Canada and the multinational state

Canadian Journal of Political Science

Volumn 34, Issue 4, 2001, Pages 683-713

  McRoberts, Kenneth ^a  

^a YORK UNIVERSITY   (Canada)

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EID: 0035565083     PISSN: 00084239     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0008423901778055     Document Type: Conference Paper

References (114)

1. As with "plurinacional" in Catalan (as in Ferran Requejo, Federalisme, per a què? [Barcelona: L'Hora del Present, 1998]). For his part, Michael Keating distinguishes between "multinationalism." referring to "the co-existence of two or more sealed national groups within a polity," and "plurinationalism" in which "the very concept of nationality is plural and takes on different meanings in different contexts," as in Canada where most people identify directly with Canada but in Quebec identification with Canada is mediated through identification with a Quebec nation (Michael Keating, "Beyond Sovereignty: Plurinational Democracy in a Post-Sovereign World" [unpublished paper, 2001]).
2. Ian Angus, A Border Within: National Identity, Cultural Plurality and Wilderness (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), 13.
3. See, for instance, Philip Resnick, Thinking English Canada (Toronto: Stoddart, 1994), chap. 3.
4. Montserrat Guiberneau, Nations without States: Political Communities in a Global Age (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1999), 17.
5. The particularities of majority nations and majority nationalism are discussed in Philip Resnick, "Recognition and Ressentiment: On Accommodating National Differences within Multinational States" (unpublished paper).
6. See the discussion of the Acton-Cobban position in Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: the quest for understanding (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), chap. 1. See also Will Kymlicka, Multiculturalism Citizenship (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 53.
7. See the discussion of the Acton-Cobban position in Walker Connor, Ethnonationalism: the quest for understanding (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994), chap. 1. See also Will Kymlicka, Multiculturalism Citizenship (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 53.
8. John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (1861), in Three Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 380-88. Cobban notes, however, that Mill went on to qualify the statement very heavily (Alfred Cobban, National Self-Determination [London: Oxford University Press and Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1945], 65).
9. John Stuart Mill, Considerations on Representative Government (1861), in Three Essays (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975), 380-88. Cobban notes, however, that Mill went on to qualify the statement very heavily (Alfred Cobban, National Self-Determination [London: Oxford University Press and Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1945], 65).
10. John E. E. Dalberg Acton, The History of Freedom and Other Essays (Freeport: Books for Libraries Press, 1967), 290.
11. Rather than propounding the superiority of the multinational state, Cobban only sought to show that "it must be accepted among the possible and legitimate forms of political organization" (Cobban, National Self-Determination, 63).
12. For instance, Acton saw federalism not as about accommodating multinationalism but curbing the power of the state and popular majorities (Acton, History of Freedom, 98).
13. Ferran Requejo argues that past scholarship on federalism has been unduly influenced by the American example and the presumptions of the "mononational model" (Ferran Requejo, "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy in Plurinational Contexts: Present Shortcomings and Possible Improvements. The Case of Catalonia" [unpublished paper], 14).
14. Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977).
15. See Michael Keating, "Managing the Multinational State: Constitutional Settlement in the United Kingdom," in Trevor C. Salmon and Michael Keating, eds., The Dynamics of Decentralization: Canadian Federalism and British Devolution (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2001), 21-46.
16. Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, Vol I: Looking Forward, Looking Back (Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996), 229-37.
17. See Guibernau, Nations without States, 88.
18. Wherever the threshold is set for "multinationalism" it is important to restrict it to clearly constituted internal nations. For instance, in Multicultural Citizenship, Kymlicka differentiates two manifestations of multiculturalism: "ethnic groups," that have resulted from immigration and "national minorities," based on historical communities that occupy a territory and share a distinct language and culture (11). Yet, this ignores the phenomenon of ethnically/culturally distinct historical communities that do not have a national consciousness. A case in point is the linguistically distinct populations of Switzerland, which clearly do not see themselves as nations. To dub them "national minorities" is quite misleading, generating reference to Switzerland as "the most multinational country like Switzerland" (ibid., 18) when, manifestly, it does not even qualify. In the process, the challenge of accommodating multinationalism is occluded. By the same token, treating these different categories as all manifestations of "multiculturalism" is itself quite misleading.
19. Yves Frenette, Brève histoire des Canadiens français (Montréal: Boréal, 1998).
20. Philippe Doucet, "La Politique et les Acadiens," in Jean Daigle, ed., L'Acadie des Maritimes: Études thématiques des débuts à nos jours (Moncton: Chaires des études acadiennes, 1993), 322-25.
21. By one interpretation, Quebec francophones identify only on a mediated basis with Canada. They are Canadian through their identification with Quebec. Yet, the data may also support a more straightforward attachment to Canada or "dual identities," albeit with the Canadian identity as secondary. Thus a survey taken among Quebec francophones in 1995, just before the referendum, found that even then most Quebec francophones did profess to identify with Canada: "Québécois(e) d'abord, Canadien(ne) ensuite" 29.1 per cent and "Québécois(e) et Canadien(ne) à part égale" 28.1 per cent with "Canadien(ne) d'abord, Québécois(e) ensuite" 6.7 per cent, "Québécois(e) seulement 29 per cent, and "Canadien(ne) seulement 5.4 per cent (André Blais, Pierre Martin and Richard Nadeau, "Sondage omnibus référendaire" survey conducted by Léger et Léger, October 23-26, 1995).
22. The last two examples are drawn from studies prepared for the "Patterns of Association in Canadian Civil Society: Linguistic Relations in Non-Governmental Organizations," a research project led by David Cameron, Jane Jenson and Richard Simeon. Interestingly, a study in the project by William Coleman and Tim Mau shows that business association have been quite successful in bridging the national question, as their class interests would commend.
23. The two are compared in Kenneth McRoberts, Catalonia: Nation Building without a State (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 2001), chap. 7.
24. Adopted on March 20, 1985, "Motion portant sur la reconnaissance des droits autochtones" begins: "Que cette assemblée: Reconaisse l'existence au Québec des Nations abénaquise, algonquine, attikamek, crie, huronne, micmaque, mohawk, monagnaise, naskapie et inuit" (as reproduced in Eric Goudreau, "Le Québec et la question autochtone," in Alain-G. Gagnon, ed., Québec: État et société [Montreal: Québec/Amérique], 334).
25. As Alan Cairns points out, the 1982 Constitution Act declares that Indian, Inuit and Métis are all included in Aboriginal peoples in Canada (Alan C. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada: The Rhetoric of Confusion" [unpublished paper], 24).
26. Ibid., 11.
27. "On the one hand they could respond to the vision of an overbearing Anglo-Canadian nation-state with a rival vision of a French-Canadian nation-state; on the other hand they could scrap the very idea of a nation-state once and for all and lead the way toward making Canada a multi-national state" (Pierre Elliott Trudeau, "New Treason of the Intellectuals," Cité libre, 1962, as reproduced in Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians [Toronto: Macmillan, 1968], 164).
28. "On the one hand they could respond to the vision of an overbearing Anglo-Canadian nation-state with a rival vision of a French-Canadian nation-state; on the other hand they could scrap the very idea of a nation-state once and for all and lead the way toward making Canada a multi-national state" (Pierre Elliott Trudeau, "New Treason of the Intellectuals," Cité libre, 1962, as reproduced in Trudeau, Federalism and the French Canadians [Toronto: Macmillan, 1968], 164).
29. In the same essay, Trudeau declares that "the different regions within the country must be assured of a wide range of local autonomy, such that each national group, with an increasing background of experience in self-government, may be able to develop the body of laws and institutions essential to the fullest expression and development of their national characteristics" (ibid., 178) and "By the terms of the existing Canadian constitution, that of 1867, French Canadians have all the powers they need to make Quebec a political society affording due respect for nationalist aspirations and at the same time giving unprecedented scope for human potential in the broadest sense" (ibid., 180; emphasis added).
30. In the same essay, Trudeau declares that "the different regions within the country must be assured of a wide range of local autonomy, such that each national group, with an increasing background of experience in self-government, may be able to develop the body of laws and institutions essential to the fullest expression and development of their national characteristics" (ibid., 178) and "By the terms of the existing Canadian constitution, that of 1867, French Canadians have all the powers they need to make Quebec a political society affording due respect for nationalist aspirations and at the same time giving unprecedented scope for human potential in the broadest sense" (ibid., 180; emphasis added).
31. "A Canadian Future," in Charles Taylor, Reconciling the Solitudes: Essays on Canadian Federalism and Nationalism (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), 34.
32. In 1979, Taylor called for "A new form of Canadian federation . . . founded on a recognition of the duality that is basic to the country" and "a public acceptance that the country is the locus of two nations" ("Why Do Nations Have to Become States?" in Taylor, Reconciling the Solitudes, 57.)
33. Christina McCall, et al., "Three Nation: Eleven of Canada's Leading Intellectuals Declare Their Support for a Canada Equitable from Sea to Sea,"Canadian Forum, March 1992, 4-6.
34. Philip Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism: Asymmetrical and Confederal Alternatives," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Seeking a New Canadian Partnership: Asymmetrical and Confederal Options (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994), 71-90; and Will Kymlicka, Finding Our Way: Rethinking Ethnocultural Relations in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998,
35. Philip Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism: Asymmetrical and Confederal Alternatives," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Seeking a New Canadian Partnership: Asymmetrical and Confederal Options (Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994), 71-90; and Will Kymlicka, Finding Our Way: Rethinking Ethnocultural Relations in Canada (Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1998,
36. See, for instance, Max Nemni, "Two Solitudes, Two Nations, Two Illusions," Cité libre, June-July 1998, 31-40.
37. John Ralston Saul, Reflections of a Siamese Twin: Canada at the End of the Twentieth Century (Toronto: Penguin Canada, 1997), 81-100.
38. See the critiques in Alan C. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada," and Sigurdson, "Canada as a Multi-national Federation."
39. See the critiques in Alan C. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada," and Sigurdson, "Canada as a Multi-national Federation."
40. Gilles Bourque, "Le Québec: entre nations et société," in Michel Venne, ed., Penser la nation québécoise (Montréal: Éditions Québec-Amérique, 2000), 185.
41. Deny Delâge, "Le Québec et les autochtones," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 215-28. To be sure there is no consensus around this problematic. For instance, Gérard Bouchard seeks to accommodate these forces within the Quebec nation through a "coalition nationale" that would be composed of Franco-Québécois, Anglo-Québécois, Aboriginals, and "communautés culturelles" (Gérard Bouchard, "Construire la nation québécoise: Manifeste pour une coalition nationale," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 49-68). See also Michel Seymour, "Une nation inclusive qui ne nie pas ses origines," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 245-58.
42. Deny Delâge, "Le Québec et les autochtones," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 215-28. To be sure there is no consensus around this problematic. For instance, Gérard Bouchard seeks to accommodate these forces within the Quebec nation through a "coalition nationale" that would be composed of Franco-Québécois, Anglo-Québécois, Aboriginals, and "communautés culturelles" (Gérard Bouchard, "Construire la nation québécoise: Manifeste pour une coalition nationale," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 49-68). See also Michel Seymour, "Une nation inclusive qui ne nie pas ses origines," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 245-58.
43. Deny Delâge, "Le Québec et les autochtones," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 215-28. To be sure there is no consensus around this problematic. For instance, Gérard Bouchard seeks to accommodate these forces within the Quebec nation through a "coalition nationale" that would be composed of Franco-Québécois, Anglo-Québécois, Aboriginals, and "communautés culturelles" (Gérard Bouchard, "Construire la nation québécoise: Manifeste pour une coalition nationale," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 49-68). See also Michel Seymour, "Une nation inclusive qui ne nie pas ses origines," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 245-58.
44. Danielle Juteau, "Le défi de l'option pluraliste," in Venne, ed., Penser la nation, 211. She also proposes that the distinction between "fondateurs et non-fondateurs" be dropped completely.
45. Tully's most recent work, co-edited with Alain Gagnon, was not available at the time of writing this article: see Alain-G. Gagnon and James Tully, eds., Multinational Democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
46. See Ramsay Cook, Provincial Autonomy, Minority Rights and the Compact Theory, 1867-1921. Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism No. 4 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1969), 57, Richard Ares, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif de 1867 (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1967), Paul Romney, Getting it Wrong: How Canadians Forgot Their Past and Imperilled Confederation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 142; and McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 19-24.
47. See Ramsay Cook, Provincial Autonomy, Minority Rights and the Compact Theory, 1867-1921. Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism No. 4 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1969), 57, Richard Ares, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif de 1867 (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1967), Paul Romney, Getting it Wrong: How Canadians Forgot Their Past and Imperilled Confederation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 142; and McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 19-24.
48. See Ramsay Cook, Provincial Autonomy, Minority Rights and the Compact Theory, 1867-1921. Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism No. 4 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1969), 57, Richard Ares, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif de 1867 (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1967), Paul Romney, Getting it Wrong: How Canadians Forgot Their Past and Imperilled Confederation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 142; and McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 19-24.
49. See Ramsay Cook, Provincial Autonomy, Minority Rights and the Compact Theory, 1867-1921. Studies of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism No. 4 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1969), 57, Richard Ares, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif de 1867 (Montreal: Bellarmin, 1967), Paul Romney, Getting it Wrong: How Canadians Forgot Their Past and Imperilled Confederation (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 142; and McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 19-24.
50. I try to demonstrate this in Kenneth McRoberts, Quebec:Social Change and Political Crisis (3rd ed.; Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1993), 35-36, and "The Structure of English-French Relations in Canada" (unpublished paper).
51. I try to demonstrate this in Kenneth McRoberts, Quebec:Social Change and Political Crisis (3rd ed.; Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1993), 35-36, and "The Structure of English-French Relations in Canada" (unpublished paper).
52. Kymlicka notes that the old Swiss Confederation was based entirely on cantons that were ethnically and linguistically Germanic in contradiction to the late Daniel Elazar's claim that Switzerland was the first federation built on cultural/linguistic difference (Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 206, n. 17).
53. La Minerve, July 1, 1867 (as translated and quoted in Arthur I. Silver, The French-Canadian Idea of Confederation, 1864-1900 [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982], 41).
54. McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 40-45.
55. In 1943, as minister of justice, St. Laurent declared that "La Confédération n'a pas été vraiment un pacte entre les provinces" (quoted in Arès, Dossier sur le pacte fédératif, 92).
56. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Preliminary Report (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1965), 151.
57. This is documented in McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 45-53.
58. "Resolution Respecting the Recognition of Quebec as a Distinct Society," House of Commons, Journals, 1st session, 35th Parliament, No. 273, December 11, 1995, 222.
59. As reproduced from Ontario Speaks: A Dialogue on Canadian Unity, Government of Ontario, 1998.
60. Federal Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Stéphane Dion has acknowledged on occasion that Quebec constitutes a "sociological nation": "In sociological terms, I would say that a nation exists as soon as human beings consider that they form one. They feel that they share common historical, cultural, ethnic, linguistic or religious traits and on this basis see themselves as a nation. It is undeniable that a large number of Quebecers consider themselves to be a nation and are one from that moment on." At the same time, he presents this as the "French" understanding of the term nation, as to be distinguished from an "English" understanding which equates nation with a sovereign state (Stéphane Dion, "In Honour of the Presidents of the Council for Canadian Unity: Some Reflections on the Concept of Nation, Notes for a keynote address to the Council for Canadian Unity," Montreal, Quebec, April 6, 2001).
61. Among the federal opposition parties, the New Democratic party has gestured toward Quebec's national distinctiveness by recognizing Quebec as a "people." (New Democratic Party. "Fixing Federalism: A Better Unity," Position Paper, N.D.P. Web Site, September 15, 2001).
62. Quebec, Rapport de la commission royale d'enquête sur les problèmes constitutionnels, 1956, 5 vols.
63. The Goldfarb Poll, conducted in January and February 1998 was published in Maclean's, July 1, 1998, 13. A Canadian Institute of Public Opinion poll, released on June 30, 1999 found somewhat lower positive results to "How proud are you to be a Canadian?" Outside Quebec the provincial percentages declaring "very proud" were in the 70s, except for 61 per cent in British Columbia. But the Quebec percentage was also lower: 40 per cent (The Gallup Poll, "Majority Very Proud to be Canadian," The Gallup Poll, Toronto, June 30, 1999).
64. Anthony Giddens, "Canada: The First Postmodern State?" keynote address, University of Cambridge, March 1993 (I owe this reference to Annis May Timpson). In a similar vein, Peter Katzenstein has written that Canada is "arguably the first post-modern state par excellence" (Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics [New York: Columbia University Press, 1966], 25 [I owe this reference to Stephen Clarkson]).
65. Anthony Giddens, "Canada: The First Postmodern State?" keynote address. University of Cambridge, March 1993 (I owe this reference to Annis May Timpson). In a similar vein, Peter Katzenstein has written that Canada is "arguably the first post-modern state par excellence" (Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., The Culture of National Security: Norms and Identity in World Politics [New York: Columbia University Press, 1966], 25 [I owe this reference to Stephen Clarkson]).
66. Resnick distinguishes between "territorial federations"and "multinational federations." The latter are federations where "more than one major linguistic or cultural grouping claims to be considered a distinct national community within that federation" (Philip Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism: Asymmetrical and Confederal Alternatives," in F. Leslie Seidle, ed., Seeking a New Canadian Partnership: Asymmetrical and Confederal Options [Montreal: Institute for Research on Public Policy, 1994], 71) Strictly speaking, this distinction ignores cases of cultural difference that do not give rise to a sense of nationhood. Thus, Switzerland is listed as a multinational federation even though the several linguistic groups of which it is composed bear no national identity. Kymlicka follows this same practice.
67. Spain is the closest exception to this proposition. The Constitution of Spain refers to "the right to autonomy of the nationalities and regions of which it is composed" (Spanish Constitution, Article 2, Presidencia del Gobierno, 1982, 13). But, formally speaking, Spain is not a federation.
68. Trudeau made this crystal clear in a remarkable intervention in the House: "We [the Members of Parliament] are the only group of men and women in this country who can speak for every Canadian. We are the only group, the only assembly in this country, which can speak for the whole nation, which can express the national will and the national interest." He even went so far as to proclaim it a good thing that the Fathers of Confederation had given the powers of disallowance and reservation to the federal government so that it could intervene against a province that was acting "contrary to the national interest." After all, "when there is a conflict of interest, not of laws, which will be judged by the courts, the citizens must be convinced that there is a national government which will speak for the national interest and will ensure that it does prevail" (Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 1st session, 32nd Parliament, April 15, 1980, 32-33). And he repeatedly used the same reasoning to justify repatriating the constitution without the consent of the Quebec provincial legislature - or indeed without a majority of all the provinces.
69. See Requejo, "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy"; Will Kymlicka, "Minority Nationalism and Multination Federalism" in Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 91-119; Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," Murray Forsyth, ed., Federalism and Nationalism (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1989); and Graham Smith, ed., Federalism: The Multiethnic Challenge (London: Longmans, 1995).
70. See Requejo, "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy"; Will Kymlicka, "Minority Nationalism and Multination Federalism" in Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 91-119; Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," Murray Forsyth, ed., Federalism and Nationalism (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1989); and Graham Smith, ed., Federalism: The Multiethnic Challenge (London: Longmans, 1995).
71. See Requejo, "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy"; Will Kymlicka, "Minority Nationalism and Multination Federalism" in Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 91-119; Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," Murray Forsyth, ed., Federalism and Nationalism (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1989); and Graham Smith, ed., Federalism: The Multiethnic Challenge (London: Longmans, 1995).
72. See Requejo, "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy"; Will Kymlicka, "Minority Nationalism and Multination Federalism" in Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 91-119; Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," Murray Forsyth, ed., Federalism and Nationalism (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1989); and Graham Smith, ed., Federalism: The Multiethnic Challenge (London: Longmans, 1995).
73. This point is made in Will Kymlicka, Politics in the Vernacular: Nationalism, Multiculturalism and Citizenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 244-45.
74. As Alain Dieckhoff writes, before commenting on Canadian multiculturalism: "Malgré la différence structurelle entre minorités immigrées et groupes nationaux, certains hommes politiques se sont pourtant ingéniés, pour des raisons plus ou moins avouables, à gommer toutes les nuances pour les subsumer sous la catégorie générique de multiculturalisme" (Alain Dieckhoff, La nation dans tous ses États: Les identités nationales en mouvement [Paris: Flammarion] 189).
75. See Ian Angus, A Border Within, 146.
76. See McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 129-30; and Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 68.
77. See McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 129-30; and Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 68.
78. This is well documented in Kymlicka, Finding Our Way.
79. Ibid. For that matter, Kymlicka propounds a version of multiculturalism which is directly antithetical to multinationalism since, unlike the "communitarian"version of multiculturalism developed by Taylor and others, it is fundamentally individualist (Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship, 92-93; and the discussion in Jean-Luc Gagnac, "Sur le multiculturalisme et la politique de la différence identitaire: Taylor, Walzer, Kymlicka," Politiques et Sociétés 16 [1997], 31-65).
80. Ibid. For that matter, Kymlicka propounds a version of multiculturalism which is directly antithetical to multinationalism since, unlike the "communitarian"version of multiculturalism developed by Taylor and others, it is fundamentally individualist (Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship, 92-93; and the discussion in Jean-Luc Gagnac, "Sur le multiculturalisme et la politique de la différence identitaire: Taylor, Walzer, Kymlicka," Politiques et Sociétés 16 [1997], 31-65).
81. Ibid. For that matter, Kymlicka propounds a version of multiculturalism which is directly antithetical to multinationalism since, unlike the "communitarian"version of multiculturalism developed by Taylor and others, it is fundamentally individualist (Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship, 92-93; and the discussion in Jean-Luc Gagnac, "Sur le multiculturalisme et la politique de la différence identitaire: Taylor, Walzer, Kymlicka," Politiques et Sociétés 16 [1997], 31-65).
82. Charles Taylor, Reconciling the Solitudes: Essays on Canadian Federalism and Nationalism (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1993), 183.
83. It should be noted that Taylor does not use the term "nation"in presenting his concept of levels of diversity.
84. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Book I, General Introduction (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), xxiii. Taylor echoes this vision in Taylor, Reconciling the Solitudes, 200.
85. Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, Book I, General Introduction (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1967), xxiii. Taylor echoes this vision in Taylor, Reconciling the Solitudes, 200.
86. Ibid., Book IV, The Cultural Contributionof the other Ethnic Groups (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1970), 228-30.
87. Ibid., Book IV, The Cultural Contributionof the other Ethnic Groups (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1970), 228-30.
88. Canada, House of Commons, Debates, October 8, 1971, 8581.
89. Ibid., 8546.
90. Ibid., 40. For a presentation of the opposite case, see McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 120-21. In particular, it should be noted that Trudeau had already articulated his opposition to the term biculturalism in the early days of the B&B Commission. Kymlicka does allow that the term "multiculturalism" may "be partly to blame" and that it might have been better dubbed "polyethnicity - that is, recognizing and accommodating immigrant ethnicity within the public institutions of the English and French societal cultures" (Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 59). That is precisely the formulation that the B&B Commission had developed, and Trudeau had explicitly rejected.
91. Ibid., 40. For a presentation of the opposite case, see McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 120-21. In particular, it should be noted that Trudeau had already articulated his opposition to the term biculturalism in the early days of the B&B Commission. Kymlicka does allow that the term "multiculturalism" may "be partly to blame" and that it might have been better dubbed "polyethnicity - that is, recognizing and accommodating immigrant ethnicity within the public institutions of the English and French societal cultures" (Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 59). That is precisely the formulation that the B&B Commission had developed, and Trudeau had explicitly rejected.
92. Ibid., 40. For a presentation of the opposite case, see McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 120-21. In particular, it should be noted that Trudeau had already articulated his opposition to the term biculturalism in the early days of the B&B Commission. Kymlicka does allow that the term "multiculturalism" may "be partly to blame" and that it might have been better dubbed "polyethnicity - that is, recognizing and accommodating immigrant ethnicity within the public institutions of the English and French societal cultures" (Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 59). That is precisely the formulation that the B&B Commission had developed, and Trudeau had explicitly rejected.
93. This is Kymlicka's point (ibid.).
94. The Quebec reaction is described in McRoberts, Misconceiving Canada, 129-30.
95. For instance, two Liberal MPs, Charles Caccia and Sergio Marchi, declared that that Accord constituted "a review-view mirror vision which may have been valid generations ago, [an] outdated [definition of Canada] . . . primarily satisfied with only depicting our people's past and our country's history . . . Millions of Canadians are left out who do not identify with either English or French" (quoted in Alan Cairns, "Political Science, Ethnicity and the Canadian Constitution,"in David Shugarman and Reg Whitaker, eds., Federalism and Political Community: Essays in Honour of Donald Smiley (Peterborough: Broadview, 1989), 124.
96. Thus, the 1982 constitutional repatriation and revision, ostensibly designed to respond to Quebec, afforded Aboriginal leaders the opportunity to secure recognition of "existing aboriginal and treaty rights" in section 35 of the new Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In effect, an important breakthrough for First Nation claims took place under Trudeau's tenure. Nonetheless, Trudeau's own attitude to recognition of Aboriginal claims was revealed in his fierce opposition to the provisions of the Charlottetown Accord that had been secured by Aboriginal leaders.
97. Alan C. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada: The Rhetoric of Confusion," (unpublished paper), 9.
98. "A first crucial component of the renewed relationship will be nation rebuilding and nation recognition. All our recommendations for governance, treaty processes, and land and resources are based on the nation as the basic political unity of Aboriginal peoples. Only nations can have a right of self-determination" (Renewal: A Twenty-Year Commitment, Report of the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples [Ottawa: Minister of Supply and Services Canada, 1996], 5).
99. Peter H. Russell, "Constitutional Politics in a Multi-National Society," Cité libre, Fall 2000, 59.
100. Ibid.
101. Minister Stewart outlined an "action plan" for implementing the Report ("Notes for an Address by the Honourable Jane Stewart on the occasion of the unveiling of 'Gathering Strength - Canada's Aboriginal Action Plan,' Ottawa, Ontario, January 7, 1998").
102. See the argument in Menno Boldt and J. Anthony Long, "Tribal Traditions and European-Western Political Ideologies: The Dilemma of Canada's Native Indians," in Menno Boldt, J. Anthony Long and Leroy Little Bear, eds., The Quest for Justice: Aboriginal Peoples and Aboriginal Erights (Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1985), 333-46; and Richard Sigurdson, "Canada as a Multi-National Federation: Promises and Problems" (unpublished paper).
103. See the argument in Menno Boldt and J. Anthony Long, "Tribal Traditions and European-Western Political Ideologies: The Dilemma of Canada's Native Indians," in Menno Boldt, J. Anthony Long and Leroy Little Bear, eds., The Quest for Justice: Aboriginal Peoples and Aboriginal Erights (Toronto:University of Toronto Press, 1985), 333-46; and Richard Sigurdson, "Canada as a Multi-National Federation: Promises and Problems" (unpublished paper).
104. FCFA du Canada, Parlons-nous! Dialogue (Ottawa: 2001), 32.
105. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada," 12.
106. See, for instance, Sigurdson "Canada as a Multi-National Federation."
107. See the discussion in Kymlicka, Finding Our Way, 171-81.
108. François Rocher, "Citoyenneté fonctionnelle et État multinational: pour une critique du jacobinisme juridique et de la quête d'homogénéité," in Michel Coutu, Pierre Bosset, Caroline Gendreau and Daniel Villeneuve, eds., Droits fondamentaux et citoyenneté. Une citoyenneté fragmentée, limitée, illusoire? (Montreal: Les Éditions Thémis, 2000), 201-35.
109. Michael Ignatieff, The Rights Revolution (Toronto: Anansi, 2000), 120.
110. Cairns, "Searching for Multinational Canada," 18.
111. Resnick cites as examples of multinational federations Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, India and "until recently" Czechslovakia, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," 71). In effect, he follows Kymlicka's 1995 treatment of Switzerland (Multicultural Citizenship, 13). In Finding Our Way, Kymlicka includes Switzerland with Belgium, Spain, Russia, India, Malaysia and Nigeria (128 and 135). For his part, Ferran Requejo restricts the list to Belgium, Canada, India and Spain in "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy in Plurinational Contexts: Present Shortcomings and Possible Improvements. The Case of Catalonia" (unpublished paper).
112. Resnick cites as examples of multinational federations Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, India and "until recently" Czechslovakia, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," 71). In effect, he follows Kymlicka's 1995 treatment of Switzerland (Multicultural Citizenship, 13). In Finding Our Way, Kymlicka includes Switzerland with Belgium, Spain, Russia, India, Malaysia and Nigeria (128 and 135). For his part, Ferran Requejo restricts the list to Belgium, Canada, India and Spain in "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy in Plurinational Contexts: Present Shortcomings and Possible Improvements. The Case of Catalonia" (unpublished paper).
113. Resnick cites as examples of multinational federations Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, India and "until recently" Czechslovakia, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," 71). In effect, he follows Kymlicka's 1995 treatment of Switzerland (Multicultural Citizenship, 13). In Finding Our Way, Kymlicka includes Switzerland with Belgium, Spain, Russia, India, Malaysia and Nigeria (128 and 135). For his part, Ferran Requejo restricts the list to Belgium, Canada, India and Spain in "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy in Plurinational Contexts: Present Shortcomings and Possible Improvements. The Case of Catalonia" (unpublished paper).
114. Resnick cites as examples of multinational federations Switzerland, Belgium, Spain, India and "until recently" Czechslovakia, Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union (Resnick, "Toward a Multinational Federalism," 71). In effect, he follows Kymlicka's 1995 treatment of Switzerland (Multicultural Citizenship, 13). In Finding Our Way, Kymlicka includes Switzerland with Belgium, Spain, Russia, India, Malaysia and Nigeria (128 and 135). For his part, Ferran Requejo restricts the list to Belgium, Canada, India and Spain in "Federalism and the Quality of Democracy in Plurinational Contexts: Present Shortcomings and Possible Improvements. The Case of Catalonia" (unpublished paper).