"Better homes on better farms": Domestic reform in rural Tennessee

Frontiers

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 51-73

  Hoffschwelle, Mary S ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0035654385     PISSN: 01609009     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/fro.2001.0008     Document Type: Article

References (152)

1. Lillian Keller, Improved Country Homes of Tennessee (Nashville: Tennessee Department of Agriculture, 1928), 5.
2. Thomas F. Peck, "Community Cooperation," Tennessee Agriculture 3: 2 (1914): 225.
3. See Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Jean Gordon and Jan McArthur, "American Women and Domestic Consumption, 1800-1920: Four Interpretive Themes," and Mary Corbin Sies, "The Domestic Mission of the Privileged American Suburban Homemaker, 1877-1917: A Reassessment," in Making the American Home: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Material Culture, 1840-1940, Marilyn Ferris Motz and Pat Browne, eds. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 27-47 and 193-210. For comparisons with working-class urban women, see Lizabeth A. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor: An Interpretation of the Material Culture of American Working-Class Homes, 1885-1915," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 261-78, and Susan Levine, "Workers' Wives: Gender, Class and Consumerism in the 1920s United States," Gender and History 3:1 (1991): 45-64.
4. See Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Jean Gordon and Jan McArthur, "American Women and Domestic Consumption, 1800-1920: Four Interpretive Themes," and Mary Corbin Sies, "The Domestic Mission of the Privileged American Suburban Homemaker, 1877-1917: A Reassessment," in Making the American Home: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Material Culture, 1840-1940, Marilyn Ferris Motz and Pat Browne, eds. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 27-47 and 193-210. For comparisons with working-class urban women, see Lizabeth A. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor: An Interpretation of the Material Culture of American Working-Class Homes, 1885-1915," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 261-78, and Susan Levine, "Workers' Wives: Gender, Class and Consumerism in the 1920s United States," Gender and History 3:1 (1991): 45-64.
5. See Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Jean Gordon and Jan McArthur, "American Women and Domestic Consumption, 1800-1920: Four Interpretive Themes," and Mary Corbin Sies, "The Domestic Mission of the Privileged American Suburban Homemaker, 1877-1917: A Reassessment," in Making the American Home: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Material Culture, 1840-1940, Marilyn Ferris Motz and Pat Browne, eds. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 27-47 and 193-210. For comparisons with working-class urban women, see Lizabeth A. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor: An Interpretation of the Material Culture of American Working-Class Homes, 1885-1915," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 261-78, and Susan Levine, "Workers' Wives: Gender, Class and Consumerism in the 1920s United States," Gender and History 3:1 (1991): 45-64.
6. See Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Jean Gordon and Jan McArthur, "American Women and Domestic Consumption, 1800-1920: Four Interpretive Themes," and Mary Corbin Sies, "The Domestic Mission of the Privileged American Suburban Homemaker, 1877-1917: A Reassessment," in Making the American Home: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Material Culture, 1840-1940, Marilyn Ferris Motz and Pat Browne, eds. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 27-47 and 193-210. For comparisons with working-class urban women, see Lizabeth A. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor: An Interpretation of the Material Culture of American Working-Class Homes, 1885-1915," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 261-78, and Susan Levine, "Workers' Wives: Gender, Class and Consumerism in the 1920s United States," Gender and History 3:1 (1991): 45-64.
7. See Gwendolyn Wright, Moralism and the Model Home: Domestic Architecture and Cultural Conflict in Chicago, 1873-1913 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and Jean Gordon and Jan McArthur, "American Women and Domestic Consumption, 1800-1920: Four Interpretive Themes," and Mary Corbin Sies, "The Domestic Mission of the Privileged American Suburban Homemaker, 1877-1917: A Reassessment," in Making the American Home: Middle-Class Women and Domestic Material Culture, 1840-1940, Marilyn Ferris Motz and Pat Browne, eds. (Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1988), 27-47 and 193-210. For comparisons with working-class urban women, see Lizabeth A. Cohen, "Embellishing a Life of Labor: An Interpretation of the Material Culture of American Working-Class Homes, 1885-1915," in Common Places: Readings in American Vernacular Architecture, Dell Upton and John Michael Vlach, eds. (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986), 261-78, and Susan Levine, "Workers' Wives: Gender, Class and Consumerism in the 1920s United States," Gender and History 3:1 (1991): 45-64.
8. See William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); and David B. Danbom, The Resisted Revolution: Urban America and the Industrialization of Agriculture, 1900-1930 (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1979). Danbom offers a succinct account of the movement in Born in the Country: A History of Rural America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 167-75; and Deborah Fink dissects agrarian ideology in Agrarian Women: Wives and Mothers in Rural Nebraska, 1880-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).
9. See William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); and David B. Danbom, The Resisted Revolution: Urban America and the Industrialization of Agriculture, 1900-1930 (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1979). Danbom offers a succinct account of the movement in Born in the Country: A History of Rural America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 167-75; and Deborah Fink dissects agrarian ideology in Agrarian Women: Wives and Mothers in Rural Nebraska, 1880-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).
10. See William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); and David B. Danbom, The Resisted Revolution: Urban America and the Industrialization of Agriculture, 1900-1930 (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1979). Danbom offers a succinct account of the movement in Born in the Country: A History of Rural America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 167-75; and Deborah Fink dissects agrarian ideology in Agrarian Women: Wives and Mothers in Rural Nebraska, 1880-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).
11. See William L. Bowers, The Country Life Movement in America, 1900-1920 (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press, 1974); and David B. Danbom, The Resisted Revolution: Urban America and the Industrialization of Agriculture, 1900-1930 (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1979). Danbom offers a succinct account of the movement in Born in the Country: A History of Rural America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995), 167-75; and Deborah Fink dissects agrarian ideology in Agrarian Women: Wives and Mothers in Rural Nebraska, 1880-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992).
12. The classic study of Knapp is Joseph Cannon Bailey, Seaman A. Knapp: Schoolmaster of American Agriculture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945).
13. For discussions of rural progressive reforms in the South, see Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); William A Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Jeanette Keith, Country People in the New South: Tennessees Upper Cumberland (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). My own research, from which this essay is drawn, appears in Rebuilding the Rural Southern Community: Reformers, Schools, and Homes in Tennessee, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998).
14. For discussions of rural progressive reforms in the South, see Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); William A Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Jeanette Keith, Country People in the New South: Tennessees Upper Cumberland (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). My own research, from which this essay is drawn, appears in Rebuilding the Rural Southern Community: Reformers, Schools, and Homes in Tennessee, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998).
15. For discussions of rural progressive reforms in the South, see Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); William A Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Jeanette Keith, Country People in the New South: Tennessees Upper Cumberland (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). My own research, from which this essay is drawn, appears in Rebuilding the Rural Southern Community: Reformers, Schools, and Homes in Tennessee, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998).
16. For discussions of rural progressive reforms in the South, see Dewey W. Grantham, Southern Progressivism: The Reconciliation of Progress and Tradition (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983); William A Link, The Paradox of Southern Progressivism, 1880-1930 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992); and Jeanette Keith, Country People in the New South: Tennessees Upper Cumberland (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995). My own research, from which this essay is drawn, appears in Rebuilding the Rural Southern Community: Reformers, Schools, and Homes in Tennessee, 1900-1930 (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1998).
17. Seaman A. Knapp quoted in Wallace Buttrick, "Seaman Asahel Knapp," in Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention of the Southern Commercial Congress (Nashville, Tenn., 1912; reprint, Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1914), 9. Buttrick was an executive officer of the General Education Board.
18. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
19. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
20. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
21. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
22. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
23. In addition to the works by Danbom and Fink cited above, see Katherine Jellison, Entitled to Power: Farm Women and Technology, 1913-1963 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Mary Neth, Preserving the Family Farm: Women, Community, and the Foundations of Agribusiness in the Midwest, 1900-1940 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 19951); and Melissa Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm: Rural Women in the Upcountry South, 1919-1941 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). For additional discussions of extension work among women see Joan M. Jensen, With These Hands: Women Working on the Land (Old Westbury, N.Y.: Feminist Press, 1981); and Wava G. Haney and Jane B. Knowles, eds., Women and Farming: Changing Roles, Changing Structures (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1988). For a discussion of the need to confine rural women's work to consumption, see Warren H. Wilson, "The Producer and Consumer in the Home," Sixth Annual National Country Life Conference (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1923), 113-21.
24. Bradford Knapp and Mary E. Cresswell, of the Office of Extension Work in the South, noted, "In many cases incomes must be increased before standards of living can be raised or progressive community enterprises fostered." See "The Effect of Home Demonstration Work on the Community and the County in the South," Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1916 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1917), 251. According to J. A. Evans, in his Recollections of Extension History (Raleigh: North Carolina State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Extension Circular Number 224, 1938), home economists at northern colleges and their extension divisions opposed the productive work for income encouraged by southern demonstration agents (29). Compare the greater discomfort of northern agents dealing with women's handicrafts as home industries described by Kathleen R. Babbitt, "The Productive Farm Woman and the Extension Home Economist in New York State, 1920-1940," Agricultural History 67: 2 (1993): 83-101, with the southern home industries campaigns found in Marilyn Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995).
25. Bradford Knapp and Mary E. Cresswell, of the Office of Extension Work in the South, noted, "In many cases incomes must be increased before standards of living can be raised or progressive community enterprises fostered." See "The Effect of Home Demonstration Work on the Community and the County in the South," Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1916 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1917), 251. According to J. A. Evans, in his Recollections of Extension History (Raleigh: North Carolina State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Extension Circular Number 224, 1938), home economists at northern colleges and their extension divisions opposed the productive work for income encouraged by southern demonstration agents (29). Compare the greater discomfort of northern agents dealing with women's handicrafts as home industries described by Kathleen R. Babbitt, "The Productive Farm Woman and the Extension Home Economist in New York State, 1920-1940," Agricultural History 67: 2 (1993): 83-101, with the southern home industries campaigns found in Marilyn Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995).
26. Bradford Knapp and Mary E. Cresswell, of the Office of Extension Work in the South, noted, "In many cases incomes must be increased before standards of living can be raised or progressive community enterprises fostered." See "The Effect of Home Demonstration Work on the Community and the County in the South," Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1916 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1917), 251. According to J. A. Evans, in his Recollections of Extension History (Raleigh: North Carolina State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Extension Circular Number 224, 1938), home economists at northern colleges and their extension divisions opposed the productive work for income encouraged by southern demonstration agents (29). Compare the greater discomfort of northern agents dealing with women's handicrafts as home industries described by Kathleen R. Babbitt, "The Productive Farm Woman and the Extension Home Economist in New York State, 1920-1940," Agricultural History 67: 2 (1993): 83-101, with the southern home industries campaigns found in Marilyn Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995).
27. Bradford Knapp and Mary E. Cresswell, of the Office of Extension Work in the South, noted, "In many cases incomes must be increased before standards of living can be raised or progressive community enterprises fostered." See "The Effect of Home Demonstration Work on the Community and the County in the South," Yearbook of the United States Department of Agriculture, 1916 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1917), 251. According to J. A. Evans, in his Recollections of Extension History (Raleigh: North Carolina State College of Agriculture and Engineering, Extension Circular Number 224, 1938), home economists at northern colleges and their extension divisions opposed the productive work for income encouraged by southern demonstration agents (29). Compare the greater discomfort of northern agents dealing with women's handicrafts as home industries described by Kathleen R. Babbitt, "The Productive Farm Woman and the Extension Home Economist in New York State, 1920-1940," Agricultural History 67: 2 (1993): 83-101, with the southern home industries campaigns found in Marilyn Holt, Linoleum, Better Babies, and the Modern Farm Woman, 1890-1930 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995).
28. Kathleen C. Hilton, "'Both in the Field, Each with a Plow': Race and Gender in USDA Policy, 1907-1929," in Hidden Histories of Women in the New South, Virginia Bernhard, et al., eds. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1994), 114-43.
29. For other studies addressing southern rural women's lives and the influence (or lack of it) exercised by the extension service, see Rebecca Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices: Women on Texas Cotton Farms, 1900-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); and Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm . For a family-based, Midwestern perspective, see Jane Adams, The Transformation of Rural Life: Southern Illinois, 1890-1990 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).
30. For other studies addressing southern rural women's lives and the influence (or lack of it) exercised by the extension service, see Rebecca Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices: Women on Texas Cotton Farms, 1900-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); and Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm . For a family-based, Midwestern perspective, see Jane Adams, The Transformation of Rural Life: Southern Illinois, 1890-1990 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).
31. For other studies addressing southern rural women's lives and the influence (or lack of it) exercised by the extension service, see Rebecca Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices: Women on Texas Cotton Farms, 1900-1940 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); and Walker, All We Knew Was to Farm . For a family-based, Midwestern perspective, see Jane Adams, The Transformation of Rural Life: Southern Illinois, 1890-1990 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).
32. Virginia P. Moore, "Report of Canning Club Work in Tennessee for Year 1914," Records of the Federal Extension Service, RG 33, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, National Archives Microfilm, p. 5, T-889, roll 1; Louise G. Turner, Home Work for Winter Months for Canning Club Girls of Tennessee: Kitchen Rules, Setting the Table, Beverages (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication No. 2, November 1914); Louise G. Turner, What to Do When Cleaning House (Publication 5, February 1915); and Mary Geneva Conway to C. A. Keffer, June 1916, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 1. This "wedge into the home" could produce family tensions as it interjected an outsider, the home agent, into the rural mother's customary role in educating her daughter. See Martha Foote Crow, The American Country Girl (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1915), 103.
33. Virginia P. Moore, "Report of Canning Club Work in Tennessee for Year 1914," Records of the Federal Extension Service, RG 33, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, National Archives Microfilm, p. 5, T-889, roll 1; Louise G. Turner, Home Work for Winter Months for Canning Club Girls of Tennessee: Kitchen Rules, Setting the Table, Beverages (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication No. 2, November 1914); Louise G. Turner, What to Do When Cleaning House (Publication 5, February 1915); and Mary Geneva Conway to C. A. Keffer, June 1916, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 1. This "wedge into the home" could produce family tensions as it interjected an outsider, the home agent, into the rural mother's customary role in educating her daughter. See Martha Foote Crow, The American Country Girl (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1915), 103.
34. Virginia P. Moore, "Report of Canning Club Work in Tennessee for Year 1914," Records of the Federal Extension Service, RG 33, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, National Archives Microfilm, p. 5, T-889, roll 1; Louise G. Turner, Home Work for Winter Months for Canning Club Girls of Tennessee: Kitchen Rules, Setting the Table, Beverages (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication No. 2, November 1914); Louise G. Turner, What to Do When Cleaning House (Publication 5, February 1915); and Mary Geneva Conway to C. A. Keffer, June 1916, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 1. This "wedge into the home" could produce family tensions as it interjected an outsider, the home agent, into the rural mother's customary role in educating her daughter. See Martha Foote Crow, The American Country Girl (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1915), 103.
35. Virginia P. Moore, "Report of Canning Club Work in Tennessee for Year 1914," Records of the Federal Extension Service, RG 33, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, National Archives Microfilm, p. 5, T-889, roll 1; Louise G. Turner, Home Work for Winter Months for Canning Club Girls of Tennessee: Kitchen Rules, Setting the Table, Beverages (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication No. 2, November 1914); Louise G. Turner, What to Do When Cleaning House (Publication 5, February 1915); and Mary Geneva Conway to C. A. Keffer, June 1916, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 1. This "wedge into the home" could produce family tensions as it interjected an outsider, the home agent, into the rural mother's customary role in educating her daughter. See Martha Foote Crow, The American Country Girl (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1915), 103.
36. Virginia P. Moore, "Report of Canning Club Work in Tennessee for Year 1914," Records of the Federal Extension Service, RG 33, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, National Archives Microfilm, p. 5, T-889, roll 1; Louise G. Turner, Home Work for Winter Months for Canning Club Girls of Tennessee: Kitchen Rules, Setting the Table, Beverages (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication No. 2, November 1914); Louise G. Turner, What to Do When Cleaning House (Publication 5, February 1915); and Mary Geneva Conway to C. A. Keffer, June 1916, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 1. This "wedge into the home" could produce family tensions as it interjected an outsider, the home agent, into the rural mother's customary role in educating her daughter. See Martha Foote Crow, The American Country Girl (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1915), 103.
37. County agents conducted "demonstrations" in which they showed club members how to perform a particular task; the women who agreed to perform that task in their own homes were called "demonstrators." Any given club would have had overlapping groups of members working on different demonstration projects. In 1918, when 7,532 white women enrolled in Tennessee home demonstration clubs, 358 made fireless cookers. The fireless cooker is an insulated container in which boilinghot food can be placed and left to cook over several hours, without further heating.
38. In 1918, 5,536 black women enrolled in demonstration clubs. Virginia P Moore, "A Review of a Few Steps in Home Demonstration Work," folder 8, box 1, Moore Papers, MS 1546, University of Tennessee Special Collections, Hoskins Library, Knoxville, 17; and Almon J. Sims, A History of Extension Work in Tennessee: Twenty-Five Years of Service to Rural Life, 1914-1929 ([Knoxville]: University of Tennessee, 1939), 31-32.
39. Mabel Myers, Stella Richards, and Lillian White, Home-made Brooms, Rugs and Mattresses (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 77, May 1919).
40. Home Makers Clubs began at Tuskegee Insti tute in 1914, where the General Education Board (GEB) funded an experimental program modeled after white girls' canning clubs. See James L. Sibley, "Homemakers' Clubs for Negro Girls," Southern Workman 44:2 (1915): 81-86. The Smith-Lever Act did not mandate whether or how federal money should be divided between white and black land-grant colleges; provisions for black extension programs depended on the largess of individual states. Hoping to fill this gap in black extension work, the GEB extended its program throughout the South in 1915. For four years, Tennessee relied on GEB support rather than ask the state or local governments to pay black county agents.
41. Samuel L. Smith to County Superintendents, February 18, 1915, folder 1464, box 157; "Summary of Monthly Reports of Agents for Home Makers' Clubs for Negroes-Season 1915"; and "Report of Homemakers' Club Work of Tennessee, 1916," folder 1474, box 158, all in series 1, subseries 1, General Education Board Archives, Acc. No. 23, Rockefeller Foundation Archives, Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York.
42. "More Home Conveniences," Tennessee Agricultural Extension Review 4:4 (1920): 8. For other examples of this shift in emphasis see Holt, Linoleum, 79-93.
43. "More Home Conveniences," Tennessee Agricultural Extension Review 4:4 (1920): 8. For other examples of this shift in emphasis see Holt, Linoleum, 79-93.
44. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work for Women and Girls, Calendar Year 1920," Lake County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 8, roll 4.
45. "Annual Report 1921," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 281, T-889, roll 5, and "Home Improvement Day in Loudon County," Tennessee Extension Review 5:2 (1921): 2.
46. "Annual Report 1921," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 281, T-889, roll 5, and "Home Improvement Day in Loudon County," Tennessee Extension Review 5:2 (1921): 2.
47. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 293-94, T-889, roll 9, followed by unidentified clipp ng and photographs of model dining room and bedroom at the Anderson County Home Improvement Day; "Franklin County Home Demonstration Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 10; and "Home Convenience Day in Franklin Marked Success," Tennessee Extension Review 7:4 (1923): 2.
48. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 293-94, T-889, roll 9, followed by unidentified clipp ng and photographs of model dining room and bedroom at the Anderson County Home Improvement Day; "Franklin County Home Demonstration Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 10; and "Home Convenience Day in Franklin Marked Success," Tennessee Extension Review 7:4 (1923): 2.
49. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 293-94, T-889, roll 9, followed by unidentified clipp ng and photographs of model dining room and bedroom at the Anderson County Home Improvement Day; "Franklin County Home Demonstration Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 10; and "Home Convenience Day in Franklin Marked Success," Tennessee Extension Review 7:4 (1923): 2.
50. Fanny Liggett's description of a meeting on home beautification requested by older women suggests how novel this role seemed: "Their program was one that the County Demonstrator will not soon forget, for when these old country grandmothers asked to know how, at this late year, to make their homes more beautiful, it proved that ignorance and not indolence is the cause of their homes being so bare and plain," (narrative report for Marshall County, 1923; Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 10). Leah Parker similarly reported, "One lady said she had never thought about the combination of colors. She had just painted her dining room with pink and green colors which had been left over from some work her mother had done. One was used until it gave out and then the other was used," ("Anderson County Home Demonstration Agent Annual Report, 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 11). See Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices, for descriptions of Texas blackland prairie farm homes and women's perceptions of their home interiors.
51. Fanny Liggett's description of a meeting on home beautification requested by older women suggests how novel this role seemed: "Their program was one that the County Demonstrator will not soon forget, for when these old country grandmothers asked to know how, at this late year, to make their homes more beautiful, it proved that ignorance and not indolence is the cause of their homes being so bare and plain," (narrative report for Marshall County, 1923; Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 10). Leah Parker similarly reported, "One lady said she had never thought about the combination of colors. She had just painted her dining room with pink and green colors which had been left over from some work her mother had done. One was used until it gave out and then the other was used," ("Anderson County Home Demonstration Agent Annual Report, 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 11). See Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices, for descriptions of Texas blackland prairie farm homes and women's perceptions of their home interiors.
52. Fanny Liggett's description of a meeting on home beautification requested by older women suggests how novel this role seemed: "Their program was one that the County Demonstrator will not soon forget, for when these old country grandmothers asked to know how, at this late year, to make their homes more beautiful, it proved that ignorance and not indolence is the cause of their homes being so bare and plain," (narrative report for Marshall County, 1923; Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 10). Leah Parker similarly reported, "One lady said she had never thought about the combination of colors. She had just painted her dining room with pink and green colors which had been left over from some work her mother had done. One was used until it gave out and then the other was used," ("Anderson County Home Demonstration Agent Annual Report, 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 11). See Sharpless, Fertile Ground, Narrow Choices, for descriptions of Texas blackland prairie farm homes and women's perceptions of their home interiors.
53. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
54. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
55. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
56. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
57. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
58. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
59. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
60. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
61. Lizzie B. Reagan, northeastern district agent, summarized the decorating work agents promoted: "Some homes have been papered, soft colors being selected. Old furniture and old floors have been treated, and rag rugs have become very popular," ("Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9). Kate B. Gresham took credit in 1925 for better-harmonized colors in walls and rugs and reconditioned furniture in four hundred African American homes in East Tennessee, "Annual Report of County Extension Workers (hereinafter ARCEW), Negro work in Anderson, Blount, Campbell, Hamblen, Jefferson, Knox, Loudon, and Sullivan Counties, 1925," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 15. See the 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 10-11; 1924 reports for Montgomery, Sullivan, Williamson, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 13-14; ARCEW, 1924, Van Buren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; and 1925 narrative reports from white agents for Dyer, Fayette, Franklin, Knox, Lawrence, Sullivan, Sumner, and Van Buren counties and ARCEW forms from Roane and Van Buren counties, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 14-16. Furniture refinishing remained a popular project throughout the 1920s. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work in Anderson County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8 and photographs, roll 19, and Lois Wallace, "Dressing Up Old Furniture," Southern Ruralist 36:3 (1929): 22. For a useful summary of design principles applied to rural homes, see Mary Meek Atkeson, The Woman on the Farm (New York: Century Co., 1924), 47-57.
62. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9; see also 1923 narrative reports for Wilson County and for black club work in Roane, Rhea, and White counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; ARCEW, 1924, Wilson County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; "Van Buren County 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 19; and "Many Colored Homes Improved," Tennessee Extension Review 10: 3 (1926): 3.
63. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9; see also 1923 narrative reports for Wilson County and for black club work in Roane, Rhea, and White counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; ARCEW, 1924, Wilson County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; "Van Buren County 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 19; and "Many Colored Homes Improved," Tennessee Extension Review 10: 3 (1926): 3.
64. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9; see also 1923 narrative reports for Wilson County and for black club work in Roane, Rhea, and White counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; ARCEW, 1924, Wilson County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; "Van Buren County 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 19; and "Many Colored Homes Improved," Tennessee Extension Review 10: 3 (1926): 3.
65. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9; see also 1923 narrative reports for Wilson County and for black club work in Roane, Rhea, and White counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; ARCEW, 1924, Wilson County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; "Van Buren County 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 19; and "Many Colored Homes Improved," Tennessee Extension Review 10: 3 (1926): 3.
66. "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 151, T-889, roll 9; see also 1923 narrative reports for Wilson County and for black club work in Roane, Rhea, and White counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; ARCEW, 1924, Wilson County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 14; "Van Buren County 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 19; and "Many Colored Homes Improved," Tennessee Extension Review 10: 3 (1926): 3.
67. Ruth Van Deman, The Well-Planned Kitchen, United States Department of Agriculture Circular 189 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1921; revised 1923).
68. "What the Kitchen Campaign Has Meant to Me," in "Clothing and Household Management," 1925, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 6-7, T-889, roll 15. On 1920s urban housewives and their roles in the culture of consumption and the family's emotional adjustment, see Glenna Matthews, "Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 177-83, 187-92, and Ruth Schwanz Cowan, "Two Washes in the Morning and a Bridge Party at Night: The American Housewife Between the Wars," in Decades of Discontent: The Women's Movement, 1920-1940, Lois Scharf and Joan M. Jensen, eds. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), 178-82, 186-91.
69. "What the Kitchen Campaign Has Meant to Me," in "Clothing and Household Management," 1925, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 6-7, T-889, roll 15. On 1920s urban housewives and their roles in the culture of consumption and the family's emotional adjustment, see Glenna Matthews, "Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 177-83, 187-92, and Ruth Schwanz Cowan, "Two Washes in the Morning and a Bridge Party at Night: The American Housewife Between the Wars," in Decades of Discontent: The Women's Movement, 1920-1940, Lois Scharf and Joan M. Jensen, eds. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), 178-82, 186-91.
70. "What the Kitchen Campaign Has Meant to Me," in "Clothing and Household Management," 1925, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 6-7, T-889, roll 15. On 1920s urban housewives and their roles in the culture of consumption and the family's emotional adjustment, see Glenna Matthews, "Just a Housewife": The Rise and Fall of Domesticity in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 177-83, 187-92, and Ruth Schwanz Cowan, "Two Washes in the Morning and a Bridge Party at Night: The American Housewife Between the Wars," in Decades of Discontent: The Women's Movement, 1920-1940, Lois Scharf and Joan M. Jensen, eds. (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1983), 178-82, 186-91.
71. Lillian L. Keller, The Living Room That Is Livable (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 134, December 1925); and "Clothing and Household Management," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2-3, T-889, roll 16. See also "Better Living in the Farm Home Aim of Agents," Tennessee Extension Review 9:7 (1926): 2; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:9 (1926): 1, 4; and "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:11 (1926): 1.
72. Lillian L. Keller, The Living Room That Is Livable (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 134, December 1925); and "Clothing and Household Management," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2-3, T-889, roll 16. See also "Better Living in the Farm Home Aim of Agents," Tennessee Extension Review 9:7 (1926): 2; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:9 (1926): 1, 4; and "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:11 (1926): 1.
73. Lillian L. Keller, The Living Room That Is Livable (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 134, December 1925); and "Clothing and Household Management," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2-3, T-889, roll 16. See also "Better Living in the Farm Home Aim of Agents," Tennessee Extension Review 9:7 (1926): 2; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:9 (1926): 1, 4; and "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:11 (1926): 1.
74. Lillian L. Keller, The Living Room That Is Livable (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 134, December 1925); and "Clothing and Household Management," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2-3, T-889, roll 16. See also "Better Living in the Farm Home Aim of Agents," Tennessee Extension Review 9:7 (1926): 2; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:9 (1926): 1, 4; and "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:11 (1926): 1.
75. Lillian L. Keller, The Living Room That Is Livable (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 134, December 1925); and "Clothing and Household Management," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2-3, T-889, roll 16. See also "Better Living in the Farm Home Aim of Agents," Tennessee Extension Review 9:7 (1926): 2; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:9 (1926): 1, 4; and "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:11 (1926): 1.
76. "Home Demonstration Agent," Greene County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, T-889, roll 17; "Narrative Annual Report," Dyer County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, roll 177; "Annual Report of Knox County Home Demonstration Agent, 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 4; and "Annual Narrative Report," Negro Work in Giles, Bedford, Davidson, and Rutherford Counties, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 5.
77. "Home Demonstration Agent," Greene County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, T-889, roll 17; "Narrative Annual Report," Dyer County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, roll 177; "Annual Report of Knox County Home Demonstration Agent, 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 4; and "Annual Narrative Report," Negro Work in Giles, Bedford, Davidson, and Rutherford Counties, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 5.
78. "Home Demonstration Agent," Greene County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, T-889, roll 17; "Narrative Annual Report," Dyer County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, roll 177; "Annual Report of Knox County Home Demonstration Agent, 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 4; and "Annual Narrative Report," Negro Work in Giles, Bedford, Davidson, and Rutherford Counties, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 5.
79. "Home Demonstration Agent," Greene County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, T-889, roll 17; "Narrative Annual Report," Dyer County, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, roll 177; "Annual Report of Knox County Home Demonstration Agent, 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 4; and "Annual Narrative Report," Negro Work in Giles, Bedford, Davidson, and Rutherford Counties, 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 5.
80. Janet Ann Hutchison notes that Better Homes in America established positive working relationships with both the federal Bureau of Home Economics and the Extension Service in "American Housing, Gender, and the Better Homes Movement, 1922-1935" (Ph.D. diss., University of Delaware, 1989), 62, 110-11; see also Hutchison's "The Cure for Domestic Neglect: Better Homes, 1922-1935," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. II, Camille Wells, ed. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986), 168-78, and her essay or the organization's most famous African American project at the Penn Normal School, St. Helena's Island: "Better Homes and Gullah," Agricultural History 67:2 (1993): 102-18.
81. Janet Ann Hutchison notes that Better Homes in America established positive working relationships with both the federal Bureau of Home Economics and the Extension Service in "American Housing, Gender, and the Better Homes Movement, 1922-1935" (Ph.D. diss., University of Delaware, 1989), 62, 110-11; see also Hutchison's "The Cure for Domestic Neglect: Better Homes, 1922-1935," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. II, Camille Wells, ed. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986), 168-78, and her essay or the organization's most famous African American project at the Penn Normal School, St. Helena's Island: "Better Homes and Gullah," Agricultural History 67:2 (1993): 102-18.
82. Janet Ann Hutchison notes that Better Homes in America established positive working relationships with both the federal Bureau of Home Economics and the Extension Service in "American Housing, Gender, and the Better Homes Movement, 1922-1935" (Ph.D. diss., University of Delaware, 1989), 62, 110-11; see also Hutchison's "The Cure for Domestic Neglect: Better Homes, 1922-1935," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, vol. II, Camille Wells, ed. (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986), 168-78, and her essay or the organization's most famous African American project at the Penn Normal School, St. Helena's Island: "Better Homes and Gullah," Agricultural History 67:2 (1993): 102-18.
83. See, for example, the Delphos and Finley community club plans for 1925, attached to the narrative report for Dyer County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 15; 1927 narrative report, Knox County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 20; and 1929 narrative report, Sullivan County Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 26.
84. See, for example, the Delphos and Finley community club plans for 1925, attached to the narrative report for Dyer County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 15; 1927 narrative report, Knox County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 20; and 1929 narrative report, Sullivan County Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 26.
85. See, for example, the Delphos and Finley community club plans for 1925, attached to the narrative report for Dyer County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 15; 1927 narrative report, Knox County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 20; and 1929 narrative report, Sullivan County Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 26.
86. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
87. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
88. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
89. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
90. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
91. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; 1926 narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
92. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
93. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
94. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
95. Montgomery County won second place in 1926 with two demonstration homes; Madison and Williamson counties also earned honorable mentions. Madison had two demonstration homes, one for whites and one for blacks. In the 1927 contest, one of Knox County's three demonstration homes merited fourth place. The state made its best showing in 1928, when a Gatlinburg cabin won second place and eight communities, including two African American demonstrations in Hamilton and Blount counties, garnered honorable mentions. In 1929, Knox County maintained its competitive status with an honorable mention. See "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9:9 (1926): 1; "Wide Interest in Home Improvement," Tennessee Extension Review 9: 11 (1926): 1; "Montgomery County Better Homes Campaign Summarized," Tennessee Extension Review, 9:12 (1926): 3; untitled photographs and caption describing Williamson demonstration house, Tennessee Extension Review, 10:7 (1927): 3; "Tennessee Home Wins Prize," Tennessee Extension Review, 11:3 (1927): 1; narrative reports from Montgomery and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 18-19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 50, roll 19; "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 21; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 24; and Mrs. P. W. Walters, "The House, Its Settings and Furnishings," East Tennessee Farmers' Convention Program and Proceedings, 1928, 1-2.
96. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
97. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; [Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
98. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; [Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
99. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; [Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
100. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; [Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
101. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
102. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
103. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project (Atlanta, Ga.: Southern Ruralist, 1929), 4; Lois P. Dowdle,] "Is Your Home One To Be Proud Of?" Southern Ruralist 34 (Feb. 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,], "Is Your Name Written There?" Southern Ruralist, 35 (April 1928): 26; Lois P. Dowdle,] "A Second Home Improvement Contest," Southern Ruralist 35 (Oct. 1928): 20; Dowdle], "Home Improvement Results," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Jan. 1929): 24; and [Dowdle], "As Is the Home, So Is the Child," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 14 (quotation). The journal's annual home improvement issue featured USDA photographs of model projects. See "Your Home Can Be Modern, Too," and "Beauty and Comfort for Farm Home," Southern Ruralist, 35 (Aug. 1928): 2, 23, and "Better Equipment, Brighter Homes," Southern Ruralist, 36 (Aug. 1929): 2. Tennessee state clothing and household management specialist Lillian Keller served as one of five judges who reviewed score cards, photographs, and written narratives.
104. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
105. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
106. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
107. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
108. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
109. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
110. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
111. On the contest and Worley Manor, see Lois P. Dowdle, "All About Home Improvement Score Card," Southern Ruralist 35 (Feb. 1929): 35; Lois P. Dowdle, "Home Improvement Contest Winners," Southern Ruralist, 36 (May 1929): 21; Mabel Worley, "The Joy of Winning," Southern Ruralist, 36 (July 1929): 7; Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 5, 8, 12; and "Hamilton Home Wins First Prize in Southern Contest," Tennessee Extension Review 12:11 (1929): 1. On Tennessee contestants, see "Clothing and Household Management," 1928, and narrative reports from Knox, Madison, and Shelby counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, rolls 21-23; "Clothing and Household Management," 1929, and narrative report from Warren County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 27; and "To Improve Homes," Tennessee Extension Review 12:9 (1929): 3.
112. Southern Ruralist's Home Improvement Project, 3. Editors lured advertisers with $86,000 of documented expenditures by contestants and unrecorded thousands of dollars spent by others who did not submit final reports.
113. Her report included the usual refrain "large numbers of callendars and Bricabracs [sic] have been removed from the walls" ("Anderson County Home Demonstration Agent Annual Report," 1924, 7).
114. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
115. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; 1923 narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
116. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; 1924 reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
117. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
118. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; 1924 reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
119. See "Annual Report 1923," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 9; narrative reports for Jefferson, Sullivan, and Van Buren counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11; reports for Bedford, Madison, McMinn, Shelby, Sullivan, Sumner, and Wilson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 12-14, as well as the 1923 narrative reports of black demonstration work for Madison, Fayette, Hardeman, and Haywood counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 10; reports for Roane, Rhea, and White counties and Madison, Hardeman, and Fayette counties, roll 13; and "Clothing and Household Management," 1924, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 11. In 1927, District 2 agent Geneva White reported that the budget project had failed but that club women had "over 100% success" in adding one convenience to each of their homes ("Agent, District 2," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 24, roll 19).
120. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
121. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
122. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
123. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
124. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ;
125. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
126. Apison's rug association was Tennessee's most successful example of the rug, basket, and handicraft associations that flourished in other southern communities by the mid-1920s. In 1922, district agent Lizzie B. Reagan reported that "rug making has become a profession in [Hamilton] county, riany communities featuring this industry. One community works at this cooperatively." In the preceding year, women had made over one hundred rugs, realizing over $500. The community engaged in cooperative rug making she referred to probably was Apison, where women sold rugs valued at $1,500 the following year, after having contracted with a department store in Chattanooga. An article describing Apison rugs in the Farmer's Wife magazine boosted their sales to $4,000 in 1925. About one hundred women participated in rug production, using standardized sizes, patterns, and colors for their products. Diversification as well as standardization appealed to their customers' tastes, so Apison women added wall panels, table mats, dresser scarves, and draperies to their products. "Home Demonstration Agent, District Three," 1922,272, and ARCEW, 1923, Hamilton County, roll 10; "Narrative of Home Demonstration Work," 1925, Hamilton County, roll 15; and "Summary of Year's Work, 1925," Franklin County, p. 1, roll 15. See also "Annual Report," Lawrence County, 1925, p. 8, roll 15 ; and 1925 narratives from Fayette and Sumner counties, rolls 15-16, all in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889; Four Year Program of Work for Members of Girls' Home Demonstration Clubs in Tennessee (Knoxville: University of Tennessee College of Agriculture, Division of Extension, Publication 94, second edition, November 1924), 69-74; and "Home Industries for Farm Women," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1926 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1927), 428-29.
127. As in Apison, northern residents purchased many of the products sold in Maynardsville ("Narrative Report of Claiborne-Union-Hancock Counties," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, T-889, roll 24). See also "Narrative Summary of Annual Report," Sullivan County, 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 24; Lula Ledbetter Brigham, "An Old Handicraft Brought Up to Date," Southern Ruralist 35 (May 1928): 24; Ola Powell Malcolm, "Home Industries for Farm Women and Girls Numerous," Yearbook 1926, 429-30; and Ola Powell Malcolm, "Women Market 4-H Brand Products in Increasing Volume," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1928 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929) 617.
128. As in Apison, northern residents purchased many of the products sold in Maynardsville ("Narrative Report of Claiborne-Union-Hancock Counties," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, T-889, roll 24). See also "Narrative Summary of Annual Report," Sullivan County, 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 24; Lula Ledbetter Brigham, "An Old Handicraft Brought Up to Date," Southern Ruralist 35 (May 1928): 24; Ola Powell Malcolm, "Home Industries for Farm Women and Girls Numerous," Yearbook 1926, 429-30; and Ola Powell Malcolm, "Women Market 4-H Brand Products in Increasing Volume," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1928 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929) 617.
129. As in Apison, northern residents purchased many of the products sold in Maynardsville ("Narrative Report of Claiborne-Union-Hancock Counties," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, T-889, roll 24). See also "Narrative Summary of Annual Report," Sullivan County, 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 24; Lula Ledbetter Brigham, "An Old Handicraft Brought Up to Date," Southern Ruralist 35 (May 1928): 24; Ola Powell Malcolm, "Home Industries for Farm Women and Girls Numerous," Yearbook 1926, 429-30; and Ola Powell Malcolm, "Women Market 4-H Brand Products in Increasing Volume," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1928 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929) 617.
130. As in Apison, northern residents purchased many of the products sold in Maynardsville ("Narrative Report of Claiborne-Union-Hancock Counties," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, T-889, roll 24). See also "Narrative Summary of Annual Report," Sullivan County, 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 24; Lula Ledbetter Brigham, "An Old Handicraft Brought Up to Date," Southern Ruralist 35 (May 1928): 24; Ola Powell Malcolm, "Home Industries for Farm Women and Girls Numerous," Yearbook 1926, 429-30; and Ola Powell Malcolm, "Women Market 4-H Brand Products in Increasing Volume," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1928 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929) 617.
131. As in Apison, northern residents purchased many of the products sold in Maynardsville ("Narrative Report of Claiborne-Union-Hancock Counties," 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, T-889, roll 24). See also "Narrative Summary of Annual Report," Sullivan County, 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3, roll 24; Lula Ledbetter Brigham, "An Old Handicraft Brought Up to Date," Southern Ruralist 35 (May 1928): 24; Ola Powell Malcolm, "Home Industries for Farm Women and Girls Numerous," Yearbook 1926, 429-30; and Ola Powell Malcolm, "Women Market 4-H Brand Products in Increasing Volume," Yearbook of Agriculture, 1928 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1929) 617.
132. "Report of Colored Home Demonstration Work in District 3," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 4, roll 22.
133. For an account of New York home agents' distaste for the handicrafts their club members forced on them, see Babbit, "The Productive Farm Woman." Only one Tennessee agent, Bama Finger of Davidson County, proved completely unsympathetic to traditional decorations. Finger asserted that her home furnishings demonstrations inspired women to throw out "many heirlooms, which were entirely out of harmony but kept for sentiment" and to replace pieced quilts with wool comforts ("Annual Narrative Report," Marshall County, 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 20); and "Narrative Report, Williamson County," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16, roll 21. See also 1928 narrative reports from Dyer, Lincoln, Sullivan, and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 22-24; ARCEW forms and narrative reports from Sumner and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 26-27; and "Annual Report," Davidson County, 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, roll 24.
134. For an account of New York home agents' distaste for the handicrafts their club members forced on them, see Babbit, "The Productive Farm Woman." Only one Tennessee agent, Bama Finger of Davidson County, proved completely unsympathetic to traditional decorations. Finger asserted that her home furnishings demonstrations inspired women to throw out "many heirlooms, which were entirely out of harmony but kept for sentiment" and to replace pieced quilts with wool comforts ("Annual Narrative Report," Marshall County, 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 20); and "Narrative Report, Williamson County," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16, roll 21. See also 1928 narrative reports from Dyer, Lincoln, Sullivan, and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 22-24; ARCEW forms and narrative reports from Sumner and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 26-27; and "Annual Report," Davidson County, 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, roll 24.
135. For an account of New York home agents' distaste for the handicrafts their club members forced on them, see Babbit, "The Productive Farm Woman." Only one Tennessee agent, Bama Finger of Davidson County, proved completely unsympathetic to traditional decorations. Finger asserted that her home furnishings demonstrations inspired women to throw out "many heirlooms, which were entirely out of harmony but kept for sentiment" and to replace pieced quilts with wool comforts ("Annual Narrative Report," Marshall County, 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 20); and "Narrative Report, Williamson County," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16, roll 21. See also 1928 narrative reports from Dyer, Lincoln, Sullivan, and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 22-24; ARCEW forms and narrative reports from Sumner and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 26-27; and "Annual Report," Davidson County, 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, roll 24.
136. For an account of New York home agents' distaste for the handicrafts their club members forced on them, see Babbit, "The Productive Farm Woman." Only one Tennessee agent, Bama Finger of Davidson County, proved completely unsympathetic to traditional decorations. Finger asserted that her home furnishings demonstrations inspired women to throw out "many heirlooms, which were entirely out of harmony but kept for sentiment" and to replace pieced quilts with wool comforts ("Annual Narrative Report," Marshall County, 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 20); and "Narrative Report, Williamson County," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16, roll 21. See also 1928 narrative reports from Dyer, Lincoln, Sullivan, and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 22-24; 1929 ARCEW forms and narrative reports from Sumner and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 26-27; and "Annual Report," Davidson County, 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, roll 24.
137. For an account of New York home agents' distaste for the handicrafts their club members forced on them, see Babbit, "The Productive Farm Woman." Only one Tennessee agent, Bama Finger of Davidson County, proved completely unsympathetic to traditional decorations. Finger asserted that her home furnishings demonstrations inspired women to throw out "many heirlooms, which were entirely out of harmony but kept for sentiment" and to replace pieced quilts with wool comforts ("Annual Narrative Report," Marshall County, 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7, T-889, roll 20); and "Narrative Report, Williamson County," 1927, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16, roll 21. See also 1928 narrative reports from Dyer, Lincoln, Sullivan, and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 22-24; ARCEW forms and narrative reports from Sumner and Williamson counties, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, rolls 26-27; and "Annual Report," Davidson County, 1929, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 9, roll 24.
138. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Agent of Wilson County," 1921, Extension Service Annual Reports, Tennessee, p. 6 of appended narrative, T-889, roll 7. Henderson's 1922 report provides more evidence of how even the most financially strapped farm homemaker could join in a home improvement campaign. Cleaning up the lawn or sawing the back of a baby's high chair to make a kitchen stool counted as home improvement projects. More prosperous women remodeled their kitchens and made cabinets, installed water and lighting, or put up new wallpaper "with better taste" (untitled narrative preceding "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work," Wilson County, 1922, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8, T-889, roll 9).
139. "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Agent of Wilson County," 1921, Extension Service Annual Reports, Tennessee, p. 6 of appended narrative, T-889, roll 7. Henderson's 1922 report provides more evidence of how even the most financially strapped farm homemaker could join in a home improvement campaign. Cleaning up the lawn or sawing the back of a baby's high chair to make a kitchen stool counted as home improvement projects. More prosperous women remodeled their kitchens and made cabinets, installed water and lighting, or put up new wallpaper "with better taste" (untitled narrative preceding "Annual Report of Home Demonstration Work," Wilson County, 1922, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 7-8, T-889, roll 9).
140. "Report of S. L. Smith, Rural School Supervisor of the State ofTennessee, for Month Ending December 31, 1914," 4-5, and "Report of S. L. Smith, Rural School Supervisor for Tennessee, April 1915," both in folder 1468, box 158, series 1, subseries 1, GEB Archives, RAC; Smith, "Report of Some Special Work Among Negro Schools in Tennessee, 1915-1916: Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction of Tennessee for the Scholastic Years Ending June 30, 1915-1916 (Nashville, Tenn.: Baird-Ward Printing Company, 1916), 288; and "Special Report of Work Done by Negro Home Demonstration Agent, Tennessee, 1921," filed by Mattie L. Barr Keith, et al., Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 5.
141. "Report of S. L. Smith, Rural School Supervisor of the State ofTennessee, for Month Ending December 31, 1914," 4-5, and "Report of S. L. Smith, Rural School Supervisor for Tennessee, April 1915," both in folder 1468, box 158, series 1, subseries 1, GEB Archives, RAC; Smith, "Report of Some Special Work Among Negro Schools in Tennessee, 1915-1916: Biennial Report of the State Superintendent of Public Instruction of Tennessee for the Scholastic Years Ending June 30, 1915-1916 (Nashville, Tenn.: Baird-Ward Printing Company, 1916), 288; and "Special Report of Work Done by Negro Home Demonstration Agent, Tennessee, 1921," filed by Mattie L. Barr Keith, et al., Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 5.
142. Examples of African American home demonstration agents recruiting boys into their projects are included in "Annual Report of County Extension Agents 1924, Tennessee Negro Home Demonstration Agents," roll 11, and "ARCEW 1928, All Negro Home Demonstration Agents," roll 21, both in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889. See also Hilton, "Both in the Field," 129-33, about cross-gender work by black agents.
143. Examples of African American home demonstration agents recruiting boys into their projects are included in "Annual Report of County Extension Agents 1924, Tennessee Negro Home Demonstration Agents," roll 11, and "ARCEW 1928, All Negro Home Demonstration Agents," roll 21, both in Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889. See also Hilton, "Both in the Field," 129-33, about cross-gender work by black agents.
144. "Report of Work of the County Agent," 1922, Shelby County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 8, and "Report of Agricultural Extension Work in Shelby County for Year 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 18. Although the four black agricultural agents generally reported more assistance with home construction and remodeling that all white agents combined, their clients' impoverishment and tenant status limited their projects on sanitation and utilities (water, heat, light). Compare, for example, the 1927 ARCEW for all white farm agents and all Negro local agents, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16 of each, T-889, roll 19. See also J. B. Pierce, "Negro Extension Work Promoted by Local Organization Activity," Yearbook 1928, 474-77. For a USDA official's argument supporting interconnected farm and home improvement, see C. B. Smith, "The Agricultural Extension Program," Rural America 5:8 (1927): 11-12.
145. "Report of Work of the County Agent," 1922, Shelby County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 8, and "Report of Agricultural Extension Work in Shelby County for Year 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 18. Although the four black agricultural agents generally reported more assistance with home construction and remodeling that all white agents combined, their clients' impoverishment and tenant status limited their projects on sanitation and utilities (water, heat, light). Compare, for example, the 1927 ARCEW for all white farm agents and all Negro local agents, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16 of each, T-889, roll 19. See also J. B. Pierce, "Negro Extension Work Promoted by Local Organization Activity," Yearbook 1928, 474-77. For a USDA official's argument supporting interconnected farm and home improvement, see C. B. Smith, "The Agricultural Extension Program," Rural America 5:8 (1927): 11-12.
146. "Report of Work of the County Agent," 1922, Shelby County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 8, and "Report of Agricultural Extension Work in Shelby County for Year 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 18. Although the four black agricultural agents generally reported more assistance with home construction and remodeling that all white agents combined, their clients' impoverishment and tenant status limited their projects on sanitation and utilities (water, heat, light). Compare, for example, the 1927 ARCEW for all white farm agents and all Negro local agents, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16 of each, T-889, roll 19. See also J. B. Pierce, "Negro Extension Work Promoted by Local Organization Activity," Yearbook 1928, 474-77. For a USDA official's argument supporting interconnected farm and home improvement, see C. B. Smith, "The Agricultural Extension Program," Rural America 5:8 (1927): 11-12.
147. "Report of Work of the County Agent," 1922, Shelby County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 8, and "Report of Agricultural Extension Work in Shelby County for Year 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 18. Although the four black agricultural agents generally reported more assistance with home construction and remodeling that all white agents combined, their clients' impoverishment and tenant status limited their projects on sanitation and utilities (water, heat, light). Compare, for example, the 1927 ARCEW for all white farm agents and all Negro local agents, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16 of each, T-889, roll 19. See also J. B. Pierce, "Negro Extension Work Promoted by Local Organization Activity," Yearbook 1928, 474-77. For a USDA official's argument supporting interconnected farm and home improvement, see C. B. Smith, "The Agricultural Extension Program," Rural America 5:8 (1927): 11-12.
148. "Report of Work of the County Agent," 1922, Shelby County," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, T-889, roll 8, and "Report of Agricultural Extension Work in Shelby County for Year 1926," Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, roll 18. Although the four black agricultural agents generally reported more assistance with home construction and remodeling that all white agents combined, their clients' impoverishment and tenant status limited their projects on sanitation and utilities (water, heat, light). Compare, for example, the 1927 ARCEW for all white farm agents and all Negro local agents, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 16 of each, T-889, roll 19. See also J. B. Pierce, "Negro Extension Work Promoted by Local Organization Activity," Yearbook 1928, 474-77. For a USDA official's argument supporting interconnected farm and home improvement, see C. B. Smith, "The Agricultural Extension Program," Rural America 5:8 (1927): 11-12.
149. See 1926 narrative report for Negro work in Madison County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2, T-889, roll 17; "Williamson County Narrative Report," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 10-11, roll 19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1928, 62: roll 21; and "Report of Home Demonstration Work in Shelby County," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3-4, roll 23.
150. See 1926 narrative report for Negro work in Madison County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2, T-889, roll 17; "Williamson County Narrative Report," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 10-11, roll 19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1928, 62: roll 21; and "Report of Home Demonstration Work in Shelby County," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3-4, roll 23.
151. See 1926 narrative report for Negro work in Madison County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2, T-889, roll 17; "Williamson County Narrative Report," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 10-11, roll 19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1928, 62: roll 21; and "Report of Home Demonstration Work in Shelby County," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3-4, roll 23.
152. See 1926 narrative report for Negro work in Madison County, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 2, T-889, roll 17; "Williamson County Narrative Report," 1926, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 10-11, roll 19; "Home Demonstration Work, District 4," 1928, 62: roll 21; and "Report of Home Demonstration Work in Shelby County," 1928, Extension Service Annual Reports: Tennessee, p. 3-4, roll 23.