Does repression help to create labor parties? The effect of police and military intervention on unions in the United States and Australia

Studies in American Political Development

Volumn 15, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 189-219

  Archer, Robin ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0035737585     PISSN: 0898588X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0898588x01000049     Document Type: Article

References (435)

1. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
2. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
3. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
4. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
5. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
6. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
7. Proponents of the soft repression thesis include Seymour Martin Lipset, "Radicalism or Reformism: The Sources of Working-Class Politics," in Consensus and Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunwick: Transaction Books, 1985), 220-21, 230-46; Gary Marks, Unions in Politics: Britain, Germany and the United States in the Ninelreth and Early Twentieth Centuries (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), 12-15, 52-55, 68-76; Dick Geary, European Labour Prolest, 1848-1939 (London: Methuen, 1981), 54-65; and (in a more ambivalent way) Gwendolyn Mink, Oll Labor and New Immigrants in American Political Development: Union, Party and State, 1875-1920 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), 35-36. Geary does not discuss the United States and only applies the thesis to European countries, See also Selig Perlman, A History of Trade Unionism in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1923); Louis Hartz, The Liberal Tradition in America (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1955); and George N. Grob, Workers and Utopia (New York: Quadrangle, 1961); who emphasize the low level of repression. The soft repression thesis is often discussed in tandem with a thesis that claims that the degree of repression is connected to the degree of radicalism in working class politics. Here, however, I am concerned only with the question of labor party formation. Questions about the revolutionary or reformist ideological orientation of the party will be set aside.
8. Germany, under the antisocialist laws of 1878-1890, is often viewed as the paradigm counterpoint to the United States in discussions of the soft repression thesis. However, it is not clear that the German case fits the thesis as well as its proponents claim. Because the antisocialist laws were directed at the social democratic party rather than the unions themselves, it could be argued that they actually gave the unions an incentive to weaken their ties to the political wing of the labor movement.
9. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
10. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
11. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
12. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
13. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
14. Those who argue that workers' organizations in the United States were subject to relatively high levels of repression include Sanford M. Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited: The Importance of Management," in Musters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 1991), 292-25; Martin Shefter, "Trade Unions and Political Machines: The Organisation and Disorganisation of the American Working-Class in the Late Nineteenth Century," in Ira Katznelson and Aristide R. Zolberg, 232-66; David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993); Patricia Cayo Sexton, The War on Labor and the Left: Understanding America's Unique Conservatism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991); and Michael Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II: The Rise of Classes and Nation-States, 1760-1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 628-91.
15. See Theda Skocpol and Margaret Somers, "The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry," in Theda Skocpol, Social Revolutions in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley, 1970); and Charles Ragin, The Comparative Method: Moving Beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
16. See Theda Skocpol and Margaret Somers, "The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry," in Theda Skocpol, Social Revolutions in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley, 1970); and Charles Ragin, The Comparative Method: Moving Beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
17. See Theda Skocpol and Margaret Somers, "The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry," in Theda Skocpol, Social Revolutions in the Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune, The Logic of Comparative Social Inquiry (New York: Wiley, 1970); and Charles Ragin, The Comparative Method: Moving Beyond Qualitative and Quantitative Strategies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).
18. Marks, Unions in Politics, 69-70; Robin Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics: A Study of Eastern Australia, 1850-1910 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1960), 79-80; Raymond Markey, We Making of the Labor Party in New Smith Wales, 1880-1900 (Kensington: New South Wales University Press, 1988), 121-22.
19. Marks, Unions in Politics, 69-70; Robin Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics: A Study of Eastern Australia, 1850-1910 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1960), 79-80; Raymond Markey, We Making of the Labor Party in New Smith Wales, 1880-1900 (Kensington: New South Wales University Press, 1988), 121-22.
20. Marks, Unions in Politics, 69-70; Robin Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics: A Study of Eastern Australia, 1850-1910 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1960), 79-80; Raymond Markey, We Making of the Labor Party in New Smith Wales, 1880-1900 (Kensington: New South Wales University Press, 1988), 121-22.
21. American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor 1881, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1885, 1886, 1887, and 1888 (Bloomington, IL: Pantagraph Printing and Stationary Company, 1905); Stuart B. Kaufman, ed., The Samuel Gompers Papers. Volume 1: The Making of a Union Leader, 1850-1886 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1986), 225, 241, 351-52; and John A. Garraty, The Transformation of American Society, 1870-1890 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1968), 153.
22. American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor 1881, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1885, 1886, 1887, and 1888 (Bloomington, IL: Pantagraph Printing and Stationary Company, 1905); Stuart B. Kaufman, ed., The Samuel Gompers Papers. Volume 1: The Making of a Union Leader, 1850-1886 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1986), 225, 241, 351-52; and John A. Garraty, The Transformation of American Society, 1870-1890 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1968), 153.
23. American Federation of Labor, Proceedings of the American Federation of Labor 1881, 1882, 1883, 1884, 1885, 1886, 1887, and 1888 (Bloomington, IL: Pantagraph Printing and Stationary Company, 1905); Stuart B. Kaufman, ed., The Samuel Gompers Papers. Volume 1: The Making of a Union Leader, 1850-1886 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1986), 225, 241, 351-52; and John A. Garraty, The Transformation of American Society, 1870-1890 (Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1968), 153.
24. See Trades and Labor Council (TLC), Report and Balance Sheet of the Trades and Labour Council of New South Wales...for the Half-Year ending 30th June, 1890 (Sydney: Higgs and Townsend, 1890) and Report and Balance Sheet of the Trades and Labour Council of New South Wales...for the Half-Year ending 31 st December, 1890 (Sydney: Higgs and Townsend, 1891); and the Trades and Labor Council Parliamentary Committee Minute Book, 1884-1891, which is held at the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A2761. Note that the minutes in this book end on 16 May 1888 and resume on 20 Aug. 1890. Minutes for Parliamentary Committee meetings held in the interim are in the TLC Executive Committee Minutes, 1880-1890, held at the Mitchell Library at A3823.
25. See Trades and Labor Council (TLC), Report and Balance Sheet of the Trades and Labour Council of New South Wales...for the Half-Year ending 30th June, 1890 (Sydney: Higgs and Townsend, 1890) and Report and Balance Sheet of the Trades and Labour Council of New South Wales...for the Half-Year ending 31 st December, 1890 (Sydney: Higgs and Townsend, 1891); and the Trades and Labor Council Parliamentary Committee Minute Book, 1884-1891, which is held at the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A2761. Note that the minutes in this book end on 16 May 1888 and resume on 20 Aug. 1890. Minutes for Parliamentary Committee meetings held in the interim are in the TLC Executive Committee Minutes, 1880-1890, held at the Mitchell Library at A3823.
26. Robin Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties: Judicial Repression and Labor Politics in Late Nineteenth-Century America," Politics and Society 26 (1998).
27. See New South Wales (NSW) Royal Commission on Strikes, Report of the Royal Commission on Strikes (Sydney: George Stephen Chapman, Acting Government Printer, 1891) for contemporary evidence, and Stuart Svensen, The Sinews of War: Hard Cash and the 1890 Maritime Strike (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995) for a slightly disappointing book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 129-35, and Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells, The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retropective (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992).
28. See New South Wales (NSW) Royal Commission on Strikes, Report of the Royal Commission on Strikes (Sydney: George Stephen Chapman, Acting Government Printer, 1891) for contemporary evidence, and Stuart Svensen, The Sinews of War: Hard Cash and the 1890 Maritime Strike (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995) for a slightly disappointing book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 129-35, and Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells, The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retropective (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992).
29. See New South Wales (NSW) Royal Commission on Strikes, Report of the Royal Commission on Strikes (Sydney: George Stephen Chapman, Acting Government Printer, 1891) for contemporary evidence, and Stuart Svensen, The Sinews of War: Hard Cash and the 1890 Maritime Strike (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995) for a slightly disappointing book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 129-35, and Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells, The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retropective (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992).
30. See New South Wales (NSW) Royal Commission on Strikes, Report of the Royal Commission on Strikes (Sydney: George Stephen Chapman, Acting Government Printer, 1891) for contemporary evidence, and Stuart Svensen, The Sinews of War: Hard Cash and the 1890 Maritime Strike (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 1995) for a slightly disappointing book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 129-35, and Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells, The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retropective (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992).
31. Jeremy Brecher, Strike!, rev. ed. (Boston: South End Press, 1997), 87-95; John Laslett, Labor and the Left: Study of Socialist and Radical Influences in the American Labor Movement, 1881-1924 (New York: Basic Books, 1970), 198-203.
32. Jeremy Brecher, Strike!, rev. ed. (Boston: South End Press, 1997), 87-95; John Laslett, Labor and the Left: Study of Socialist and Radical Influences in the American Labor Movement, 1881-1924 (New York: Basic Books, 1970), 198-203.
33. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
34. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
35. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
36. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
37. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
38. United States Strike Commission, Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July 1894, in Executive Documents of the Senate, 53rd Cong., 3rd Sess. (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), vol. 2, no. 7; and William Carawdine, The Pullman Strike (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr and Company, 1894) for contemporary evidence. See also Almont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942) for an authoritative book-length treatment. For some of the many shorter accounts of the strike, see Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Volume II (New York: International Publishers, 1955), 261-78; Ray Ginger, The Banding Cross: A Biography of Eugene Victor Debs (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1949), 87-183; and Ginger, Allgeld's America: 1890-1905 (Chicago: Quadrangle Paperbacks, 1958), 143-67.
39. See Edmund Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General of Police on... the Late Strike," in Voles and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly, New South Wales, 1890 Sess., (Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer, 1890), 7:630-31. For a comprehensive account of the use of soldiers throughout Australia during the Maritime strike, see N. R. Gibson, "The Role of the Military in Industrial Disputes: Australia and New Zealand, 1879-1921" (MA. thesis, University of Canterbury, 1994), 106-89.
40. See Edmund Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General of Police on... the Late Strike," in Voles and Proceedings of the Legislative Assembly, New South Wales, 1890 Sess., (Sydney: Charles Potter, Government Printer, 1890), 7:630-31. For a comprehensive account of the use of soldiers throughout Australia during the Maritime strike, see N. R. Gibson, "The Role of the Military in Industrial Disputes: Australia and New Zealand, 1879-1921" (MA. thesis, University of Canterbury, 1994), 106-89.
41. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 278-79; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 270.
42. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 278-79; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 270.
43. For this estimate, see June Philipp, "1890 - The Turning Point in Labour History?" in Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Secmid Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 144; and Bruce Scates, "Gender Household and Community Politics: The 1890 Maritime Strike in Australia and New Zealand," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, 37. In their No Paradise for Workers: Capitalism and the Common People in Australia, 1788-1914 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), Ken Buckley and Ted Wheelwright, estimate that, excluding the shearers, 25,000 to 30,000 workers were involved (183). Graham Freudenberg estimates that 30,000 were involved simultaneously at the peak of the strike ("The Great Strike," in The Foundation of Labor, ed. Michael Easson [Sydney: Pluto Press, 1990], 34).
44. For this estimate, see June Philipp, "1890 - The Turning Point in Labour History?" in Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Secmid Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 144; and Bruce Scates, "Gender Household and Community Politics: The 1890 Maritime Strike in Australia and New Zealand," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, 37. In their No Paradise for Workers: Capitalism and the Common People in Australia, 1788-1914 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), Ken Buckley and Ted Wheelwright, estimate that, excluding the shearers, 25,000 to 30,000 workers were involved (183). Graham Freudenberg estimates that 30,000 were involved simultaneously at the peak of the strike ("The Great Strike," in The Foundation of Labor, ed. Michael Easson [Sydney: Pluto Press, 1990], 34).
45. For this estimate, see June Philipp, "1890 - The Turning Point in Labour History?" in Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Secmid Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 144; and Bruce Scates, "Gender Household and Community Politics: The 1890 Maritime Strike in Australia and New Zealand," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, 37. In their No Paradise for Workers: Capitalism and the Common People in Australia, 1788-1914 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), Ken Buckley and Ted Wheelwright, estimate that, excluding the shearers, 25,000 to 30,000 workers were involved (183). Graham Freudenberg estimates that 30,000 were involved simultaneously at the peak of the strike ("The Great Strike," in The Foundation of Labor, ed. Michael Easson [Sydney: Pluto Press, 1990], 34).
46. For this estimate, see June Philipp, "1890 - The Turning Point in Labour History?" in Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Secmid Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 144; and Bruce Scates, "Gender Household and Community Politics: The 1890 Maritime Strike in Australia and New Zealand," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, 37. In their No Paradise for Workers: Capitalism and the Common People in Australia, 1788-1914 (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1988), Ken Buckley and Ted Wheelwright, estimate that, excluding the shearers, 25,000 to 30,000 workers were involved (183). Graham Freudenberg estimates that 30,000 were involved simultaneously at the peak of the strike ("The Great Strike," in The Foundation of Labor, ed. Michael Easson [Sydney: Pluto Press, 1990], 34).
47. Bob Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers: The Defence Forces of the Australian Colonies, 1836-1901 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 148. Of the 830, 700 were called out in Victoria over a period of nine weeks, and 130 in South Australia for a day (Chris Coulthard-Clark, "The Military as Strikebreakers," Pacific Defence Reporter XX [1981]: 72-73; Winty Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen: Colonel Tom Price and the Victorian Mounted Rifles [Melbourne: Jimaringle Publications, 1985], 61; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 177-78 ). In addition, fifty permanent artillerymen in Sydney and two hundred permanent artillerymen in Melbourne were held "in readiness" (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 124, 143).
48. Bob Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers: The Defence Forces of the Australian Colonies, 1836-1901 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 148. Of the 830, 700 were called out in Victoria over a period of nine weeks, and 130 in South Australia for a day (Chris Coulthard-Clark, "The Military as Strikebreakers," Pacific Defence Reporter XX [1981]: 72-73; Winty Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen: Colonel Tom Price and the Victorian Mounted Rifles [Melbourne: Jimaringle Publications, 1985], 61; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 177-78 ). In addition, fifty permanent artillerymen in Sydney and two hundred permanent artillerymen in Melbourne were held "in readiness" (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 124, 143).
49. Bob Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers: The Defence Forces of the Australian Colonies, 1836-1901 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 148. Of the 830, 700 were called out in Victoria over a period of nine weeks, and 130 in South Australia for a day (Chris Coulthard-Clark, "The Military as Strikebreakers," Pacific Defence Reporter XX [1981]: 72-73; Winty Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen: Colonel Tom Price and the Victorian Mounted Rifles [Melbourne: Jimaringle Publications, 1985], 61; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 177-78 ). In addition, fifty permanent artillerymen in Sydney and two hundred permanent artillerymen in Melbourne were held "in readiness" (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 124, 143).
50. Bob Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers: The Defence Forces of the Australian Colonies, 1836-1901 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 148. Of the 830, 700 were called out in Victoria over a period of nine weeks, and 130 in South Australia for a day (Chris Coulthard-Clark, "The Military as Strikebreakers," Pacific Defence Reporter XX [1981]: 72-73; Winty Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen: Colonel Tom Price and the Victorian Mounted Rifles [Melbourne: Jimaringle Publications, 1985], 61; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 177-78 ). In addition, fifty permanent artillerymen in Sydney and two hundred permanent artillerymen in Melbourne were held "in readiness" (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 124, 143).
51. Bob Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers: The Defence Forces of the Australian Colonies, 1836-1901 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988), 148. Of the 830, 700 were called out in Victoria over a period of nine weeks, and 130 in South Australia for a day (Chris Coulthard-Clark, "The Military as Strikebreakers," Pacific Defence Reporter XX [1981]: 72-73; Winty Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen: Colonel Tom Price and the Victorian Mounted Rifles [Melbourne: Jimaringle Publications, 1985], 61; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 177-78 ). In addition, fifty permanent artillerymen in Sydney and two hundred permanent artillerymen in Melbourne were held "in readiness" (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 124, 143).
52. For this estimate, which is based on the number of ARU members, see United States Strike Commission, Report, xxiii. Note that there were roughly twenty times more strikers per head of population in the Maritime strike. Of course the Pullman strike was not the only industrial dispute in 1894. In all, perhaps 750,000 American workers took industrial action that year (John R. Commons et al., History of Labor in the United Stales: Volume II [New York: Macmillan, 1918], 501; Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present [Cambridge, MA: Schenkmen Publishing Co., 1978], 59). Though even this is still less strikers per head of population than took part in the Maritime Strike alone (Wray Vamplew, ed., Australians: Historical Statistics [Sydney: Fairfax, Syme, and Weldon Associates, 1987], 26; Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, pt. 1 [Washington DC: United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975], 8).
53. For this estimate, which is based on the number of ARU members, see United States Strike Commission, Report, xxiii. Note that there were roughly twenty times more strikers per head of population in the Maritime strike. Of course the Pullman strike was not the only industrial dispute in 1894. In all, perhaps 750,000 American workers took industrial action that year (John R. Commons et al., History of Labor in the United Stales: Volume II [New York: Macmillan, 1918], 501; Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present [Cambridge, MA: Schenkmen Publishing Co., 1978], 59). Though even this is still less strikers per head of population than took part in the Maritime Strike alone (Wray Vamplew, ed., Australians: Historical Statistics [Sydney: Fairfax, Syme, and Weldon Associates, 1987], 26; Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, pt. 1 [Washington DC: United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975], 8).
54. For this estimate, which is based on the number of ARU members, see United States Strike Commission, Report, xxiii. Note that there were roughly twenty times more strikers per head of population in the Maritime strike. Of course the Pullman strike was not the only industrial dispute in 1894. In all, perhaps 750,000 American workers took industrial action that year (John R. Commons et al., History of Labor in the United Stales: Volume II [New York: Macmillan, 1918], 501; Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present [Cambridge, MA: Schenkmen Publishing Co., 1978], 59). Though even this is still less strikers per head of population than took part in the Maritime Strike alone (Wray Vamplew, ed., Australians: Historical Statistics [Sydney: Fairfax, Syme, and Weldon Associates, 1987], 26; Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, pt. 1 [Washington DC: United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975], 8).
55. For this estimate, which is based on the number of ARU members, see United States Strike Commission, Report, xxiii. Note that there were roughly twenty times more strikers per head of population in the Maritime strike. Of course the Pullman strike was not the only industrial dispute in 1894. In all, perhaps 750,000 American workers took industrial action that year (John R. Commons et al., History of Labor in the United Stales: Volume II [New York: Macmillan, 1918], 501; Robert Justin Goldstein, Political Repression in Modern America: 1870 to the Present [Cambridge, MA: Schenkmen Publishing Co., 1978], 59). Though even this is still less strikers per head of population than took part in the Maritime Strike alone (Wray Vamplew, ed., Australians: Historical Statistics [Sydney: Fairfax, Syme, and Weldon Associates, 1987], 26; Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970, pt. 1 [Washington DC: United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1975], 8).
56. Jerry M. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder: Federal Military Intervention in Labor Disputes, 1877-1900 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1980), 100; Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784-1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 251; and Barton C. Hacker, "The United States Army as a National Police Force: The Federal Policing of Labor Disputes, 1877-1898," Military Affairs 33 (1969): 259.
57. Jerry M. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder: Federal Military Intervention in Labor Disputes, 1877-1900 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1980), 100; Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784-1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 251; and Barton C. Hacker, "The United States Army as a National Police Force: The Federal Policing of Labor Disputes, 1877-1898," Military Affairs 33 (1969): 259.
58. Jerry M. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder: Federal Military Intervention in Labor Disputes, 1877-1900 (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1980), 100; Edward M. Coffman, The Old Army: A Portrait of the American Army in Peacetime, 1784-1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 251; and Barton C. Hacker, "The United States Army as a National Police Force: The Federal Policing of Labor Disputes, 1877-1898," Military Affairs 33 (1969): 259.
59. Samuel Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 1877-1934 (1936; New York: Monad Press, 1974), 135; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269.
60. Samuel Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 1877-1934 (1936; New York: Monad Press, 1974), 135; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269.
61. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
62. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
63. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
64. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
65. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
66. For full accounts of this incident see Svensen, Sinews of War, 176-81; and Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 127-32, 136-37. See also Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," G29-30; W. G. Spence, Australia 's Awakening: Thirly Years in (he Life of an Australian Agitator (Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1909), 137-10; Manning Clark, Select Documents in Australian History, 1851-1900 (Sydney: Angus and Robertson, 1955), 776-78; and R. B. Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts in New South Wales in the Late Nineteenth Century," Historical Studies 22 (1986): 63.
67. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
68. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
69. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
70. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
71. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
72. For a full account see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205-9, 215-19. See also Harvey Wsh, "The Pullman Strike: A Study in Indus-trial Warfare," Journal of the Illinois Slate Historical Society 32 (1939): 306-8 ; Ginger, The Bending Crass, 141-43; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269; Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 117; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 146-52.
73. This was a huge number in a city with an 1891 population of 474,440.
74. They were also assigned to guard public buildings (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 149).
75. See Svensen, Sinews of War, 128-36, 191-92; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 152-55; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 1420-41; and Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen, 59-66
76. See Svensen, Sinews of War, 128-36, 191-92; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 152-55; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 1420-41; and Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen, 59-66
77. See Svensen, Sinews of War, 128-36, 191-92; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 152-55; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 1420-41; and Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen, 59-66
78. See Svensen, Sinews of War, 128-36, 191-92; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 152-55; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 1420-41; and Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen, 59-66
79. Stuart Svensen, The Shearers' War: The Story of the 1891 Shearers' Strike (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1989), 114, 145.
80. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986), 169-75; Spence, Australia's Awakening and W. G. Spence, History of the A.W.U. (1911; Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1961), 45-62. For background on the shearing industry, see Merritt, Making of the AWU, 3-91.
81. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986), 169-75; Spence, Australia's Awakening and W. G. Spence, History of the A.W.U. (1911; Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1961), 45-62. For background on the shearing industry, see Merritt, Making of the AWU, 3-91.
82. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986), 169-75; Spence, Australia's Awakening and W. G. Spence, History of the A.W.U. (1911; Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1961), 45-62. For background on the shearing industry, see Merritt, Making of the AWU, 3-91.
83. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986), 169-75; Spence, Australia's Awakening and W. G. Spence, History of the A.W.U. (1911; Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1961), 45-62. For background on the shearing industry, see Merritt, Making of the AWU, 3-91.
84. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1986), 169-75; Spence, Australia's Awakening and W. G. Spence, History of the A.W.U. (1911; Sydney: The Worker Trustees, 1961), 45-62. For background on the shearing industry, see Merritt, Making of the AWU, 3-91.
85. H. Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes of 1891 and 1894" in in Prelude In Power: The Rise of the Labour Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D.J. Murphy, R. B.Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 116. For the fullest treatment of the strike, see Svensen, The Shearers' War. See also John Merritt, The Making of the AWU (Melbourne: Oxford University
86. Arthur G. Burgoyne, Homestead (1893; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979), 175-77, 136-37; and Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 92, 95.
87. Arthur G. Burgoyne, Homestead (1893; Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1979), 175-77, 136-37; and Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 92, 95.
88. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
89. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
90. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
91. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
92. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
93. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
94. For the fullest treatment, see Paul Krause, The Battle for Homestead, 1880-1892: politics, Culture and Steel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1992), and for a contemporary account, Burgoyne, Homestead. See also Yellen, American Labor Struggles; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 206-18; and John N. Ingham, "'Fort Frick' and the Amalgamated: The Homestead Lockout of 1892 in Historical Perspective," Labour/LeTravail 31 (1993). For background on the union and the industry, see John N. Ingham, The Iron Dawns: A Sucial Analysis of an American Urban Elite, 1874-1965 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. 1978), and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel: Independent Mills in Pittsburgh, 1820-1920 (Columbus: Ohio University Press, 1991).
95. For example, in Barcaldine, which was where the strike committee and the Pastoral Employers' Association had their headquarters, there were about sixty armed forces per one hundred strikers. In Homestead there were almost four times that number. For Barcaldine, see the "Notes and Sources" for Table 2.
96. There was no direct line to Broken Hill; travel was via Melbourne and Adelaide.
97. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
98. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
99. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
100. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
101. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
102. On Broken Hill, see Brian Kennedy, Silver; Sin, and Sixpenny Ale: A Social History of Broken Hill, 1883-1921 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1978), 21-72; as well as R. J. Solomon, The Richest Lode: Broken Hill, 1883-1988 (Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1988), 235-15; and George Dale, The Industrial History of Broken Hill (Melbourne: Fraser and Jenkinson, 1918), 21-72. On Couer d'Alene, see the authoritative account by R. W. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War of 1892 (Corvallis: Oregon State College, 1961), as well Jensen, Heritage of Conflict, 25-37; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 230-34.
103. This was in part because the newly formed labor party now held the balance of power in the Legislative Assembly.
104. Brian Dickey argues that the New South Wales Attorney-General's concern to avoid using "antiquated" statutes to prosecute the strike leaders (as had happened the previous year in Queensland shearers' strike) casts doubt on claims of government bias ("The Broken Hill Strike, 1892,"Labour History 11 [1966]: 42, 47, 53). However, his evidence merely shows that the government was concerned to avoid providing any additional ammunition to its critics. The evidence that the government was determined to prosecute the leaders is, if anything, reinforced.
105. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 166-70; Vernon H. Jensen, Heritage of Conflict: Labor Relations in the Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), 36; and Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 62-66, 80-84, 93; and Bennett Milton Rich The Presidents and Civil Disorder (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1941), 112.
106. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 166-70; Vernon H. Jensen, Heritage of Conflict: Labor Relations in the Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), 36; and Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 62-66, 80-84, 93; and Bennett Milton Rich The Presidents and Civil Disorder (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1941), 112.
107. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 166-70; Vernon H. Jensen, Heritage of Conflict: Labor Relations in the Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), 36; and Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 62-66, 80-84, 93; and Bennett Milton Rich The Presidents and Civil Disorder (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1941), 112.
108. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 166-70; Vernon H. Jensen, Heritage of Conflict: Labor Relations in the Nonferrous Metals Industry up to 1930 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950), 36; and Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 62-66, 80-84, 93; and Bennett Milton Rich The Presidents and Civil Disorder (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1941), 112.
109. With the one exception noted above: that more workers seem to have been arrested in the Queensland shearers' strike than in Homestead. Note, however, that the number of arrests per striker was greater in each of the American Strikes than it was in each of the Australian ones.
110. Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics in Nineteenth Century America (London: Verso, 1990), 304.
111. 3G. Hacker, "United States Army as a National Police Force," 259-61; Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 210.
112. 3G. Hacker, "United States Army as a National Police Force," 259-61; Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 210.
113. William Addlelman Ganoe, The History of the United States Army (New York: D-Appleton and Co., 1924), 501-5; Hacker, "United Slates Army as a National Police Force," 259. There are no precise figures on the number of times that state militias were called out. Robert Reinders, ("Militia and Public Order in Nineteenth-Centure America," Journal of American Studies 11 [1977]: 98) estimates that, between 1877 and 1903, they were called out to deal with civil disturbances on over 700 occasions. Cooper suggests that, on a conservative estimate, between 1870 and 1900, the militia were called out to deal with industrial disputes on at least 150 occasions (The Army and Civil Disorder, 13).
114. William Addlelman Ganoe, The History of the United States Army (New York: D-Appleton and Co., 1924), 501-5; Hacker, "United Slates Army as a National Police Force," 259. There are no precise figures on the number of times that state militias were called out. Robert Reinders, ("Militia and Public Order in Nineteenth-Centure America," Journal of American Studies 11 [1977]: 98) estimates that, between 1877 and 1903, they were called out to deal with civil disturbances on over 700 occasions. Cooper suggests that, on a conservative estimate, between 1870 and 1900, the militia were called out to deal with industrial disputes on at least 150 occasions (The Army and Civil Disorder, 13).
115. William Addlelman Ganoe, The History of the United States Army (New York: D-Appleton and Co., 1924), 501-5; Hacker, "United Slates Army as a National Police Force," 259. There are no precise figures on the number of times that state militias were called out. Robert Reinders, ("Militia and Public Order in Nineteenth-Centure America," Journal of American Studies 11 [1977]: 98) estimates that, between 1877 and 1903, they were called out to deal with civil disturbances on over 700 occasions. Cooper suggests that, on a conservative estimate, between 1870 and 1900, the militia were called out to deal with industrial disputes on at least 150 occasions (The Army and Civil Disorder, 13).
116. William Addlelman Ganoe, The History of the United States Army (New York: D-Appleton and Co., 1924), 501-5; Hacker, "United Slates Army as a National Police Force," 259. There are no precise figures on the number of times that state militias were called out. Robert Reinders, ("Militia and Public Order in Nineteenth-Centure America," Journal of American Studies 11 [1977]: 98) estimates that, between 1877 and 1903, they were called out to deal with civil disturbances on over 700 occasions. Cooper suggests that, on a conservative estimate, between 1870 and 1900, the militia were called out to deal with industrial disputes on at least 150 occasions (The Army and Civil Disorder, 13).
117. Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen' in Colonial Australia," in Australia: Two Centuries of War and Peace, ed. M. McKernan and M. Browne (Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1988), 88; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 12.
118. Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen' in Colonial Australia," in Australia: Two Centuries of War and Peace, ed. M. McKernan and M. Browne (Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1988), 88; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 12.
119. David Montgomery, Citizen Worker (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993), 102; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 228.
120. David Montgomery, Citizen Worker (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1993), 102; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 228.
121. Goldstein, Political Repression, 15, 45-51. According to one estimate, ninety-two people died in strikes from 1890 to 1897 (James R. Green, The World of the Worker; Labor in Twentieth Century America [New York: Hill and Wang, 1980], 10).
122. Goldstein, Political Repression, 15, 45-51. According to one estimate, ninety-two people died in strikes from 1890 to 1897 (James R. Green, The World of the Worker; Labor in Twentieth Century America [New York: Hill and Wang, 1980], 10).
123. Philip Taft and Philip Ross, "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character, and Outcome," in The History of Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, ed. Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 380; and William E. Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 106.
124. Philip Taft and Philip Ross, "American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character, and Outcome," in The History of Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, ed. Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1969), 380; and William E. Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1991), 106.
125. This worker was killed in shooting between police and unionists during the 1891 shearers' strike: the last and most violent strike of the wave. Two other unionists were seriously injured in a different incident during this strike, and one of them died four years later (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 2-13,401; Spence, History of the A.W.U., 72-73).
126. This worker was killed in shooting between police and unionists during the 1891 shearers' strike: the last and most violent strike of the wave. Two other unionists were seriously injured in a different incident during this strike, and one of them died four years later (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 2-13,401; Spence, History of the A.W.U., 72-73).
127. Gibson, The Role of the Military," 12.
128. Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, G35; Edward Spiers, The Late Victorian Army, 1868-1902 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 209-10; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 12, 14, 18.
129. Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, G35; Edward Spiers, The Late Victorian Army, 1868-1902 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 209-10; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 12, 14, 18.
130. Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, G35; Edward Spiers, The Late Victorian Army, 1868-1902 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1992), 209-10; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 12, 14, 18.
131. In the mid-1890s, there were over 100,000 militia (plus 9,000 officers) and 25,000 regular soldiers (plus some 2,000 officers) in the United States (Robert F. Fogelson, American's Armouries: Aichiteclure, Society and Public Order [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989], 41). In Australia there were a total of 18,925 militia and volunteers and 1,280 permanent soldiers and staff in 1891-1892 (Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers, 148).
132. In the mid-1890s, there were over 100,000 militia (plus 9,000 officers) and 25,000 regular soldiers (plus some 2,000 officers) in the United States (Robert F. Fogelson, American's Armouries: Aichiteclure, Society and Public Order [Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989], 41). In Australia there were a total of 18,925 militia and volunteers and 1,280 permanent soldiers and staff in 1891-1892 (Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers, 148).
133. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 86-87; Peter Dennis et al., The Oxford Companion to Australian Military History (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995), 163.
134. Stephen Skowronek, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), 86-87; Peter Dennis et al., The Oxford Companion to Australian Military History (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995), 163.
135. Enforcing dispossession was in fact the primary function of the United States army from 1805 to 1890 (Coffman, The Old Army, 254). See also, Mark Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing: colonial Queensland, 1860-1900," in Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Cuntrol, 1830-1940, ed. David M. Anderson and David Killingray (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 40-42; and Finnane, Police and Government: Histories of Policing in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 25, 93, 112.
136. Enforcing dispossession was in fact the primary function of the United States army from 1805 to 1890 (Coffman, The Old Army, 254). See also, Mark Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing: colonial Queensland, 1860-1900," in Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Cuntrol, 1830-1940, ed. David M. Anderson and David Killingray (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 40-42; and Finnane, Police and Government: Histories of Policing in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 25, 93, 112.
137. Enforcing dispossession was in fact the primary function of the United States army from 1805 to 1890 (Coffman, The Old Army, 254). See also, Mark Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing: colonial Queensland, 1860-1900," in Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Cuntrol, 1830-1940, ed. David M. Anderson and David Killingray (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991), 40-42; and Finnane, Police and Government: Histories of Policing in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1994), 25, 93, 112.
138. The system of local constables accountable to a magistrate or justice of the peace that these forces replaced, was, of course, also derived from British experience.
139. This minister was typically the colonial secretary (the equivalent of a British home secretary), who was usually also the premier. Note also that the influence of the Irish model was augmented by the personal experience of Irish immigrants who joined the police. In Victoria in 1874, 82 percent of the police were born in Ireland, of whom, 46 percent were former members of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). Of these former members of the RIC, one third were Protestant and two-thirds Catholic. In New South Wales in 1871, 60 percent of police were born in Ireland. In 1889, this figure had fallen to 29 percent, although how many Australian-born recruits were the sons of Irish police is not known. There is no evidence that Australian police commissioners preferred Irish recruits. Indeed, there is some evidence to the contrary. This suggests that local patronage-based explanations for the predominance of Irish police in some American cities need to be reconsidered. Better pay and conditions may provide the beginning of an alternative explanation. See Robin Walker, "The New South Wales Police Force, 1862-1900," Journal of Australian Studies 15 (1984): 30-32; and Robert Haldane, The People's Force: A History of the Victorian Police (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995), 82-88.
140. This minister was typically the colonial secretary (the equivalent of a British home secretary), who was usually also the premier. Note also that the influence of the Irish model was augmented by the personal experience of Irish immigrants who joined the police. In Victoria in 1874, 82 percent of the police were born in Ireland, of whom, 46 percent were former members of the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC). Of these former members of the RIC, one third were Protestant and two-thirds Catholic. In New South Wales in 1871, 60 percent of police were born in Ireland. In 1889, this figure had fallen to 29 percent, although how many Australian-born recruits were the sons of Irish police is not known. There is no evidence that Australian police commissioners preferred Irish recruits. Indeed, there is some evidence to the contrary. This suggests that local patronage-based explanations for the predominance of Irish police in some American cities need to be reconsidered. Better pay and conditions may provide the beginning of an alternative explanation. See Robin Walker, "The New South Wales Police Force, 1862-1900," Journal of Australian Studies 15 (1984): 30-32; and Robert Haldane, The People's Force: A History of the Victorian Police (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1995), 82-88.
141. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
142. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
143. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
144. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
145. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
146. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
147. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
148. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
149. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
150. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
151. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
152. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
153. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
154. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
155. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
156. For good, short historical accounts, see Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860-1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), 30-61, on the United States; and Finnane, Police and Government, 9-30, on Australia. On New South Wales, see Walker, "New South Wales Police Force"; on Victoria, see Haldane, The People's Force ; and, on Queensland, see Finnane, "The Varieties of Policing." On the United States, see Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 61-71; and Bruce Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor: The Police in American Politics," Theory and Society 3 (1976). For comparative studies examining the influence of English and Irish models see Clive Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 1750-1870 (London: Macmillan, 1983), 59-75, 103-14; Wilbur R. Miller, Cops and Bobbies: Police Authority in New York and London, 18311-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977); R. I. Mawby, Comparative Policing Issues: The British and American Experience in International Prespective (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990); David M. Anderson and David Killingray, eds., Policing the Empire: Government, Authority and Control, 1830-1940 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1991); and Richard Hawkins, "The 'Irish model' and the Empire: A Case for Reassessment," in Policing the Empire. On Broken Hill, see Walker, "Violence in Industrial Conflicts," 59; and Solomon, The Richest Lode, 241. 51. That the functions of these two forces were in some ways similar was acknowledged by the secretary of war following the 1877 railroad strikes. In his annual report to Congress, he wrote that "The Army is to the United States what a well-disciplined and trained police force is to a city"(Skowronek, Building a New American State, 101). A similar point was made in 1895 by a lieutenant in the United States army, who wrote that "In reality, the army is now a gendarmerie - a national police - in its civil relations" (ibid., 103). The Irish model that had influenced the Australian police was itself modeled in part on the French Gens d'armerie (Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 60).
157. See Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor," 98-99. On police sympathy for strikers in Australia, see Finnane, Police and Government, 56. On employer control of police in some American cities, see Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 114.
158. See Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor," 98-99. On police sympathy for strikers in Australia, see Finnane, Police and Government, 56. On employer control of police in some American cities, see Emsley, Policing and Its Context, 114.
159. See Johnson, "Taking Care of Labor," 98-99. On police sympathy for strikers in Australia, see Finnane, Police and Government, 56. On employer
160. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, 85-107; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 81-101; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 89-104; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 83-93. The repression of labor unrest continued to be a central function of the militia until state police were established to take over this role in the early twentieth century (Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organisation and Administration [1925; Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969], 28-42, 54-65).
161. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, 85-107; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 81-101; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 89-104; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 83-93. The repression of labor unrest continued to be a central function of the militia until state police were established to take over this role in the early twentieth century (Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organisation and Administration [1925; Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969], 28-42, 54-65).
162. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, 85-107; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 81-101; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 89-104; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 83-93. The repression of labor unrest continued to be a central function of the militia until state police were established to take over this role in the early twentieth century (Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organisation and Administration [1925; Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969], 28-42, 54-65).
163. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, 85-107; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 81-101; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 89-104; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 83-93. The repression of labor unrest continued to be a central function of the militia until state police were established to take over this role in the early twentieth century (Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organisation and Administration [1925; Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969], 28-42, 54-65).
164. See Skowronek, Building a New American State, 85-107; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 81-101; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 89-104; and Cooper, The Army and Civil Disoder, 83-93. The repression of labor unrest continued to be a central function of the militia until state police were established to take over this role in the early twentieth century (Bruce Smith, The State Police: Organisation and Administration [1925; Montclair, New Jersey: Patterson Smith, 1969], 28-42, 54-65).
165. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 95-96.
166. Smith, The Coeur d'Alane Mining War, 92.
167. Fogelson, American's Armouries, 48-02.
168. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 96-97.
169. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 12.
170. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 85-86; Coffman, The Old Army, 252; and Earl R. Beckner, A History of Labor Legislation in Illlinois (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), 62-03.
171. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 85-86; Coffman, The Old Army, 252; and Earl R. Beckner, A History of Labor Legislation in Illlinois (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), 62-03.
172. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 85-86; Coffman, The Old Army, 252; and Earl R. Beckner, A History of Labor Legislation in Illlinois (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), 62-03.
173. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 247-49.
174. In late nineteenth-century Europe, the dominance of the nobility in army officer corps gave them a identity, as well as interests that were more independent from the business elite. Note, however, that while there was no nobility in the United States, most of its senior army officers were Southerners, many will a planter background (Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 439, 431). See also Jerry M. Cooper, The Army as Strikebreaker -The Railroad Strikes of 1877 and 1894," Labor History 18 (1977), 191-92, 195; and Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1957), 222-69.
175. In late nineteenth-century Europe, the dominance of the nobility in army officer corps gave them a identity, as well as interests that were more independent from the business elite. Note, however, that while there was no nobility in the United States, most of its senior army officers were Southerners, many will a planter background (Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 439, 431). See also Jerry M. Cooper, The Army as Strikebreaker -The Railroad Strikes of 1877 and 1894," Labor History 18 (1977), 191-92, 195; and Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1957), 222-69.
176. In late nineteenth-century Europe, the dominance of the nobility in army officer corps gave them a identity, as well as interests that were more independent from the business elite. Note, however, that while there was no nobility in the United States, most of its senior army officers were Southerners, many will a planter background (Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 439, 431). See also Jerry M. Cooper, The Army as Strikebreaker -The Railroad Strikes of 1877 and 1894," Labor History 18 (1977), 191-92, 195; and Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1957), 222-69.
177. Foreign invasion scares in the 1880s also led to a major seaboard fortification program in both the United States and Australia (Skowronek, Bulding a New American State 110-12; Jeffrey Grey, A Military History of Australia [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], 46).
178. Foreign invasion scares in the 1880s also led to a major seaboard fortification program in both the United States and Australia (Skowronek, Bulding a New American State 110-12; Jeffrey Grey, A Military History of Australia [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990], 46).
179. The possibility that military aid to the civil power might at times be needed was considered by those charged with reorganizing the militia, but it was not a central concern. Sec, for example, Sir William Jervois's 1877 report to the Victorian government which while hinting at this need does not even mention it directly (Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 5).
180. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
181. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
182. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
183. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
184. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
185. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
186. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
187. For a general overview of Australia developments, see Peter Stanley, "'Soldiers and Fellow-Countrymen'"; Nicholls, Colonial Volunteers; Grey, A Military History of Australia, 43-47; Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 4-12; Dennis et al., Oxford Companion, 159-65; and Craig Wilcox, For Hearths and Homes: Citizen Soldiering in Australia, 1854-1915 (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1988). On Queensland, see D. H. Johnson, Volunteers at Heart: The Queensland Defence Forces, 1860-1901 (St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1975). On Victoria, see Calder, Heroes and Gentlemen.
188. United States Strike Commission, Report, xliv; and Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 105-69.
189. Burgoyne, Homestead, 42-45; Joan M. Jensen, Army Surveillance in America, 1775-1980 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 24-25, 40-44.
190. Burgoyne, Homestead, 42-45; Joan M. Jensen, Army Surveillance in America, 1775-1980 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991), 24-25, 40-44.
191. Beckner, A History of Labor Legislation in Illinois, 63-67; Goldstein, Political Repression, 11-12, 212.
192. Beckner, A History of Labor Legislation in Illinois, 63-67; Goldstein, Political Repression, 11-12, 212.
193. Taft and Ross, "American Labor Violence," 316-17; and J. P. Shalloo, Private Police: With Special Reference to Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1933), 28-29, 35-40, 59-62.
194. Taft and Ross, "American Labor Violence," 316-17; and J. P. Shalloo, Private Police: With Special Reference to Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: The American Academy of Political and Social Science, 1933), 28-29, 35-40, 59-62.
195. Svensen, Sinews of War, 146; and Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," 635-36 . For the similar compostion of special constables appointed in Victoria, see Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 151; and Svensen, Sinews of War, 127). Note, however, that 40 of the 200 special constables which the South Australian government appointed were unionists (Svensen, Sinews of War, 142).
196. Svensen, Sinews of War, 146; and Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," 635-36 . For the similar compostion of special constables appointed in Victoria, see Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 151; and Svensen, Sinews of War, 127). Note, however, that 40 of the 200 special constables which the South Australian government appointed were unionists (Svensen, Sinews of War, 142).
197. Svensen, Sinews of War, 146; and Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," 635-36 . For the similar compostion of special constables appointed in Victoria, see Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 151; and Svensen, Sinews of War, 127). Note, however, that 40 of the 200 special constables which the South Australian government appointed were unionists (Svensen, Sinews of War, 142).
198. Svensen, Sinews of War, 146; and Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," 635-36 . For the similar compostion of special constables appointed in Victoria, see Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 151; and Svensen, Sinews of War, 127). Note, however, that 40 of the 200 special constables which the South Australian government appointed were unionists (Svensen, Sinews of War, 142).
199. Svensen, Sinews of War, 146; and Fosbery, "Report of the Inspector-General," 635-36 . For the similar compostion of special constables appointed in Victoria, see Gibson, "The Role of the Military," 151; and Svensen, Sinews of War, 127). Note, however, that 40 of the 200 special constables which the South Australian government appointed were unionists (Svensen, Sinews of War, 142).
200. There were definitely twenty in this latter category, and perhaps as many as 134. The twenty seem to have been incompetent "young gentlemen," whom the police authorities treated as something of a joke. The police magistrate in Barcaldine was "exiled" to a post in the far outback after he raised the possibility of swearing in unionists as special constables. See Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes," 114; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 148-50; and Svensen, The Shearers' War, 92, 114-15, 146-47. On the Maritime strike see Svensen, Sinews of War, 127.
201. There were definitely twenty in this latter category, and perhaps as many as 134. The twenty seem to have been incompetent "young gentlemen," whom the police authorities treated as something of a joke. The police magistrate in Barcaldine was "exiled" to a post in the far outback after he raised the possibility of swearing in unionists as special constables. See Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes," 114; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 148-50; and Svensen, The Shearers' War, 92, 114-15, 146-47. On the Maritime strike see Svensen, Sinews of War, 127.
202. There were definitely twenty in this latter category, and perhaps as many as 134. The twenty seem to have been incompetent "young gentlemen," whom the police authorities treated as something of a joke. The police magistrate in Barcaldine was "exiled" to a post in the far outback after he raised the possibility of swearing in unionists as special constables. See Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes," 114; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 148-50; and Svensen, The Shearers' War, 92, 114-15, 146-47. On the Maritime strike see Svensen, Sinews of War, 127.
203. There were definitely twenty in this latter category, and perhaps as many as 134. The twenty seem to have been incompetent "young gentlemen," whom the police authorities treated as something of a joke. The police magistrate in Barcaldine was "exiled" to a post in the far outback after he raised the possibility of swearing in unionists as special constables. See Kenway, "The Pastoral Strikes," 114; Spence, Australia's Awakening, 148-50; and Svensen, The Shearers' War, 92, 114-15, 146-47. On the Maritime strike see Svensen, Sinews of War, 127.
204. Note that these same two groups - the militia and the privale police - were responsible for all of the deaths recorded in Tables 1, 2, and 3. In the Pullman strike, five workers were killed by the militia and eight by deputy marshals or unknown persons. In the Homestead strike, all seven were killed by Pinkertons. And in the Coeur d'Alene strike, all six were killed in a conflict with deputy marshals and strikebreakers.
205. Labour Defence Committee (LDC), Official Report and Balance Sheet of the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee. . . August to November 1890 (Sydney: Higgs and Townsend, 1890), 17-19.
206. Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics. 134-35.
207. LDC, Official Report, 17.
208. Politicians like New South Wales Premier Henry Parkes, Queensland Premier Samuel Griffiths, and Victorian Chief Secretary Alfred Deakin (Stuart Machintyre, "'The Blessed Reign of Mobocracy": George Higginbotham and the Maritime Strike," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells [Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992], 59).
209. Politicians like New South Wales Premier Henry Parkes, Queensland Premier Samuel Griffiths, and Victorian Chief Secretary Alfred Deakin (Stuart Machintyre, "'The Blessed Reign of Mobocracy": George Higginbotham and the Maritime Strike," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jim Hagan and Andrew Wells [Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992], 59).
210. LDC, Official Report, 17.
211. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
212. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
213. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
214. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
215. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
216. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
217. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
218. For this and the following paragraph, see New South Wales TLC General Meeting Minutes and Parliamentary Committee Minutes for 1889 to 1891. These are held in the Mitchell Library, Sydney, at A3829-A3831 and at A3823 and A2761, respectively. See also Bede Nairn, Civilising Capitalism: The Beginnings of the Australian Labor Party (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1989), 22-56; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 171-76; and Markey, In Case, of Oppression: The Life and Times of the Labor Council of New South Wales (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1994), 36-48; John Rickard, Class and Politics: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890-1910 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976), 26-52; and Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 80-98, 128-36. For early historical accounts written by participants, see Thomas R. Roydhouse and H. J. Taperell, The Labour Party in New South Wales: A History of its Formation and Legislative Career (Sydney: Edward, Dunlop and Co., 1892); Spencc, Australia's Awakening; and George Black, A History of the NSW Labor Party from Its Conception until 1917 (Sydney: George A. Jones, 1926-1929).
219. The four unions were the Typographers, the Smelters, the Miners, and a branch of the Shearers. Two more unions (the Balmain Labourers and the Furniture Trades) supported the plan but were unable to provide the necessary funds, and another (the Boot union) would only support the plan if a protectionist platform were adopted. Ten unions rejected the plan: the United Labourers, Stonemasons, Quarrymen, Tinsmiths and Sheet Iron workers, Sydney Wharf Labourers, Cooks and Stewards, Printers, Newcastle Wharf Labourers, Trolley and Draymen, and Railway and Tramway workers. See the TLC's General Meetings Minutes for 24 Apr.-5 June 1890. See also New South Wales TLC, Report (1890), 5; and, for slightly different figures, Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 40.
220. Sec Spence, Australia's Awakening 126-32; and TLC General Meetings Minutes, 9 Oct. 1890.
221. TLC, Report (1891), 11; Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 33-34, 45.
222. The second of these meetings was on 24 March, the same clay that local leaders of the 1891 Queensland shearers' strike began to be arrested. The strike was thoroughly reported in the Sydney Morning Herald and these arrests, and those of the Barcaldine strike committee, were reported on 25 and 27 March. This may explain why a final plank was added to the platform the following week calling for: "The abolition of the present defence force, and the establishment of the military system on a purely voluntary basis." See SMH, 1 Apr. 1891, 8; and Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 48.
223. The Congress meet while the Queensland shearers' strike was in full swing, a month after the arrest of the Barcaldine strike committee. The preamble to the plan explained that it was motivated by a sense of "political insecurity," which had been awakened by "recent events" (ITLUC, Official Report of the Seventh Intercolonial Trades and Labor Union Congress of Australasia Held at Ballarat on the 22nd, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 27th, 28th and 9th April, 1891 [Ballarat: J. Anderson and Co., 1891], 90).
224. See the minutes of each ITLUC (1879, 1881, 1885, 1886, 1888, and 1889), including reports of the various parliamentary committees from 1885 onward. On the distinction between positive and negative goals, and on opposition to positive goals by Gompers's mentor, Adolf Strasser, see Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties," 395, 405-7.
225. The issue was not mentioned at the first congress in 1879, but from 1881 onwards resolutions calling for the direct represenlation of labor were passed at every congress, usually unanimously (ITUC, The Second Intercolonial Trades Union Congress: An Official Report of the Debates . . . During the 22nd, 23rd, 24th, and 25th April, 1884 [Melbourne: Walker, May, and Co., 1884], 129-30; ITUC, Official Rport of the Fourth Intercolonial Trades Union Congress Held in Adelaide on the 2nd, 3rd, 6th and 7th of September, 1886 [Adelaide: Burden and Bonython, 1886], 29-12; ITUC, Official Report of the Fifth Intercolonial Trades Union Congress Held in Brisbane on the 2nd, 5th, 6th and 7th of March, 1888 [Brisbane: Warwick and Sapsford, 1888], 64-68; and ITLUC, Official Report of the Sixth Intercolonial Trades and Labor Union Congree Held in Hobart on the. 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th February, 1889 [Hobart: Tasmanian News Steam Printing Office, 1889], 3-1-36). In 1885, there was no resolution on direct representation; however, it was called for in the president's report. Furthermore, support for direct representation underpinned much of the debate on a resolution calling for the payment of MPs (ITUC, Official Report of the Third Intercolonial Trades Union Congress Held in Sydney on the 4th, 5th, 6th and 7th of October, 1885 [Sydney: Batson it Co., 1885], 17, 50-60).
226. ITLUC, Official Report (1891), 95. For further comments by Houghton, and similar remarks by Brennan, as well as by the leading Queensland delegate, Willian Lane, and the president of the United TLC in Adelaide, S. H. Buttery, see ibid., 93, 95-99, 102, 10-1. These delegates represented the three colonies - New South Wales, Queensland, and South Australia - in which efforts to establish a labor party were furthest advanced.
227. Ibid., 98-99.
228. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
229. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
230. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
231. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
232. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
233. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
234. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
235. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
236. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
237. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
238. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
239. For all states, see D. J. Murphy, Labor in Politics: The State Labor Parties in Australia, 1880-1920 (St. Lucia: Queensland University Press, 1975); Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 109, 128-50; and J. T. Sutcliffe, A History of Trade Unionism in Australia (1921; Melbourne: Macmillan, 1967), 126-40. On Queensland, see also W. J. H. Harris, First Steps: Queensland Workers'Moves Towards Political Expression, 1857-1893 (Canberra: Australian Society For the Study of Labour History, 1966). On South Australia, see Robin Walker, "The Maritime Strikes in South Australia, 1887 and 1890," Labour History 14 (1968); and Jim Moss, "The Maritime Strike at Port Adelaide, 1890," in The Maritime Strike: A Centennial Retrospective, ed. Jirn Hagan and Andrew Wells (Wollongong: Five Islands Press, 1992). And, on Victoria, see Frank Bongiorno, "Class, Populism, and Labour Politics in Victoria, 1890-1914," Labour History 66 (1994); Rickard, Class and Politics; and Lindsay Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution: Labor in Victorian Politics 1889-1903," Labour History 42 (1982). Note also that, in New South Wales, the 1892 Broken Hill miners' strike reinforced the lessons of the Maritime strike. The failure of recently elected Labor MPs to unite to bring down the government over its handling of the strike, led to the introduction of rules to ensure that these MPs would vote as a unified independent party in the future (Nairn, Civilising Capitalism, 94-97; Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181-82). On the political impact of the strike in Broken Hill itself, see Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 75-84.
240. For example, according to a paper read to the Intercolonial Trade Union Congress, at which the question of the direct representation of labor was first raised, it cannot be denied that numbers of our representatives who have found their way into Parliament by means of pledges made in the interests of the working classes, have entered into alliances not compatible with their pledges and based upon some personal quarrels or ambitious feeling, or in order to obtain place and pay, or, what is far worse still, for motives of which the less said the better. (ITUC, Official Report [1884], 129-30)
241. Union activists explicitly acknowledged this (Chester McArthur Destler, American Radicalism 1865-1901 [Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1946], 177). Note, that a complete treatment would have to examine each of the states (Illinois, Pennsylvania, and Idaho) that were at the center of the three major strikes discussed earlier. As it happens, these states each experienced one of the three possible outcomes. The Pennsylvania case, in particular, deserves further attention. Like Illinois, it was well-placed to be a model state.
242. Commissioner of Labor, Tenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1894. Strikes and Lorkouts (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 17-22, 1560-63. In addition, in 1890, over half of all manufacturing establishments, and one-third of the entire United States population, were in these five states (ibid., 21; Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States: Historical Trends and Future Predictions [New York: Free Press, 1985], 72-73).
243. Commissioner of Labor, Tenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1894. Strikes and Lorkouts (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 17-22, 1560-63. In addition, in 1890, over half of all manufacturing establishments, and one-third of the entire United States population, were in these five states (ibid., 21; Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States: Historical Trends and Future Predictions [New York: Free Press, 1985], 72-73).
244. Commissioner of Labor, Tenth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1894. Strikes and Lorkouts (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1896), 17-22, 1560-63. In addition, in 1890, over half of all manufacturing establishments, and one-third of the entire United States population, were in these five states (ibid., 21; Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States: Historical Trends and Future Predictions [New York: Free Press, 1985], 72-73).
245. Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties," 404-5.
246. Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 312; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99.
247. Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 312; Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99.
248. For evidence from Illinois between 1881 and 188G, see Debbie Mullin, "The Porous Umbrella of the AFL: Evidence from Nineteenth-Century Labor Bureau Reports on the Establishment of American Unions" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), cited in Joshua L. Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market in the United States, 1881-1894," Journal of Economic History 58 (1998): 185. Mullin finds that unskilled workers were more likely to be replaced by strikebreakers than skilled workers. Throughout the United States between 1881 and 1894, strike-breakers were used in more than 40 percent of strikes. They bad a powerful effect on the likelihood of success. Where they were used, only 28 percent of strikes were wholly or partially successful. Where they were not used 73 percent were wholly or partially successful (Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market," 186).
249. For evidence from Illinois between 1881 and 188G, see Debbie Mullin, "The Porous Umbrella of the AFL: Evidence from Nineteenth-Century Labor Bureau Reports on the Establishment of American Unions" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), cited in Joshua L. Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market in the United States, 1881-1894," Journal of Economic History 58 (1998): 185. Mullin finds that unskilled workers were more likely to be replaced by strikebreakers than skilled workers. Throughout the United States between 1881 and 1894, strike-breakers were used in more than 40 percent of strikes. They bad a powerful effect on the likelihood of success. Where they were used, only 28 percent of strikes were wholly or partially successful. Where they were not used 73 percent were wholly or partially successful (Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market," 186).
250. For evidence from Illinois between 1881 and 188G, see Debbie Mullin, "The Porous Umbrella of the AFL: Evidence from Nineteenth-Century Labor Bureau Reports on the Establishment of American Unions" (Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1993), cited in Joshua L. Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market in the United States, 1881-1894," Journal of Economic History 58 (1998): 185. Mullin finds that unskilled workers were more likely to be replaced by strikebreakers than skilled workers. Throughout the United States between 1881 and 1894, strike-breakers were used in more than 40 percent of strikes. They bad a powerful effect on the likelihood of success. Where they were used, only 28 percent of strikes were wholly or partially successful. Where they were not used 73 percent were wholly or partially successful (Rosenbloom, "Strikebreaking and the Labor Market," 186).
251. This was both because their inability to monopolize particular skills meant that they could not depend solely on the position in the labor market, and because their large memberships gave them the potential to affect electoral outcomes (Robin Archer, "Why is There No Labor Party? Class and Race in the United States and Australia," in American Exceptionalism? US Working Class Formation in tin International Context, ed. Rick Halpern and Jonathan Morris [London: MacMillan, 1997], 58).
252. Eugene V. Debs, Address of Eugene V. Debs at the Convention of the American Railway Union at Chicago, Illinois, June 12, 1894 (Terre Haute: Moore and Langen, 1894), 8-10, Nick Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 147-48; Merritt, Making of the AWU 180-81.
253. Eugene V. Debs, Address of Eugene V. Debs at the Convention of the American Railway Union at Chicago, Illinois, June 12, 1894 (Terre Haute: Moore and Langen, 1894), 8-10, Nick Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 147-48; Merritt, Making of the AWU 180-81.
254. Eugene V. Debs, Address of Eugene V. Debs at the Convention of the American Railway Union at Chicago, Illinois, June 12, 1894 (Terre Haute: Moore and Langen, 1894), 8-10, Nick Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), 147-48; Merritt, Making of the AWU 180-81.
255. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to
256. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to reach for the redeeming power of the ballot: "There is nothing in our government it can not remove or amend. It can make and unmake Presidents and Congresses and Courts ... To the unified hosts of American workingmen fate has committed the charge of rescuing American liberties ... by seizing the ballot and welding it"(ibid.). On the "redeeming power" of the ballot, see the Labor Day message that Debs (Debs, Writings, 6) wrote in jail a couple of months earlier. For Spence, see his reports to the 1891 and 1893 Conferences of the ASU ( Noel Ebbels, The Australian Labor Movement 1850-1907: Historical Documents [Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1983], 120-21, 152-53), and this later account: The industrial war which saw the Government siding with the capitalists ... had at last brought home to the worker the fact that he had a weapon in his grasp stronger than Governments or capitalists. The idea of self-government came to him in a new light, and he saw that he must not only vote, but must make the platform, and select his own political war-cry. Labor set about becoming a new force and a new party in political life. (Spence, Australia's Awakening 220-21)
257. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to reach for the redeeming power of the ballot: "There is nothing in our government it can not remove or amend. It can make and unmake Presidents and Congresses and Courts ... To the unified hosts of American workingmen fate has committed the charge of rescuing American liberties ... by seizing the ballot and welding it"(ibid.). On the "redeeming power" of the ballot, see the Labor Day message that Debs (Debs, Writings, 6) wrote in jail a couple of months earlier. For Spence, see his reports to the 1891 and 1893 Conferences of the ASU ( Noel Ebbels, The Australian Labor Movement 1850-1907: Historical Documents [Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1983], 120-21, 152-53), and this later account: The industrial war which saw the Government siding with the capitalists ... had at last brought home to the worker the fact that he had a weapon in his grasp stronger than Governments or capitalists. The idea of self-government came to him in a new light, and he saw that he must not only vote, but must make the platform, and select his own political war-cry. Labor set about becoming a new force and a new party in political life. (Spence, Australia's Awakening 220-21)
258. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to reach for the redeeming power of the ballot: "There is nothing in our government it can not remove or amend. It can make and unmake Presidents and Congresses and Courts ... To the unified hosts of American workingmen fate has committed the charge of rescuing American liberties ... by seizing the ballot and welding it"(ibid.). On the "redeeming power" of the ballot, see the Labor Day message that Debs (Debs, Writings, 6) wrote in jail a couple of months earlier. For Spence, see his reports to the 1891 and 1893 Conferences of the ASU ( Noel Ebbels, The Australian Labor Movement 1850-1907: Historical Documents [Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1983], 120-21, 152-53), and this later account: The industrial war which saw the Government siding with the capitalists ... had at last brought home to the worker the fact that he had a weapon in his grasp stronger than Governments or capitalists. The idea of self-government came to him in a new light, and he saw that he must not only vote, but must make the platform, and select his own political war-cry. Labor set about becoming a new force and a new party in political life. (Spence, Australia's Awakening 220-21)
259. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to reach for the redeeming power of the ballot: "There is nothing in our government it can not remove or amend. It can make and unmake Presidents and Congresses and Courts ... To the unified hosts of American workingmen fate has committed the charge of rescuing American liberties ... by seizing the ballot and welding it"(ibid.). On the "redeeming power" of the ballot, see the Labor Day message that Debs (Debs, Writings, 6) wrote in jail a couple of months earlier. For Spence, see his reports to the 1891 and 1893 Conferences of the ASU ( Noel Ebbels, The Australian Labor Movement 1850-1907: Historical Documents [Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1983], 120-21, 152-53), and this later account: The industrial war which saw the Government siding with the capitalists ... had at last brought home to the worker the fact that he had a weapon in his grasp stronger than Governments or capitalists. The idea of self-government came to him in a new light, and he saw that he must not only vote, but must make the platform, and select his own political war-cry. Labor set about becoming a new force and a new party in political life. (Spence, Australia's Awakening 220-21)
260. For Debs, see his speech in Chicago on his release from jail in 1895 (Eugene V. Debs, "Liberty: A Speech by Eugene V. Debs" [Terre Haute: E.V. Debs and Co, 1895], 9-11. Also in Eugene V. Debs, Writings and Speeches of Eugene V. Debs, [New York: Hermitage Press, 1948] and Leon Stein, ed., The Pullman Strike [New York: Arno, 1969].): "What is to be done," asked Debs, in the face of "Russian injunctions ... a deputy marshal's clubs ... the government's machine guns and ... judicial traps." The answer was to reach for the redeeming power of the ballot: "There is nothing in our government it can not remove or amend. It can make and unmake Presidents and Congresses and Courts ... To the unified hosts of American workingmen fate has committed the charge of rescuing American liberties ... by seizing the ballot and welding it"(ibid.). On the "redeeming power" of the ballot, see the Labor Day message that Debs (Debs, Writings, 6) wrote in jail a couple of months earlier. For Spence, see his reports to the 1891 and 1893 Conferences of the ASU ( Noel Ebbels, The Australian Labor Movement 1850-1907: Historical Documents [Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1983], 120-21, 152-53), and this later account: The industrial war which saw the Government siding with the capitalists ... had at last brought home to the worker the fact that he had a weapon in his grasp stronger than Governments or capitalists. The idea of self-government came to him in a new light, and he saw that he must not only vote, but must make the platform, and select his own political war-cry. Labor set about becoming a new force and a new party in political life. (Spence, Australia's Awakening 220-21)
261. On the United States, see Marks, Unions in Pulitics, 204-7. On Australia, see Rickard, Class and Politics, 51; and Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181.
262. On the United States, see Marks, Unions in Pulitics, 204-7. On Australia, see Rickard, Class and Politics, 51; and Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181.
263. On the United States, see Marks, Unions in Pulitics, 204-7. On Australia, see Rickard, Class and Politics, 51; and Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 181.
264. Laslett, Labor and the Left, 197-201.
265. The following figures cover the period from 1 Jan. 1887 to 30 June 1894.
266. Commissioner of Labor, Tenth Annual Report, 1509, 1545. For further analysis of the differences in the pattern of strikes in the coal and tobacco industries, see P. K. Edwards, Strikes in the United States, 1881-1974 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell. 1981), 101, 105-9, 115-16.
267. James Holt, "Trade Unionism in the British and US Steel Industries, 1880-1914: A Comparative Study," in Essays in Comparative History, ed. Clive Emsley (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1981), 132, 134; and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel, 136.
268. James Holt, "Trade Unionism in the British and US Steel Industries, 1880-1914: A Comparative Study," in Essays in Comparative History, ed. Clive Emsley (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1981), 132, 134; and Ingham, Making Iron and Steel, 136.
269. American Federation of Labor, An Interesting Discussion on a Political Programme at the [1894] Denver Convention of the American Federalion of Labior (American Federation of Labor, 1895), 42, 52. The steel workers and the miners both sent delegates to the 1894 AFL Conference mandated to vote for the political program in full, although some of them failed to do so (Commons et al., History of Labor, 511-12).
270. American Federation of Labor, An Interesting Discussion on a Political Programme at the [1894] Denver Convention of the American Federalion of Labior (American Federation of Labor, 1895), 42, 52. The steel workers and the miners both sent delegates to the 1894 AFL Conference mandated to vote for the political program in full, although some of them failed to do so (Commons et al., History of Labor, 511-12).
271. Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties."
272. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
273. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
274. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
275. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
276. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
277. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
278. A growing literature on social movements provides a useful starting point for thinking about the effects of repression on the labor movement. This literature builds on the work of William Gamson, The Strategy of Social Protest (Homewood: Dorsey Press, 1975); Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley, 1978); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); Herbert P. Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986); Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); and others. All of these writers see repression as an important part of the "political opportunity structure" with which a movement must interact, although only a few have focused their principal attention on the effects of repression itself (Gary T. Marx, "External Efforts to Damage or Facilitate Social Movements" in Dynamics of Social Movements, ed. Mayer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy [Cambridge, MA: Winthrop, 1979]; and Donatella della Porta, "Social Movements and the State: Thoughts on the Policing of Protest," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996]). The advantage of all these works is that they make it clear that the overall effect which repression has on a social movement results from a number of different causal mechanisms, and that each component effect can pull in a different direction.
279. During the Homestead strike, many unionists were repeatedly arrested on a number of different charges in a conscious effort by the company to exhaust the union's funds (Yellen, American Labor Struggles, 94-95).
280. Ernest Ludlow Bogart and Charles Manfred Thompson, The Industrial State, 1870-1893, Centennial History of Illinois, vol. 4 (Springfield: Illinois Centennial Commission, 1920), 513.
281. Robin Gollan, The Coalminers of New South Wales: A History of Union, 1860-1960 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1963), 96.
282. For figures on the risk of death while working on the railroads in the United States, see Commissioner of Labor, Fifth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1889. Railroad Labor (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1890), 41; and Bogart and Thompson The Industrial State, 326; for Australia, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 99, 102-3.
283. For figures on the risk of death while working on the railroads in the United States, see Commissioner of Labor, Fifth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1889. Railroad Labor (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1890), 41; and Bogart and Thompson The Industrial State, 326; for Australia, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 99, 102-3.
284. For figures on the risk of death while working on the railroads in the United States, see Commissioner of Labor, Fifth Annual Report of the Commissioner of Labor. 1889. Railroad Labor (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1890), 41; and Bogart and Thompson The Industrial State, 326; for Australia, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 99, 102-3.
285. The arrest of leaders, in particular, could have a demoralizing effect, in addition to its disorganizing effect. In Australia, this was noticeable in both the Queensland shearers' and Broken Hill strikes. On Queensland, see the SMH, 27 Mar. 1891. On Broken Hill, see New South Wales (NSW) Legislative Assembly, "Broken Hill Strike," Voles and Proceedings of the NSW Legislative Assembly 3 (1892-1893): 305-6.
286. Foner, History of the Labor Movement 257-59, 261-63. Compare with the similar effect that the railway workers' 1885 victory over Jay Gould had on the Knights of Labor (Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 75).
287. Foner, History of the Labor Movement 257-59, 261-63. Compare with the similar effect that the railway workers' 1885 victory over Jay Gould had on the Knights of Labor (Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 75).
288. Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 108-9. Indeed, that rapid growth of the new unionism in the late 1880s had produced a mood of "confidence bordering on euphoria," and the whole union movement entered the Maritime strike on a "wave of emotional optimism" (Rickard, Class and Politics, 26, 31).
289. Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 108-9. Indeed, that rapid growth of the new unionism in the late 1880s had produced a mood of "confidence bordering on euphoria," and the whole union movement entered the Maritime strike on a "wave of emotional optimism" (Rickard, Class and Politics, 26, 31).
290. LDC, Official Report, 7, 17.
291. Part of the power of Marxism as in mobilizing ideology was that it offered workers precisely this promise of future success, even in the face of terrible defeat. But Marxism had little influence among ordinary workers in either country. And, as I have argued elsewhere, where it did have an influence, amongst some union leaders in the United States, its influence was disruptive (Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties," 409-11). For a related rationalchoice interpretation of the effect of hopelessness, see Dennis Chong, Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 90-102.
292. Part of the power of Marxism as in mobilizing ideology was that it offered workers precisely this promise of future success, even in the face of terrible defeat. But Marxism had little influence among ordinary workers in either country. And, as I have argued elsewhere, where it did have an influence, amongst some union leaders in the United States, its influence was disruptive (Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties," 409-11). For a related rationalchoice interpretation of the effect of hopelessness, see Dennis Chong, Collective Action and the Civil Rights Movement (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 90-102.
293. On the importance of interpretation, or framing, see Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives un Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Tarrow, Power in Movement, 118-34. For an innovative development of these theories that uses concepts of cognitive liberation and cognitive encumbrance in order to explain the collapse of the Knights of Labor, see Voss, Making of American Exceplionalism, 75-79, 225-28.
294. On the importance of interpretation, or framing, see Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives un Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Tarrow, Power in Movement, 118-34. For an innovative development of these theories that uses concepts of cognitive liberation and cognitive encumbrance in order to explain the collapse of the Knights of Labor, see Voss, Making of American Exceplionalism, 75-79, 225-28.
295. On the importance of interpretation, or framing, see Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, eds., Comparative Perspectives un Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); and Tarrow, Power in Movement, 118-34. For an innovative development of these theories that uses concepts of cognitive liberation and cognitive encumbrance in order to explain the collapse of the Knights of Labor, see Voss, Making of American Exceplionalism, 75-79, 225-28.
296. Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 148, 169-72.
297. Ebbels, Australian Labor Movement, 152-53.
298. Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 162-67.
299. The "Equality" colony was eventually established in Washington state (Robert S. Fogarty, All Things New: American Communes and Utopian Movements, 1860-1914 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990], 135-39, 160-66; Charles P. LeWarne, "Equality Colony: The Plan to Socialize Washington," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 59 [1968], 137-18), and the "New Australia" colony in Paraguay (Gavin Souter, A Peculiar People: William Lane's Australian Utopians in Paraguay [St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1981]). Both soon collapsed. See also the efforts of the ASU and its successor to gain legislative backing for efforts to establish agricultural cooperatives in Australia (R. B. Walker, "The Ambiguous Experiment: Agricultural Co-operatives in New South Wales, 1893-1890," Labour History 18 [1970]).
300. The "Equality" colony was eventually established in Washington state (Robert S. Fogarty, All Things New: American Communes and Utopian Movements, 1860-1914 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990], 135-39, 160-66; Charles P. LeWarne, "Equality Colony: The Plan to Socialize Washington," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 59 [1968], 137-18), and the "New Australia" colony in Paraguay (Gavin Souter, A Peculiar People: William Lane's Australian Utopians in Paraguay [St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1981]). Both soon collapsed. See also the efforts of the ASU and its successor to gain legislative backing for efforts to establish agricultural cooperatives in Australia (R. B. Walker, "The Ambiguous Experiment: Agricultural Co-operatives in New South Wales, 1893-1890," Labour History 18 [1970]).
301. The "Equality" colony was eventually established in Washington state (Robert S. Fogarty, All Things New: American Communes and Utopian Movements, 1860-1914 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990], 135-39, 160-66; Charles P. LeWarne, "Equality Colony: The Plan to Socialize Washington," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 59 [1968], 137-18), and the "New Australia" colony in Paraguay (Gavin Souter, A Peculiar People: William Lane's Australian Utopians in Paraguay [St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1981]). Both soon collapsed. See also the efforts of the ASU and its successor to gain legislative backing for efforts to establish agricultural cooperatives in Australia (R. B. Walker, "The Ambiguous Experiment: Agricultural Co-operatives in New South Wales, 1893-1890," Labour History 18 [1970]).
302. The "Equality" colony was eventually established in Washington state (Robert S. Fogarty, All Things New: American Communes and Utopian Movements, 1860-1914 [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990], 135-39, 160-66; Charles P. LeWarne, "Equality Colony: The Plan to Socialize Washington," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 59 [1968], 137-18), and the "New Australia" colony in Paraguay (Gavin Souter, A Peculiar People: William Lane's Australian Utopians in Paraguay [St. Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1981]). Both soon collapsed. See also the efforts of the ASU and its successor to gain legislative backing for efforts to establish agricultural cooperatives in Australia (R. B. Walker, "The Ambiguous Experiment: Agricultural Co-operatives in New South Wales, 1893-1890," Labour History 18 [1970]).
303. Compare with the similar assessment in Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 338.
304. Archer, "Unions, Courts, and Parties," 408.
305. Only the coal miners and iron and steel workers were affiliated to the AFL. Furthermore, the coal miners - the only major industrial union that was affiliated to the AFL - was close to collapse following their own defeat early in 1894.
306. For maritime workers, I have included here the various new unions that belonged to the Maritime Labour Council.
307. Leo Wolman, Growth of American Trade Unions, 1880-1923 (NewYork: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1924), 32-33, 110-18; Markey, Making of the Labor Party 136-46, 152-58, 318-19; and Markey, In Case of Oppression, 19-22, 559.
308. Leo Wolman, Growth of American Trade Unions, 1880-1923 (NewYork: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1924), 32-33, 110-18; Markey, Making of the Labor Party 136-46, 152-58, 318-19; and Markey, In Case of Oppression, 19-22, 559.
309. Leo Wolman, Growth of American Trade Unions, 1880-1923 (NewYork: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1924), 32-33, 110-18; Markey, Making of the Labor Party 136-46, 152-58, 318-19; and Markey, In Case of Oppression, 19-22, 559.
310. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
311. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
312. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
313. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
314. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
315. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
316. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
317. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
318. On Queensland, see Table 2 above; Rickard, Class and Politics, 314; Murphy, Labor in Politics, 155; and Jean E. O'Connor, "1890-A Turning Point in Labour History: A Reply to Mrs Philipp," in Margot Beever and F. B. Smith, eds., Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, ed. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 141-42. At the end of 1890, the shearers' and shedhands' unions had a combined membership of 11,356. Estimates for the number of unionists in early 1891 range from 20,000 to 27,000. Estimates for the number of affiliates range from 10,500 to 27,000. On Victoria, see Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 141; P. G. Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage: 1890-1910," Australian Journal of Politics and History 13 (1967); Macarthy, "Victorian Trade Union Statistics, 1889-1914," Labour History 18 (1970); Rickard, Class and Politics, 43-44, 51, 119; and Tanner, "A Protracted Evolution," 48-51.
319. Jim Hagan provides a good example of this in his study of the printers. In the mid-1880s there were deep divisions in the New South Wales Typographical union about both involvement in politics and relations with other unions. So controversial was the question of whether or not to send a delegate to the ITUC in 1885 that votes were taken at three separate meetings, each of which sought to overturn the previous decision. The President was against sending a delegate, but eventually the union decided to send him anyway. He came back convinced of the importance of working with other unions and "proud that the Typographical Association allied itself to a movement which must ... become a lasting power in the country" (Printers and Politics: A History of the Australian Printing Unions, 1850-1950 [Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1966], 77-79).
320. Rickard describes a process which could be characterized as the emergence of a kind of negative class consciousness in which unionists "of the better class" found themselves repudiated by the respectable society of which they had always felt themselves a part (Class and politics, 31-34).
321. Kaufman, ed., The Samuel Gompers Papers, 275-86; and Philip Taft, The A. E. of L. in the Time of Gompers (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), 21-42, 85-94.
322. Kaufman, ed., The Samuel Gompers Papers, 275-86; and Philip Taft, The A. E. of L. in the Time of Gompers (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1957), 21-42, 85-94.
323. This was Strasser's phrase in a private letter to Goinpers (Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 274).
324. The American railroad employers who were condemned as "robber barons" played a very similar symbolic role to the Australian pastoralists who were condemned as the "squatocracy." Both were denounced for the same two reasons. They were seen as thieves ("robbers" or "squatters") who had seized rast tracts of land at the expense of yeoman farmers and the ideal of economic egalitarianism which they represented. And they were seen as having neofeudal ("baronial" or "aristocratic") pretensions which threatened the political egalitarianism of the New World.
325. So that there is no room for confusion, let me make it clear that this is not, of course, meant to imply that the survival of the ARU would on its own have been sufficient to induce the establishment of a labor party. Clearly the ARU would have had to work with the mine workers and other like-minded unions, and these unions would have had to overcome a number of other obstacles unconnected with repression.
326. Pittsburgh and Chicago were the two main steel-making districts in the United States. Although the iron and steel workers union had lost control of the Pittsburgh mills following the Homestead strike, it retained its lodges in Chicago (Holt, Trade Unionism," 130-32).
327. Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial State, 164.
328. For this paragraph, see Destler, American Radicalism, 165, 171, 179-80, 183-86; Chester McArthur Destler, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 243-44, 269-70; Eugene Staley, History of the Illinois State Federation of Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 112-25; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial Stale, 160-65; and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 411-21.
329. For this paragraph, see Destler, American Radicalism, 165, 171, 179-80, 183-86; Chester McArthur Destler, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 243-44, 269-70; Eugene Staley, History of the Illinois State Federation of Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 112-25; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial Stale, 160-65; and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 411-21.
330. For this paragraph, see Destler, American Radicalism, 165, 171, 179-80, 183-86; Chester McArthur Destler, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 243-44, 269-70; Eugene Staley, History of the Illinois State Federation of Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 112-25; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial Stale, 160-65; and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 411-21.
331. For this paragraph, see Destler, American Radicalism, 165, 171, 179-80, 183-86; Chester McArthur Destler, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 243-44, 269-70; Eugene Staley, History of the Illinois State Federation of Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 112-25; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial Stale, 160-65; and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 411-21.
332. For this paragraph, see Destler, American Radicalism, 165, 171, 179-80, 183-86; Chester McArthur Destler, Henry Demarest Lloyd and the Empire of Reform (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1963), 243-44, 269-70; Eugene Staley, History of the Illinois State Federation of Labor (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930), 112-25; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial Stale, 160-65; and Goodwyn, Democratic Promise, 411-21.
333. For a discussion of "frame battles" and their effects on "bystander publics," see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, eds., Comparative Prespectives on Social Movements, 338,
334. Donatella della Porta focuses explicitly on the effects of police repression ("Social Movements and the State," 64, 85).
335. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 245; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 137; Cooper, 'Hie Army and Civil Disorder, 146-47.
336. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 245; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 137; Cooper, 'Hie Army and Civil Disorder, 146-47.
337. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 245; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 137; Cooper, 'Hie Army and Civil Disorder, 146-47.
338. That came later, after the deployment of troops (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 205).
339. Foner, History of the Labar Movement, 266.
340. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 149.
341. N. B. Nairn, "The Role of the Trades and Labour Council in New South Wales, 1871-1891, "in Historical Studies: Selected Articles: Second Series, eds. Margot Beever and F. B. Smith (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1967), 94-90.
342. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 150-54.
343. See Nelson A. Miles, The Lesson of the Recent Strike," North American Review 159 (1894): 186; and Robert Wooster, Nelson A. Miles and the Twilight of the Frontier Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 198-201. Miles continued: Men must take sides either for anarchy, secret conclaves, unwritten law, mob violence, and universal chaos under the red or white flag of socialism on the one hand; or on the side of established government, the supremacy of law the maintenance of good order, universal peace, absolute security of life and property, the rights of personal liberty, all under the shadow and folds of "Old Glory" on the other. ("Lesson of the Recent Strike," 184) For similar, if sometimes less strident views, from other officers, see Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 250-57 . Miles later became Chief Guardian of the Guardians of Liberty: a secret anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant society (Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 [London: Heinemann, 1971] 102).
344. See Nelson A. Miles, The Lesson of the Recent Strike," North American Review 159 (1894): 186; and Robert Wooster, Nelson A. Miles and the Twilight of the Frontier Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 198-201. Miles continued: Men must take sides either for anarchy, secret conclaves, unwritten law, mob violence, and universal chaos under the red or white flag of socialism on the one hand; or on the side of established government, the supremacy of law the maintenance of good order, universal peace, absolute security of life and property, the rights of personal liberty, all under the shadow and folds of "Old Glory" on the other. ("Lesson of the Recent Strike," 184) For similar, if sometimes less strident views, from other officers, see Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 250-57 . Miles later became Chief Guardian of the Guardians of Liberty: a secret anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant society (Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 [London: Heinemann, 1971] 102).
345. See Nelson A. Miles, The Lesson of the Recent Strike," North American Review 159 (1894): 186; and Robert Wooster, Nelson A. Miles and the Twilight of the Frontier Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 198-201. Miles continued: Men must take sides either for anarchy, secret conclaves, unwritten law, mob violence, and universal chaos under the red or white flag of socialism on the one hand; or on the side of established government, the supremacy of law the maintenance of good order, universal peace, absolute security of life and property, the rights of personal liberty, all under the shadow and folds of "Old Glory" on the other. ("Lesson of the Recent Strike," 184) For similar, if sometimes less strident views, from other officers, see Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 250-57 . Miles later became Chief Guardian of the Guardians of Liberty: a secret anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant society (Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 [London: Heinemann, 1971] 102).
346. See Nelson A. Miles, The Lesson of the Recent Strike," North American Review 159 (1894): 186; and Robert Wooster, Nelson A. Miles and the Twilight of the Frontier Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), 198-201. Miles continued: Men must take sides either for anarchy, secret conclaves, unwritten law, mob violence, and universal chaos under the red or white flag of socialism on the one hand; or on the side of established government, the supremacy of law the maintenance of good order, universal peace, absolute security of life and property, the rights of personal liberty, all under the shadow and folds of "Old Glory" on the other. ("Lesson of the Recent Strike," 184) For similar, if sometimes less strident views, from other officers, see Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 250-57 . Miles later became Chief Guardian of the Guardians of Liberty: a secret anti-Catholic, anti-immigrant society (Seymour Martin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970 [London: Heinemann, 1971] 102).
347. The superintendent of police in Chicago actually made a similar point, but his voice was drowned out by contrary claims (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 219).
348. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
349. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
350. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
351. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid
352. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
353. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
354. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
355. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
356. TLC Report (1891), 11. This resulted from the interpretations offered by the press and the churches, as well as those of the government. The Sydney Morning Herald was quite capable of comparing the Maritime strike with the "horror" and the "frenzy" of the Paris Commune (Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 134). For the consistently wild and lurid headlines in most Chicago newspapers during the Pullman strike, see Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 308-19; Ginger, The Beading Cross, 141-42; and Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 269. For the more sympathetic role of the Chicago Times, see Destler, American Radicalism, 190-93. After the Maritime strike, the New South Wales Labour Defence Committee complained bitterly, that, with few exceptions, "the clergy were afraid to speak out" (LDC, Official Report, 16). The Pullman strikers could only wish for such a problem, as prominent church leaders joined the chorus of voices denouncing the ARU and even demanding that "The soldiers must use their guns. They must shoot to kill" (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 320-21; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 130, 145; Foner, History of the Laor Movement, 269).
357. P. F. Donovan, "Australia and the Great London Dock Strike: 1889," Labour History 23 (1972).
358. Rickard, Class and Politics, 22-24, 31.
359. Note how economic conflicts were translated into political and cultural conflicts, and metaconflicts at that. Charges that unions were seeking to overthrow the economic order were less prominent. This was not accidental. In that sphere, as Henry Demarest Lloyd pointed out during the Chicago election campaign of 1891, a revolution really had come, and the established economic order was already being overthrown, but it was not the unions but the large capitalist corporations who were the revolutionaries (Destler, American Radicalism, 212-21).
360. Ralph William Scharnau, "Thomas J. Morgan and the United Labor Party of Chicago, "Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 66 (1973): 54; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial State, 468.
361. Ralph William Scharnau, "Thomas J. Morgan and the United Labor Party of Chicago, "Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 66 (1973): 54; Bogart and Thompson, The Industrial State, 468.
362. Foner, History of the Labor Movement. 212, 215. On the great upsurge of law and order rhetoric during the election campaigns of the mid-1890s, see John Gerring, "Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter," Studies in American Political Development, 11 (1997), 80.
363. Foner, History of the Labor Movement. 212, 215. On the great upsurge of law and order rhetoric during the election campaigns of the mid-1890s, see John Gerring, "Party Ideology in America: The National Republican Chapter," Studies in American Political Development, 11 (1997), 80.
364. Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 253.
365. The Australian interpretation was reinforced during the Maritime strike by a handful of established liberals, like Chief Justice Higginbothan of Victoria, who publicly sent ten pounds a week to the Melbourne strike fund, and Attorney-General Kingston of South Australia, who acted in court on behalf of arrested unionists. Wien Governor Altgeld of Illinois had the temerity merely to question the deployment of federal troops, he too was branded an anarchist and subjected to the most extraordinary attacks. According to the Chicago Tribune, for example (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 192): "This lying, hypocritical, demagogical, sniveling Governor of Illinois does not want the law enforced. He is a sympathizer with riot, with violence, with anarchy." The successful redefinition of the ARU as a harbinger of alien anarchism is all the more striking because Debs in fact preached a very American message rooted injeffersonian republicanism (Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs; Debs, Address of Eugene V. Debs at the Convention of the American Railway Union).
366. The Australian interpretation was reinforced during the Maritime strike by a handful of established liberals, like Chief Justice Higginbothan of Victoria, who publicly sent ten pounds a week to the Melbourne strike fund, and Attorney-General Kingston of South Australia, who acted in court on behalf of arrested unionists. Wien Governor Altgeld of Illinois had the temerity merely to question the deployment of federal troops, he too was branded an anarchist and subjected to the most extraordinary attacks. According to the Chicago Tribune, for example (Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 192): "This lying, hypocritical, demagogical, sniveling Governor of Illinois does not want the law enforced. He is a sympathizer with riot, with violence, with anarchy." The successful redefinition of the ARU as a harbinger of alien anarchism is all the more striking because Debs in fact preached a very American message rooted injeffersonian republicanism (Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs; Debs, Address of Eugene V. Debs at the Convention of the American Railway Union).
367. On the ability of railway centers to provide rural bases for the New South Wales labor party, see Jim Hagan and Ken Turner A History of the Labor Party in New South Wales, 1891-1991 (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991), 41. Rural campaigning in Illinois was heavily dependent on unions because of the weakness of the Farmers' Alliance in that state (Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in Amarica [New York: Oxford University Press, 1976], 415, 582-87). Seasonal wage-work done by farmers - shearing in New South Wales and mining in Illinois - gave unions some influence over their political attitudes in both cases (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 44, 48; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 200).
368. On the ability of railway centers to provide rural bases for the New South Wales labor party, see Jim Hagan and Ken Turner A History of the Labor Party in New South Wales, 1891-1991 (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991), 41. Rural campaigning in Illinois was heavily dependent on unions because of the weakness of the Farmers' Alliance in that state (Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in Amarica [New York: Oxford University Press, 1976], 415, 582-87). Seasonal wage-work done by farmers - shearing in New South Wales and mining in Illinois - gave unions some influence over their political attitudes in both cases (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 44, 48; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 200).
369. On the ability of railway centers to provide rural bases for the New South Wales labor party, see Jim Hagan and Ken Turner A History of the Labor Party in New South Wales, 1891-1991 (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991), 41. Rural campaigning in Illinois was heavily dependent on unions because of the weakness of the Farmers' Alliance in that state (Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in Amarica [New York: Oxford University Press, 1976], 415, 582-87). Seasonal wage-work done by farmers - shearing in New South Wales and mining in Illinois - gave unions some influence over their political attitudes in both cases (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 44, 48; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 200).
370. On the ability of railway centers to provide rural bases for the New South Wales labor party, see Jim Hagan and Ken Turner A History of the Labor Party in New South Wales, 1891-1991 (Melbourne: Longman Cheshire, 1991), 41. Rural campaigning in Illinois was heavily dependent on unions because of the weakness of the Farmers' Alliance in that state (Lawrence Goodwyn, Democratic Promise: The Populist Moment in Amarica [New York: Oxford University Press, 1976], 415, 582-87). Seasonal wage-work done by farmers - shearing in New South Wales and mining in Illinois - gave unions some influence over their political attitudes in both cases (Merritt, Making of the AWU, 44, 48; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 200).
371. Hagan and Turner, History of the Labor Party, 42-53; Destler, American Radicalism, 206-7.
372. Hagan and Turner, History of the Labor Party, 42-53; Destler, American Radicalism, 206-7.
373. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 182-89; Merritt, Making of AWU, 271-76. The Queensland Labour party became even more reliant on the shearers' union (Murphy, Labor in Politics, 149, 150, 152, 154-55); while in Victoria, where the shearers' union was much weaker and the miners' union was disaffected, it proved difficult to sustain an independent party (Rickard, Class and Politics, 51, 119).
374. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 182-89; Merritt, Making of AWU, 271-76. The Queensland Labour party became even more reliant on the shearers' union (Murphy, Labor in Politics, 149, 150, 152, 154-55); while in Victoria, where the shearers' union was much weaker and the miners' union was disaffected, it proved difficult to sustain an independent party (Rickard, Class and Politics, 51, 119).
375. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 182-89; Merritt, Making of AWU, 271-76. The Queensland Labour party became even more reliant on the shearers' union (Murphy, Labor in Politics, 149, 150, 152, 154-55); while in Victoria, where the shearers' union was much weaker and the miners' union was disaffected, it proved difficult to sustain an independent party (Rickard, Class and Politics, 51, 119).
376. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 182-89; Merritt, Making of AWU, 271-76. The Queensland Labour party became even more reliant on the shearers' union (Murphy, Labor in Politics, 149, 150, 152, 154-55); while in Victoria, where the shearers' union was much weaker and the miners' union was disaffected, it proved difficult to sustain an independent party (Rickard, Class and Politics, 51, 119).
377. Peter Loveday, "New South Wales," in Prelude to Power. The Rise of Labor Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D. J. Murphy, R. B. Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 41; Hagan and Turner, History of the Labor Party, 43.
378. Peter Loveday, "New South Wales," in Prelude to Power. The Rise of Labor Party in Queensland, 1885-1915, ed. D. J. Murphy, R. B. Joyce, and Colin A. Hughes (Brisbane: The Jacaranda Press, 1970), 41; Hagan and Turner, History of the Labor Party, 43.
379. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
380. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
381. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
382. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
383. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
384. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
385. On leadership and travelling organizers, see Markey, Making af the Labor Party, 182, 185; Merritt, Making of the AWU, 264-71; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 51-54. On the labor press, see Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 185, 189; and Loveday, "New South Wales," 54-55. On party funding, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 48-51. On party branches, see Loveday, "New South Wales," 45-48.
386. Ginger, The Bending Cross, 172, Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 137-39.
387. Ginger, The Bending Cross, 172, Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 137-39.
388. Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 142.
389. Destler, American Radicalism, 207; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 245; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 198.
390. Destler, American Radicalism, 207; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 245; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 198.
391. Destler, American Radicalism, 207; Foner, History of the Labor Movement, 245; Laslett, Labor and the Left, 198.
392. Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 154-55; Richard Oestreicher, Solidarity and Fragmentation: Working People and Class Conscience in Detroit, 1875-1900 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), xvi-ii, 244, 253.
393. Montgomery, Citizen Worker, 154-55; Richard Oestreicher, Solidarity and Fragmentation: Working People and Class Conscience in Detroit, 1875-1900 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), xvi-ii, 244, 253.
394. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 115-18; Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 169-70.
395. Smith, The Coeur d'Alene Mining War, 115-18; Cooper, The Army and Civil Disorder, 169-70.
396. William J. Gaboury, "From Statehouse to Bull Pen: Idaho Populism and the Coeur d'Alene Troubles of the 1890s," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 58 (1967): 16-17; Melvyn Dubovsky, "The Origins of Western Working-Class Radicalism, 1890-1905," in Workers in the Industrial Revolution: Recent Studies of Labor in the. United Stales and Europe, ed. Peter N. Sterns and Daniel J. Walkowitz (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1974), 383; Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 60-61, 76, 83-84.
397. William J. Gaboury, "From Statehouse to Bull Pen: Idaho Populism and the Coeur d'Alene Troubles of the 1890s," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 58 (1967): 16-17; Melvyn Dubovsky, "The Origins of Western Working-Class Radicalism, 1890-1905," in Workers in the Industrial Revolution: Recent Studies of Labor in the. United Stales and Europe, ed. Peter N. Sterns and Daniel J. Walkowitz (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1974), 383; Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 60-61, 76, 83-84.
398. William J. Gaboury, "From Statehouse to Bull Pen: Idaho Populism and the Coeur d'Alene Troubles of the 1890s," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 58 (1967): 16-17; Melvyn Dubovsky, "The Origins of Western Working-Class Radicalism, 1890-1905," in Workers in the Industrial Revolution: Recent Studies of Labor in the. United Stales and Europe, ed. Peter N. Sterns and Daniel J. Walkowitz (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1974), 383; Kennedy, Silver, Sin, and Sixpenny Ale, 60-61, 76, 83-84.
399. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 160-64. On the relative importance of repression and depression as causes of this collapse, see Rickard, Class and Politics, 36-37.
400. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 160-64. On the relative importance of repression and depression as causes of this collapse, see Rickard, Class and Politics, 36-37.
401. Merritt, Making of the AWU, 92-100.
402. Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 110.
403. Michael Quinlan and Margaret Gardner, "Researching Industrial Relations History: The Development of a Database on Australian Trade Unions, 1825-1900," Labour History 66 (1994): 98-99, 105-6; Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage," 68.
404. Michael Quinlan and Margaret Gardner, "Researching Industrial Relations History: The Development of a Database on Australian Trade Unions, 1825-1900," Labour History 66 (1994): 98-99, 105-6; Macarthy, "Labor and the Living Wage," 68.
405. Wish, "The Pullman Strike," 311; Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 338-39; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 178-80; Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 138.
406. Wish, "The Pullman Strike," 311; Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 338-39; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 178-80; Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 138.
407. Wish, "The Pullman Strike," 311; Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 338-39; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 178-80; Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 138.
408. Wish, "The Pullman Strike," 311; Lindsey, Pullman Strike, 338-39; Ginger, The Bending Cross, 178-80; Salvatori, Eugene V. Debs, 138.
409. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 96; Ebbels, Australian Labor Movement, 209.
410. Markey, Making of the Labor Party, 96; Ebbels, Australian Labor Movement, 209.
411. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
412. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
413. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
414. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
415. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
416. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
417. These arguments appear in Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-9G; Holt, "Trade Unionism," 141-44, 146; Jacobi, "American Exceptionalism Revisited"; Gerald Friedman, The Decline of Paternalism and the Making of the Employer Class: France, 1870-1914," in Masters to Managers: Historical and Comparative Perspectives on American Employers, ed. Jacobi (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), 171-72; Mann, The Sources of Social Power: Volume II, 634, 640, 647-48; Voss, Making of American Exceptionalism, 12, 202-5, 223-26, 232, 237-38; and Voss, "The Collapse of a Social Movement: The Interplay of Mobilising Structures, Framing, and Political Opportunities in the Knights of Labor," in Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements, ed. Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 241-43. In particular, Voss, like me, sees the repression of inclusive unions as central to any explanation of the exceptional nature of labor politics in the United States. However, her focus is on the role of employer repression against the Knights of Labor in and around 1886.
418. Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-96, 499; and Holt, "Trade Unionism," 241.
419. Commons et al., History of Labor, 495-96, 499; and Holt, "Trade Unionism," 241.
420. Edwards, Strikes in the United States, 111, 126. It was the absence of armed forces that distinguished the 1889 strike from the 1892 strike (Irwin M. Marcus et al., "Change and Continuity: Steel Workers in Homestead, Pennsylvania, 1889-1895," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 111 [1987]: 64). Note, that large concentrations also existed in some key Australian industries. For example, the family of George Fairbairn, who played a leading role in provoking the Queensland shearers' strike, owned or controlled at least 20 percent of the Queensland pastoral industry in 1891 (Svensen, The Shearers' War, 23, 249).
421. Edwards, Strikes in the United States, 111, 126. It was the absence of armed forces that distinguished the 1889 strike from the 1892 strike (Irwin M. Marcus et al., "Change and Continuity: Steel Workers in Homestead, Pennsylvania, 1889-1895," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 111 [1987]: 64). Note, that large concentrations also existed in some key Australian industries. For example, the family of George Fairbairn, who played a leading role in provoking the Queensland shearers' strike, owned or controlled at least 20 percent of the Queensland pastoral industry in 1891 (Svensen, The Shearers' War, 23, 249).
422. Edwards, Strikes in the United States, 111, 126. It was the absence of armed forces that distinguished the 1889 strike from the 1892 strike (Irwin M. Marcus et al., "Change and Continuity: Steel Workers in Homestead, Pennsylvania, 1889-1895," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 111 [1987]: 64). Note, that large concentrations also existed in some key Australian industries. For example, the family of George Fairbairn, who played a leading role in provoking the Queensland shearers' strike, owned or controlled at least 20 percent of the Queensland pastoral industry in 1891 (Svensen, The Shearers' War, 23, 249).
423. Forbath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement. 22.
424. United States Strike Commission, Report, xxviii; Rickard, Class and Politics, 9-26; Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 132.
425. United States Strike Commission, Report, xxviii; Rickard, Class and Politics, 9-26; Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 132.
426. Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 131; Rickard, Class and Politics, 11, 24-25.
427. Gollan, Radical and Working Class Politics, 131; Rickard, Class and Politics, 11, 24-25.
428. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99. Holt, ("Trade Unionism") Jacobi (Masters to Managers, 180-84), and Voss (Making of American Exceptionalism, 204) acknowledge that political opportunities did play a role. Holt even considers whether "the attitude of employers may not have been an independent variable ... but a function of other factors" (142). This is not, however, the thrust of his overall conclusion.
429. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99. Holt, ("Trade Unionism") Jacobi (Masters to Managers, 180-84), and Voss (Making of American Exceptionalism, 204) acknowledge that political opportunities did play a role. Holt even considers whether "the attitude of employers may not have been an independent variable ... but a function of other factors" (142). This is not, however, the thrust of his overall conclusion.
430. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99. Holt, ("Trade Unionism") Jacobi (Masters to Managers, 180-84), and Voss (Making of American Exceptionalism, 204) acknowledge that political opportunities did play a role. Holt even considers whether "the attitude of employers may not have been an independent variable ... but a function of other factors" (142). This is not, however, the thrust of his overall conclusion.
431. Reinders, "Militia and Public Order," 99. Holt, ("Trade Unionism") Jacobi (Masters to Managers, 180-84), and Voss (Making of American Exceptionalism, 204) acknowledge that political opportunities did play a role. Holt even considers whether "the attitude of employers may not have been an independent variable ... but a function of other factors" (142). This is not, however, the thrust of his overall conclusion.
432. Goldstein, Political Repression, 218.
433. Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, updated ed. (New York: The Free Press, 1966), 351-54; Goldstein, Political Repression, 228-31.
434. Joseph G. Rayback, A History of American Labor, updated ed. (New York: The Free Press, 1966), 351-54; Goldstein, Political Repression, 228-31.
435. Similarly, the growth of employer repression in the 1880s and 1890s coincided with the growth of state repression, although it also coincided with the growth of large corporations.