Material practices of domination: Christian humanism, the built environment, and techniques of Western power

Theory and Society

Volumn 31, Issue 1, 2002, Pages 1-34

  Mukerji, Chandra ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0036113367     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1014425931679     Document Type: Review

References (111)

1. Chandra Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions and the Gardens of Versailles (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997).
2. Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1980); Robert Proctor, Value-Free Science? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Alexandre Koyré, From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe (Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957).
3. Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1980); Robert Proctor, Value-Free Science? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Alexandre Koyré, From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe (Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957).
4. Carolyn Merchant, The Death of Nature (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1980); Robert Proctor, Value-Free Science? (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991); Alexandre Koyré, From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe (Baltimore Johns Hopkins University Press, 1957).
5. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
6. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
7. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
8. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
9. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
10. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
11. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
12. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
13. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
14. For changing relations to nature after the Renaissance, see Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World (New York: Pantheon, 1983); H. R. Hall, The Scientific Revolution, 1500-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972); Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978); Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds, N. R. Gelbart, editor, H. A. Hargreaves, translator (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990); Alberto Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983). The new historiography is challenging this separation as good historical description, but some authors still see its power in the period. See, for example, Brian Vickers, editor, Occult and Scientific Mentalities in the Renaissance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); R. Westman and Lindberg, Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Mario Biagioli, Galileo, Courtier (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993); Steven Shapin, The Social History of Truth (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998). For an exploration of the significance of this distinction as a matter of culture, see Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993).
15. Latour, We Have Never Been Modern.
16. Leon Battista Alberti, De re aedificatoria (Florentiae: Nicolaus Laurentii, 1485); Margaret McGowan, Ideal Froms in the Age of Ronsard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); David Thompson, Renaissance Paris (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), ch. 1; Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), ch. 2.
17. Leon Battista Alberti, De re aedificatoria (Florentiae: Nicolaus Laurentii, 1485); Margaret McGowan, Ideal Froms in the Age of Ronsard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); David Thompson, Renaissance Paris (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), ch. 1; Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), ch. 2.
18. Leon Battista Alberti, De re aedificatoria (Florentiae: Nicolaus Laurentii, 1485); Margaret McGowan, Ideal Froms in the Age of Ronsard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); David Thompson, Renaissance Paris (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), ch. 1; Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), ch. 2.
19. Leon Battista Alberti, De re aedificatoria (Florentiae: Nicolaus Laurentii, 1485); Margaret McGowan, Ideal Froms in the Age of Ronsard (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); David Thompson, Renaissance Paris (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), ch. 1; Lewis Mumford, The Culture of Cities (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1938), ch. 2.
20. th century was affected by religious reform, and came to America because of the migration of Protestants there. But if Marranca is correct, then the merging of Christian and humanist ideas about gardening was simpler than one might suspect. For a discussion of humanist thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). Pocock concerns himself with political philosophy rather than building programs.
21. th century was affected by religious reform, and came to America because of the migration of Protestants there. But if Marranca is correct, then the merging of Christian and humanist ideas about gardening was simpler than one might suspect. For a discussion of humanist thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). Pocock concerns himself with political philosophy rather than building programs.
22. th century was affected by religious reform, and came to America because of the migration of Protestants there. But if Marranca is correct, then the merging of Christian and humanist ideas about gardening was simpler than one might suspect. For a discussion of humanist thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). Pocock concerns himself with political philosophy rather than building programs.
23. th century was affected by religious reform, and came to America because of the migration of Protestants there. But if Marranca is correct, then the merging of Christian and humanist ideas about gardening was simpler than one might suspect. For a discussion of humanist thought, see J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975). Pocock concerns himself with political philosophy rather than building programs.
24. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998).
25. Latour, We Have Never Been Modern.
26. Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions.
27. Bernard Palissy, Oeuvres de Bernard Palissy revues sur les exemplaires de la Bibliateque du roi (Paris: Ruault, 1777); A Delectable Garden by Bernard Palissy, Helen Morgenthau Fox, translator and editor (The Watch Hill Press, 1931); Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). For the relationship of this tradition of cartography to the growth of state power, see Joseph Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Buisseret, editor, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
28. Bernard Palissy, Oeuvres de Bernard Palissy revues sur les exemplaires de la Bibliateque du roi (Paris: Ruault, 1777); A Delectable Garden by Bernard Palissy, Helen Morgenthau Fox, translator and editor (The Watch Hill Press, 1931); Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). For the relationship of this tradition of cartography to the growth of state power, see Joseph Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Buisseret, editor, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
29. Bernard Palissy, Oeuvres de Bernard Palissy revues sur les exemplaires de la Bibliateque du roi (Paris: Ruault, 1777); A Delectable Garden by Bernard Palissy, Helen Morgenthau Fox, translator and editor (The Watch Hill Press, 1931); Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). For the relationship of this tradition of cartography to the growth of state power, see Joseph Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Buisseret, editor, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
30. Bernard Palissy, Oeuvres de Bernard Palissy revues sur les exemplaires de la Bibliateque du roi (Paris: Ruault, 1777); A Delectable Garden by Bernard Palissy, Helen Morgenthau Fox, translator and editor (The Watch Hill Press, 1931); Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). For the relationship of this tradition of cartography to the growth of state power, see Joseph Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Buisseret, editor, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
31. Bernard Palissy, Oeuvres de Bernard Palissy revues sur les exemplaires de la Bibliateque du roi (Paris: Ruault, 1777); A Delectable Garden by Bernard Palissy, Helen Morgenthau Fox, translator and editor (The Watch Hill Press, 1931); Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). For the relationship of this tradition of cartography to the growth of state power, see Joseph Konvitz, Cartography in France, 1660-1848 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); David Buisseret, editor, Monarchs, Ministers and Maps (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992).
32. Alexandre Koyré, Entretiens sur Descartes (Paris and New York Brentano's, 1944) 80-87; Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978), ch. 2.
33. Alexandre Koyré, Entretiens sur Descartes (Paris and New York Brentano's, 1944) 80-87; Bernard Tocanne, L'Idée de Nature en France dans la Seconde Moitié du XVIIe Siècle (Strassbourg: Klincksieck, 1978), ch. 2.
34. Pérez-Gómez, Architecture and the Crisis of Modern Science.
35. This same system is refered to as the aménagement tradition in Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, based on Mariage's usage in Theirry Mariage, L'Univers de Le Nôtre (Bruxelles: Pierre Mardaga, 1990). But the term used in the period was mesnagement, so that is what I am using here.
36. This same system is refered to as the aménagement tradition in Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, based on Mariage's usage in Theirry Mariage, L'Univers de Le Nôtre (Bruxelles: Pierre Mardaga, 1990). But the term used in the period was mesnagement, so that is what I am using here.
37. Charles did not do so well in business, which is perhaps why he had dreams of rural self-sufficiency. As a doctor, he also had an interest in gardening, since medicines were made from herbs and their cultivation was part of medical training. He may have been experimenting with useful species even while he earned a living (so-to-speak) through printing, but in his lifetime, he published mainly works on natural philosophy and medicine, not horticulture and gardening. Importantly, he found books on geography the most commercially successful items on his list, which drew him to the practitioners of humanist geography in his milieu. They were particularly attentive to relations between the built and unbuilt environment, and may have affected his view of land use - although this is not clear from the historical record. But what we do know is that in spite of his efforts, the part of the Estienne house he managed in Paris failed, leaving him to die in a poor house before the book on estate management appeared. See Elizabeth Armstrong, Robert Estienne, Royal Printer (Cambridge University Press, 1954), chs. 1-7, particularly, pp. 221-227.
38. Charles Estienne and Jean Liebault, L'Agriculture et la maison rustique, translated as: Charles Estienne, Maison Rustique or The Country Farme. Compiled in the French Tongue by Charles Stevens and John Liebault, Doctors of Physicke. And Translated into English by Richard Surflet Practioner in Physicke (London: Printed by Arnold Hatsfield for John Norton and John Bill, 1606).
39. Charles Estienne and Jean Liebault, L'Agriculture et la maison rustique, translated as: Charles Estienne, Maison Rustique or The Country Farme. Compiled in the French Tongue by Charles Stevens and John Liebault, Doctors of Physicke. And Translated into English by Richard Surflet Practioner in Physicke (London: Printed by Arnold Hatsfield for John Norton and John Bill, 1606).
40. Estienne, booke I, p. 1.
41. Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). Of course, concern for human action on the land and sea had been a feature of earlier geographical writings and depictions. The move toward scientific cartography from the close of the Middle Ages had been animated by the desire for trade, and the location of safe trading routes. The land was not something to be simply described for its own sake, but coastlines were to be drawn with care so coasting was facilitated, and the locations of mountains between towns were to be indicated, so travelers knew where they would be impeded by the physical properties of the landscape. But, as these fundamental features of many parts of Europe and the Mediterranean basin were known, cartographers had become more concerned with explanations of the physical features. They wanted to know the causes of rivers as well as their routes. They wanted to know how mountains were made, not just where they existed. And this led to intense interest in physical geography. See, Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), ch. 3; G. R. Crone, Maps and their Makers (London: Hutchinson Library, 1953), ch. 3. Norman Thrower, Maps and Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972); David Woodward, Maps as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: Makers, Distributors and Consumers (London: British Library, 1996).
42. Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). Of course, concern for human action on the land and sea had been a feature of earlier geographical writings and depictions. The move toward scientific cartography from the close of the Middle Ages had been animated by the desire for trade, and the location of safe trading routes. The land was not something to be simply described for its own sake, but coastlines were to be drawn with care so coasting was facilitated, and the locations of mountains between towns were to be indicated, so travelers knew where they would be impeded by the physical properties of the landscape. But, as these fundamental features of many parts of Europe and the Mediterranean basin were known, cartographers had become more concerned with explanations of the physical features. They wanted to know the causes of rivers as well as their routes. They wanted to know how mountains were made, not just where they existed. And this led to intense interest in physical geography. See, Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), ch. 3; G. R. Crone, Maps and their Makers (London: Hutchinson Library, 1953), ch. 3. Norman Thrower, Maps and Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972); David Woodward, Maps as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: Makers, Distributors and Consumers (London: British Library, 1996).
43. Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). Of course, concern for human action on the land and sea had been a feature of earlier geographical writings and depictions. The move toward scientific cartography from the close of the Middle Ages had been animated by the desire for trade, and the location of safe trading routes. The land was not something to be simply described for its own sake, but coastlines were to be drawn with care so coasting was facilitated, and the locations of mountains between towns were to be indicated, so travelers knew where they would be impeded by the physical properties of the landscape. But, as these fundamental features of many parts of Europe and the Mediterranean basin were known, cartographers had become more concerned with explanations of the physical features. They wanted to know the causes of rivers as well as their routes. They wanted to know how mountains were made, not just where they existed. And this led to intense interest in physical geography. See, Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), ch. 3; G. R. Crone, Maps and their Makers (London: Hutchinson Library, 1953), ch. 3. Norman Thrower, Maps and Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972); David Woodward, Maps as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: Makers, Distributors and Consumers (London: British Library, 1996).
44. Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). Of course, concern for human action on the land and sea had been a feature of earlier geographical writings and depictions. The move toward scientific cartography from the close of the Middle Ages had been animated by the desire for trade, and the location of safe trading routes. The land was not something to be simply described for its own sake, but coastlines were to be drawn with care so coasting was facilitated, and the locations of mountains between towns were to be indicated, so travelers knew where they would be impeded by the physical properties of the landscape. But, as these fundamental features of many parts of Europe and the Mediterranean basin were known, cartographers had become more concerned with explanations of the physical features. They wanted to know the causes of rivers as well as their routes. They wanted to know how mountains were made, not just where they existed. And this led to intense interest in physical geography. See, Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), ch. 3; G. R. Crone, Maps and their Makers (London: Hutchinson Library, 1953), ch. 3. Norman Thrower, Maps and Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972); David Woodward, Maps as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: Makers, Distributors and Consumers (London: British Library, 1996).
45. Francois de Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes (Genève: Slatkin reprints, 1969). Of course, concern for human action on the land and sea had been a feature of earlier geographical writings and depictions. The move toward scientific cartography from the close of the Middle Ages had been animated by the desire for trade, and the location of safe trading routes. The land was not something to be simply described for its own sake, but coastlines were to be drawn with care so coasting was facilitated, and the locations of mountains between towns were to be indicated, so travelers knew where they would be impeded by the physical properties of the landscape. But, as these fundamental features of many parts of Europe and the Mediterranean basin were known, cartographers had become more concerned with explanations of the physical features. They wanted to know the causes of rivers as well as their routes. They wanted to know how mountains were made, not just where they existed. And this led to intense interest in physical geography. See, Chandra Mukerji, From Graven Images: Patterns of Modern Materialism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983), ch. 3; G. R. Crone, Maps and their Makers (London: Hutchinson Library, 1953), ch. 3. Norman Thrower, Maps and Man (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1972); David Woodward, Maps as Prints in the Italian Renaissance: Makers, Distributors and Consumers (London: British Library, 1996).
46. Dainville, La Géographie des Humanistes.
47. Estienne, 326-327.
48. Estienne, 255.
49. Scott, Seeing Like a State; see also C. Mukerji, "Reading and Writing with Nature," Theory and Society 19/6 (1990); 651-679.
50. Scott, Seeing Like a State; see also C. Mukerji, "Reading and Writing with Nature," Theory and Society 19/6 (1990); 651-679.
51. th-Century Manual," Journal of Garden History 3 (1983): 1-34.
52. Dainville, La Gographie, 80, 85, 88-93. For a sense of his science and its practice, see also, Marguarite Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy: le potier du roi (Carrièressous-Poissy: La Cause, 1989), 44-48.
53. Dainville, La Gographie, 80, 85, 88-93. For a sense of his science and its practice, see also, Marguarite Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy: le potier du roi (Carrièressous-Poissy: La Cause, 1989), 44-48.
54. Bernard Palissy, Recepte véritable, K. Cameron, editor (Genève: Libr. Droz, 1988).
55. Palissy in Fox, translator and editor, A Delectable Garden, 2.
56. Ibid., introduction from Fox, xxv-xxvi.
57. Compare to Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Scribner's, [1904] 1958). See also Lestringant in Lestringant (see note 28).
58. Compare to Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (New York: Scribner's, [1904] 1958). See also Lestringant in Lestringant (see note 28).
59. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
60. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
61. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
62. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
63. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
64. Palissy, Recepte véritable. See, Bernard Rivet, "Aspects Économiques de l'Oeuvre de B. Palissy" and Frank Lestringant, "L'Eden et les Tenèbres Extérieures" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste. Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné-Éditions SPEC, 1990, pp. 167-180. For a discussion of techné in this period, see Scott, Seeing Like a State, Pamuela Smith, "Artisanal Knowledge," Colloquium in Science Studies, UCSD, March 1999. See also Palissy in Fox, A Delectable Garden, 2.
65. Louis Audiat, Bernard Palissy, étude sur so vie et ses travaux (Paris: Dider, 1868), 18-19. As a young man, he continued his education through travel, eventually becoming a Humanist geographer in his own right. During his early travels, he kept notes on the towns he visited, and reflected on the origins of mountains, the movement of water underground, the salts in the earth that made it fertile or good for other purposes, and better techniques for agriculture. After Palissy married, he settled down in Saintes around 1539-40, becoming an early convert to the reformed religion (Jean-Robert Armogathe et al., Bernard Palissy, mythe et réalité (Agen, Niort, and Saintes: Coédition, Musées d'Agen-Niort-Saintes, 1990), 18-19; Audiat, Bernard Palissy, chs. 8-9; Boudon-Duaner, pp. 11-12), while also exploring the southwestern area of France, sometimes acting as surveyor, always thinking as naturalist, and apparently also meeting many of the proponents of the reformed religion who lived in nearby regions. To support himself and a growing family and in the face of the continued decline of the glass trade, he took on more surveying jobs, which he claimed paid him very well. (Armogathe, Bernard Palissy, 15-18; Audiat, ch. 10) It is interesting to note that Pierre Gascar describes Palissy as a bourgeois once he settled in Saintes (Pierre Gascar, Les secrets de Maître Bernard: Bernard Palissy et son temps (Paris: Gallimard, 1980), ch. 5). Palissy was indeed a visible part of this city, an active force in the Protestant community, but it seems an exaggeration to use his civic engagement as a basis for calling him bourgeois. Perhaps Gascar can use the term because the social rank of Palissy seems so flexible throughout his life, but this attibution seems too facile.
66. Louis Audiat, Bernard Palissy, étude sur so vie et ses travaux (Paris: Dider, 1868), 18-19. As a young man, he continued his education through travel, eventually becoming a Humanist geographer in his own right. During his early travels, he kept notes on the towns he visited, and reflected on the origins of mountains, the movement of water underground, the salts in the earth that made it fertile or good for other purposes, and better techniques for agriculture. After Palissy married, he settled down in Saintes around 1539-40, becoming an early convert to the reformed religion (Jean-Robert Armogathe et al., Bernard Palissy, mythe et réalité (Agen, Niort, and Saintes: Coédition, Musées d'Agen-Niort-Saintes, 1990), 18-19; Audiat, Bernard Palissy, chs. 8-9; Boudon-Duaner, pp. 11-12), while also exploring the southwestern area of France, sometimes acting as surveyor, always thinking as naturalist, and apparently also meeting many of the proponents of the reformed religion who lived in nearby regions. To support himself and a growing family and in the face of the continued decline of the glass trade, he took on more surveying jobs, which he claimed paid him very well. (Armogathe, Bernard Palissy, 15-18; Audiat, ch. 10) It is interesting to note that Pierre Gascar describes Palissy as a bourgeois once he settled in Saintes (Pierre Gascar, Les secrets de Maître Bernard: Bernard Palissy et son temps (Paris: Gallimard, 1980), ch. 5). Palissy was indeed a visible part of this city, an active force in the Protestant community, but it seems an exaggeration to use his civic engagement as a basis for calling him bourgeois. Perhaps Gascar can use the term because the social rank of Palissy seems so flexible throughout his life, but this attibution seems too facile.
67. Louis Audiat, Bernard Palissy, étude sur so vie et ses travaux (Paris: Dider, 1868), 18-19. As a young man, he continued his education through travel, eventually becoming a Humanist geographer in his own right. During his early travels, he kept notes on the towns he visited, and reflected on the origins of mountains, the movement of water underground, the salts in the earth that made it fertile or good for other purposes, and better techniques for agriculture. After Palissy married, he settled down in Saintes around 1539-40, becoming an early convert to the reformed religion (Jean-Robert Armogathe et al., Bernard Palissy, mythe et réalité (Agen, Niort, and Saintes: Coédition, Musées d'Agen-Niort-Saintes, 1990), 18-19; Audiat, Bernard Palissy, chs. 8-9; Boudon-Duaner, pp. 11-12), while also exploring the southwestern area of France, sometimes acting as surveyor, always thinking as naturalist, and apparently also meeting many of the proponents of the reformed religion who lived in nearby regions. To support himself and a growing family and in the face of the continued decline of the glass trade, he took on more surveying jobs, which he claimed paid him very well. (Armogathe, Bernard Palissy, 15-18; Audiat, ch. 10) It is interesting to note that Pierre Gascar describes Palissy as a bourgeois once he settled in Saintes (Pierre Gascar, Les secrets de Maître Bernard: Bernard Palissy et son temps (Paris: Gallimard, 1980), ch. 5). Palissy was indeed a visible part of this city, an active force in the Protestant community, but it seems an exaggeration to use his civic engagement as a basis for calling him bourgeois. Perhaps Gascar can use the term because the social rank of Palissy seems so flexible throughout his life, but this attibution seems too facile.
68. Louis Audiat, Bernard Palissy, étude sur so vie et ses travaux (Paris: Dider, 1868), 18-19. As a young man, he continued his education through travel, eventually becoming a Humanist geographer in his own right. During his early travels, he kept notes on the towns he visited, and reflected on the origins of mountains, the movement of water underground, the salts in the earth that made it fertile or good for other purposes, and better techniques for agriculture. After Palissy married, he settled down in Saintes around 1539-40, becoming an early convert to the reformed religion (Jean-Robert Armogathe et al., Bernard Palissy, mythe et réalité (Agen, Niort, and Saintes: Coédition, Musées d'Agen-Niort-Saintes, 1990), 18-19; Audiat, Bernard Palissy, chs. 8-9; Boudon-Duaner, pp. 11-12), while also exploring the southwestern area of France, sometimes acting as surveyor, always thinking as naturalist, and apparently also meeting many of the proponents of the reformed religion who lived in nearby regions. To support himself and a growing family and in the face of the continued decline of the glass trade, he took on more surveying jobs, which he claimed paid him very well. (Armogathe, Bernard Palissy, 15-18; Audiat, ch. 10) It is interesting to note that Pierre Gascar describes Palissy as a bourgeois once he settled in Saintes (Pierre Gascar, Les secrets de Maître Bernard: Bernard Palissy et son temps (Paris: Gallimard, 1980), ch. 5). Palissy was indeed a visible part of this city, an active force in the Protestant community, but it seems an exaggeration to use his civic engagement as a basis for calling him bourgeois. Perhaps Gascar can use the term because the social rank of Palissy seems so flexible throughout his life, but this attibution seems too facile.
69. Louis Audiat, Bernard Palissy, étude sur so vie et ses travaux (Paris: Dider, 1868), 18-19. As a young man, he continued his education through travel, eventually becoming a Humanist geographer in his own right. During his early travels, he kept notes on the towns he visited, and reflected on the origins of mountains, the movement of water underground, the salts in the earth that made it fertile or good for other purposes, and better techniques for agriculture. After Palissy married, he settled down in Saintes around 1539-40, becoming an early convert to the reformed religion (Jean-Robert Armogathe et al., Bernard Palissy, mythe et réalité (Agen, Niort, and Saintes: Coédition, Musées d'Agen-Niort-Saintes, 1990), 18-19; Audiat, Bernard Palissy, chs. 8-9; Boudon-Duaner, pp. 11-12), while also exploring the southwestern area of France, sometimes acting as surveyor, always thinking as naturalist, and apparently also meeting many of the proponents of the reformed religion who lived in nearby regions. To support himself and a growing family and in the face of the continued decline of the glass trade, he took on more surveying jobs, which he claimed paid him very well. (Armogathe, Bernard Palissy, 15-18; Audiat, ch. 10) It is interesting to note that Pierre Gascar describes Palissy as a bourgeois once he settled in Saintes (Pierre Gascar, Les secrets de Maître Bernard: Bernard Palissy et son temps (Paris: Gallimard, 1980), ch. 5). Palissy was indeed a visible part of this city, an active force in the Protestant community, but it seems an exaggeration to use his civic engagement as a basis for calling him bourgeois. Perhaps Gascar can use the term because the social rank of Palissy seems so flexible throughout his life, but this attibution seems too facile.
70. Audiat, Bernard Palissy, ch. 6, 49-55; Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 25; Désiré Leroux, La vie de Bernard Palissy (Paris: Champion, 1927), 32, 42-43; Gascar, Les secrets, 98-101.
71. Audiat, Bernard Palissy, ch. 6, 49-55; Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 25; Désiré Leroux, La vie de Bernard Palissy (Paris: Champion, 1927), 32, 42-43; Gascar, Les secrets, 98-101.
72. Audiat, Bernard Palissy, ch. 6, 49-55; Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 25; Désiré Leroux, La vie de Bernard Palissy (Paris: Champion, 1927), 32, 42-43; Gascar, Les secrets, 98-101.
73. Audiat, Bernard Palissy, ch. 6, 49-55; Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 25; Désiré Leroux, La vie de Bernard Palissy (Paris: Champion, 1927), 32, 42-43; Gascar, Les secrets, 98-101.
74. Audiat, Bernard Palissy, 49-51, 56-67.
75. Dainville, La Géographie, 80, 85, 88-93. For a sense of his science and its practice, see also, Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 44-48.
76. Dainville, La Géographie, 80, 85, 88-93. For a sense of his science and its practice, see also, Boudon-Duaner, Bernard Palissy, 44-48.
77. Henry Morely, Palissy the Potter. The Life of Bernard Palissy, of Saintes, his Labours and Discoveries in Art and Science (London: Chapman and Hall, 1852), vol. II, 241-242.
78. Preface letter to Montmorancy, quoted in Morely, Palissy the Potter, vol. II, 337.
79. Ibid., vol. II, 319.
80. Olivier de Serres, Théâtre d'agriculture et mesnages des champs (Genève: Mat Hiev Berjon), 1611.
81. "A bonne raison, donques, les antiques Romans préposoient le revenu du jardin à tout autre, le tenans pour le plus certain. Aussi appeloients-ils le jardin, haeredium, c'est à dire héritage; et passans plus outre, par ce mot, hortus, qui signifie, jardin, entendoient la métairie. Le possesseur d'un jardin estoit tenu pour riche homme." Serres, Théâtre, 217.
82. "Ce sont les jardinages, qui fournissent à l'ornement utile de nostre mesnage, innumérables espèces de racines, d'herbes, de fleurs, de fruicts, avec beaucoup de merveille. Aussi merveilleux en est le Créateur, donnant à l'homme tant de sortes de viandes, différentes en matière, figure, capacité, couleur, saveur, propriété, qu'impossible est de les pouvois toutes discerner ni comprendre. Et comment telles largesses de Dieu pourroit l'homme représenter naifvement, veu qui'il n'est encores parvenu à leur entière cognaissance, se decouvrans tous les jours des nouvelles plantes, non seulement estrangères, ains mesme croissans parmi nous? Le jardin excelle toute autre partie de terre labourable...." Serres, Théâtre, 217.
83. Chandra Mukerji, "Storehouses to Stoves: Built Environments and the Early Dutch Plant Trade," paper presented at the conference on Dutch Culture in the Golden Age, University of Pennsylvania, April 1999.
84. Serres, Théâtre, 221.
85. William Cronon, Nature's Metropolis (New York: Norton, 1991).
86. "Une espèce de pastenades est la betterave, laquelle nous est venue d'Italie n'a pas long temps. C'est une racine fort rouge, assés grosse, dont les fueilles sont des bettes, and tout cela bon à manger, appareillé en cuisine; voire la racine est rengée entre les viandes délicates, dont lejus qu'elle rend en cuissant, sembable à syrop au succre, est très-beau à voir par sa vermeille couleur...." Serres, Théâtre, 247.
87. Yvette Quenot, "Bernard Palissy et Oliver de Serres" in Frank Lestringant, Bernard Palissy 1510-1590, l'écrivain, le réforme, le céramiste (Coédition Associon Internationale des Amis d'Agrippa d'Aubigné - Éditions SPEC, 1990), 93-103.
88. "Ormé que soit le pere-de-famille des telles qualités, & redu sçauant en tous les termes du Mesnage, commandera hardiment ses gens, lesquels lui obeiront d'autant plus volontiers, que par experience cognoistront ses ardonances estre & raisonnables & profitables.... Non seulement au Mesnage telle grande solicitude and vigilance est requise, mais aussi en toutes actions du monde: n'estans mesmes les Rois exempts de s'emploier en personne en leur affaires, qu'ils font d'autant mieux aller, que plus curieusement les voient and entendent; ainsi que ceste maxime se treuuve vtilement verifiee au restablissement de ce Royaume, par la vertueuse conduite de nostre Roi Henri IV." Serres, Théâtre, 28-29.
89. Joyce Appleby, Economic Thought and Idealogy in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Charles W. Cole, French Mercantilism (New York: Octagon, 1965).
90. Joyce Appleby, Economic Thought and Idealogy in Seventeenth-Century England (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Charles W. Cole, French Mercantilism (New York: Octagon, 1965).
91. Louis de Froidour, Les Pyrenées centrales au XVIIe siècle: lettres par M. de Froidour ... à M. de Haericourt ... et à M. de Medon ... publiées avec des notes par Paul de Casteran (Auch: G. Foix, 1899); Andrée Corvol, L'Homme et l'Arbre sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris: Economica, 1984); M. Devèze, "Une Admirable Réforme Administrative: La Grande Réformation des Forêts Royales sous Colbert (1662-1680)," Annales de L'École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts et de la Station de Recherches et Expériences (Nancy: École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts, 1962); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, ch. 2.
92. Louis de Froidour, Les Pyrenées centrales au XVIIe siècle: lettres par M. de Froidour ... à M. de Haericourt ... et à M. de Medon ... publiées avec des notes par Paul de Casteran (Auch: G. Foix, 1899); Andrée Corvol, L'Homme et l'Arbre sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris: Economica, 1984); M. Devèze, "Une Admirable Réforme Administrative: La Grande Réformation des Forêts Royales sous Colbert (1662-1680)," Annales de L'École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts et de la Station de Recherches et Expériences (Nancy: École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts, 1962); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, ch. 2.
93. Louis de Froidour, Les Pyrenées centrales au XVIIe siècle: lettres par M. de Froidour ... à M. de Haericourt ... et à M. de Medon ... publiées avec des notes par Paul de Casteran (Auch: G. Foix, 1899); Andrée Corvol, L'Homme et l'Arbre sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris: Economica, 1984); M. Devèze, "Une Admirable Réforme Administrative: La Grande Réformation des Forêts Royales sous Colbert (1662-1680)," Annales de L'École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts et de la Station de Recherches et Expériences (Nancy: École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts, 1962); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, ch. 2.
94. Louis de Froidour, Les Pyrenées centrales au XVIIe siècle: lettres par M. de Froidour ... à M. de Haericourt ... et à M. de Medon ... publiées avec des notes par Paul de Casteran (Auch: G. Foix, 1899); Andrée Corvol, L'Homme et l'Arbre sous l'Ancien Régime (Paris: Economica, 1984); M. Devèze, "Une Admirable Réforme Administrative: La Grande Réformation des Forêts Royales sous Colbert (1662-1680)," Annales de L'École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts et de la Station de Recherches et Expériences (Nancy: École Nationale des Eaux et Forêts, 1962); Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, ch. 2.
95. Henry Havard et Marius Vachon, Les Manufactures Nationales: Les Gobeleins, La Svonnerie, Sèvres, Beauvais (Paris: Georges Decaux, Librairie Illustré, 1889); A. L. Lacordaire, Notice sur l'origine et les traveaux des manufactures de tapisserie et de tapis réunis aux Gobelins et catalogue des tapisseries qui y sont exposées (Paris: Manufucture des Gobelins, 1852).
96. Henry Havard et Marius Vachon, Les Manufactures Nationales: Les Gobeleins, La Svonnerie, Sèvres, Beauvais (Paris: Georges Decaux, Librairie Illustré, 1889); A. L. Lacordaire, Notice sur l'origine et les
97. Serres, Théâtre; Dainville, La Géographie. For some of the infrastructural developments in Vauban's work, see, for example Jacques Dollar, Vauban à Luxembourg (Luxembourg: RTL Edition, 1983). For the symbolic as well as practical aspects of infrastructure, see Chandra Mukerji, "Engineering and French Formal Gardens in the Reign of Louis XIV," in New Approaches ta French Garden History, ed. John Dixon Hunt (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).
98. Serres, Théâtre; Dainville, La Géographie. For some of the infrastructural developments in Vauban's work, see, for example Jacques Dollar, Vauban à Luxembourg (Luxembourg: RTL Edition, 1983). For the symbolic as well as practical aspects of infrastructure, see Chandra Mukerji, "Engineering and French Formal Gardens in the Reign of Louis XIV," in New Approaches ta French Garden History, ed. John Dixon Hunt (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).
99. Serres, Théâtre; Dainville, La Géographie. For some of the infrastructural developments in Vauban's work, see, for example Jacques Dollar, Vauban à Luxembourg (Luxembourg: RTL Edition, 1983). For the symbolic as well as practical aspects of infrastructure, see Chandra Mukerji, "Engineering and French Formal Gardens in the Reign of Louis XIV," in New Approaches ta French Garden History, ed. John Dixon Hunt (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).
100. Serres, Théâtre; Dainville, La Géographie. For some of the infrastructural developments in Vauban's work, see, for example Jacques Dollar, Vauban à Luxembourg (Luxembourg: RTL Edition, 1983). For the symbolic as well as practical aspects of infrastructure, see Chandra Mukerji, "Engineering and French Formal Gardens in the Reign of Louis XIV," in New Approaches ta French Garden History, ed. John Dixon Hunt (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).
101. Inès Murat, Colbert (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1984), 115-116; Charles Perrault, Mémoires de ma vie (Paris: Bonnefons, 1909).
102. Inès Murat, Colbert (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1984), 115-116; Charles Perrault, Mémoires de ma vie (Paris: Bonnefons, 1909).
103. Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de Colbert, ed. Pierre Clément (Paris: Imprimerie Impériale, 1868), vol. V, 245-265.
104. Mukerji, Fraom Graven Images, 135-137; Antione Picon, Claude Perrault ou la cuiosité d'un classique (Paris: Picard Éditeur, 1989), chs. 8-9.
105. Mukerji, Fraom Graven Images, 135-137; Antione Picon, Claude Perrault ou la cuiosité d'un classique (Paris: Picard Éditeur, 1989), chs. 8-9.
106. Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions.
107. Mukerji, in Hunt, Approaches.
108. Mukerji, Territorial Ambitions, ch. 5.
109. Ibid., ch. 6.
110. Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology (Berkeley: California University Press, 1986).
111. th-Century France," in Bourgeois Influences on Gardens, ed. M. Conan (Georegetown: Dumbarton Oaks, 2002).