had tried unsuccessfully to win the black vote in 1867 but "now all attempts by Conservatives to win black support have been abandoned and the KKK have attempted to win over elections." Cincinnati Gazette, 17 June 1868.
83. Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York, 1956), 174-175; Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York, 1972), 64-65.
84. Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York, 1956), 174-175; Eugene D. Genovese, Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made (New York, 1972), 64-65.
85. Southern Patriot, 10 February 1826, quoted in William W. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836 (New York, 1966), 66.
86. Plantation Manual in Hammond Papers, quoted in Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery: A Survey of the Supply, Employment and Control of Negro Labor as Determined by the Plantation Regime (New York, 1918), 271.
87. See Caruthers and Nicholson, Compilation of the Statutes of Tennessee, 675-76, and Meigs & Cooper, The Code of Tennessee, 502, 506, 507-508, quoted in Arthur F. Howington III, "The Treatment of Slaves and Free Blacks in the State and Local Courts of Tennessee," unpublished Ph.D. diss., (Vanderbilt University, 1982), 129.
88. See Caruthers and Nicholson, Compilation of the Statutes of Tennessee, 675-76, and Meigs & Cooper, The Code of Tennessee, 502, 506, 507-508, quoted in Arthur F. Howington III, "The Treatment of Slaves and Free Blacks in the State and Local Courts of Tennessee," unpublished Ph.D. diss., (Vanderbilt University, 1982), 129.
89. See Caruthers and Nicholson, Compilation of the Statutes of Tennessee, 675-76, and Meigs & Cooper, The Code of Tennessee, 502, 506, 507-508, quoted in Arthur F. Howington III, "The Treatment of Slaves and Free Blacks in the State and Local Courts of Tennessee," unpublished Ph.D. diss., (Vanderbilt University, 1982), 129.
90. Stampp, Peculiar Institution, 175-176.
91. Phillips, American Negro Slavery, 270.
92. Robyn Wiegman makes a similar point: "The transformation from slavery to 'freedom' was characterized by a rearticulation of cultural hierarchies in which terrorism provided the means for defining and securing the continuity of white supremacy." Wiegman, "The Anatomy of Lynching," Journal of the History of Sexuality 1993 (3): 445-467.
93. This account of the whipping ritual during Tennessee's Reconstruction is drawn from a myriad of primary sources, including State of Tennessee, Report of Evidence Taken before the Military Committee; accounts of violence provided by Freedmen Bureau agents in Giles, Maury, and Lincoln counties and sent to the assistant and subassistant commissioner's office in Nashville; and a miscellany of newspaper sources from Nashville and other Middle Tennessee towns. "Affadavits," Subassistant Commissioner of the Subdistrict of Nashville, Superintendent 1866-1870, Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Land ("Freedmen's Bureau"), RG 105, 3579, National Archives and Records Administration (NARA); "Reports of Violence," Subassistant Commissioner of the Subdistrict of Nashville, Tennessee, RG 105, 3575, NARA; "Reports of Outrages, Riots, and Murders," Office of the Assistant Commissioner, Nashville, Tennessee, RG 105, 3394; "Affidavits Relating to Outrages," Office of the Assistant Commissioner, Nashville, Tennessee, RG 105, 3402; "Register of Letters Received and Endorsement," Subassistant Commissioner, Pulaski, Tennessee, RG 105, 3593. For a secondary source commentary in general agreement with this profile, see Trelease, White Terror, 28-29.
94. Lincoln County News, 20 June 1868.
95. Lincoln County News, 12 September 1868.
96. William H. Wisener, Sr., et al. to Andrew Johnson, September 11, 1868, in Bergeron, ed., Papers of Andrew Johnson 15, 45-50.
97. Ibid., 51 n. 6; House Ex. Docs., 40 Cong., 3 Sess., No. 1, pt. 1, "Annual Report of the Secretary of War," xxx-xxxi (Ser. 1367).
98. Ibid., 51 n. 6; House Ex. Docs., 40 Cong., 3 Sess., No. 1, pt. 1, "Annual Report of the Secretary of War," xxx-xxxi (Ser. 1367).
99. Ash, Middle Tennessee Society Transformed, 197.
100. Trelease, White Terror, 28-46.
101. The counties were Davidson, Giles, Lincoln, Maury Rutherford, Sumner, Williamson, and Wilson. Thomas B. Alexander, "Political Reconstruction in Tennessee," Ph.D. Dissertation (Vanderbilt University, 1947), 321.
102. Lincoln County Circuit Court Minute Books, 2 & 3 November 1868, Vol. Nov. 1867-Nov. 1869, TSLA; Lincoln County News, 7 November 1868.
103. Lincoln County Circuit Court Minute Books, 2 & 3 November 1868, Vol. Nov. 1867-Nov. 1869, TSLA; Lincoln County News, 7 November 1868.
104. Lincoln County News, 10 January 1869.
105. Alexander, "Political Reconstruction in Tennessee," 73-74.
106. Richard Zuczek has chronicled a similar process of redemption in South Carolina. See his State of Rebellion: Reconstruction in South Carolina (Columbia, 1996). In the long term, as George C. Wright has argued, the forms of racial violence that were first fashioned or reinvented during Reconstruction flourished after the 1880s once white rule was fully restored. The connection, it seems, was one of frequency as well as of kind. In time, Lincoln County, where during Reconstruction violence was both frequent and effective, became one of four Tennessee counties "most prone" to lynching activity after 1882. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge, 1990) 59-60; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882-1930 (Urbana, IL, 1995), 46.
107. Richard Zuczek has chronicled a similar process of redemption in South Carolina. See his State of Rebellion: Reconstruction in South Carolina (Columbia, 1996). In the long term, as George C. Wright has argued, the forms of racial violence that were first fashioned or reinvented during Reconstruction flourished after the 1880s once white rule was fully restored. The connection, it seems, was one of frequency as well as of kind. In time, Lincoln County, where during Reconstruction violence was both frequent and effective, became one of four Tennessee counties "most prone" to lynching activity after 1882. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge, 1990) 59-60; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882-1930 (Urbana, IL, 1995), 46.
108. Richard Zuczek has chronicled a similar process of redemption in South Carolina. See his State of Rebellion: Reconstruction in South Carolina (Columbia, 1996). In the long term, as George C. Wright has argued, the forms of racial violence that were first fashioned or reinvented during Reconstruction flourished after the 1880s once white rule was fully restored. The connection, it seems, was one of frequency as well as of kind. In time, Lincoln County, where during Reconstruction violence was both frequent and effective, became one of four Tennessee counties "most prone" to lynching activity after 1882. Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky 1865-1940: Lynchings, Mob Rule, and "Legal Lynchings" (Baton Rouge, 1990) 59-60; Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882-1930 (Urbana, IL, 1995), 46.
109. Compare, for example, E. Merton Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 1865-1877 (Baton Rouge, 1947), 40-41, 119-138, with Foner, Reconstruction, 119-123.
110. Compare, for example, E. Merton Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 1865-1877 (Baton Rouge, 1947), 40-41, 119-138, with Foner, Reconstruction, 119-123.
111. State of Tennessee, Report of Evidence Taken before the Military Committee, 46-47.