The dubious place of virtue: Reflections on the impeachment of William Jefferson Clinton and the death of the political event in America

Theory and Society

Volumn 30, Issue 6, 2002, Pages 735-774

  Larson, Magali Sarfatti ^a   Wagner Pacifici, Robin ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF URBINO   (Italy)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0035542373     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1013365932104     Document Type: Review

References (114)

1. For a brilliant discussion of the notion of media "time out," see Elihu Katz and Daniel Dayan, Media Events: The Live Broadcasting of History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
2. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities (New York: Verso, 1991), 35.
3. A CNN/Gallup poll of December 14, 1998 reported that only 25 percent of Americans polled said they were following the impeachment hearings closely.
4. Paul Starr, "The Storm Amid the Calm", The American Prospect, March-April (1999): 6.
5. Lieberman was one the first prominent Democratic senators who publicly condemned President Clinton, as we noted at the time. See below.
6. Anderson, op. cit., 33.
7. See Jeffrey K. Olick, "Collective Memory: The Two Cultures," 1999, paper presented at the ASA meetings.
8. On local readership, see Phyllis Kannis, Making Local News (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991).
9. Michael Schudson, Watergate in American Memory: How We Remember, Forget, and Reconstruct the Past (New York: Basic Bocks, 1992), 12-13.
10. See Michael Schudson's comments on the particular insularity of Washington's political circles and the distorted vision of the country it engenders in Culture, 13/ 2 Winter (1999). And as the Bush campaign considered going negative to arrest their candidate's slipping in the polls, they had to consider the public's weariness. A non-partisan Florida pollster declared: "The Republicans have been running against Clinton's morals for years, and it's a dead horse." Philadelphia Inquirer, "Bush camp rethinks strategy," September 17, 2000, A22.
11. See Michael Schudson's comments on the particular insularity of Washington's political circles and the distorted vision of the country it engenders in Culture, 13/ 2 Winter (1999). And as the Bush campaign considered going negative to arrest their candidate's slipping in the polls, they had to consider the public's weariness. A non-partisan Florida pollster declared: "The Republicans have been running against Clinton's morals for years, and it's a dead horse." Philadelphia Inquirer, "Bush camp rethinks strategy," September 17, 2000, A22.
12. And even where some action - surely unforeseen - took place, when hundreds of thousands of Britons poured their hearts into the streets to salute the coffin of Princess Diana, we could not know. Two years later, the media event is unrepeatable, Diana is forgotten; the few faithful who show up at the gates of her childhood home or at Kensington are bewildered to be so few. See "Two years on, Diana is the 'forgotten' princess," New York Times September 1, 1999, Section A. On theories of reception, see Andrea Press, "The Sociology of Cultural Reception: Notes toward an Emerging Paradigm," in Diana Crane, editor. The Sociology of Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Basil Blackwell, 1994).
13. And even where some action - surely unforeseen - took place, when hundreds of thousands of Britons poured their hearts into the streets to salute the coffin of Princess Diana, we could not know. Two years later, the media event is unrepeatable, Diana is forgotten; the few faithful who show up at the gates of her childhood home or at Kensington are bewildered to be so few. See "Two years on, Diana is the 'forgotten' princess," New York Times September 1, 1999, Section A. On theories of reception, see Andrea Press, "The Sociology of Cultural Reception: Notes toward an Emerging Paradigm," in Diana Crane, editor. The Sociology of Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Basil Blackwell, 1994).
14. John Thompson, Political Scandal: Power and Visibility in the Media Age (Cambridge, U.K.: Polity Press, 2000), 15.
15. Thompson (ibid., 91ff.) presents (but then takes issue with) the theory of political scientists Markovits and Silverstein in which they claim that true political scandals in liberal democracies must involve an abuse of power at the level of procedure. Such a reading would insist that sexual transgressions by themselves cannot be considered properly political.
16. The panel is presided over by Judge David Sentelle, well known as a fervent right-wing Republican and the special protégé of Senator Jesse Helms. Starr was his former colleague and close ally on the same court (Dershowitz, 1998: 67-69). It must be remembered that Starr's mandate had been expanded over the years to include investigation of firings at the White House travel office and of the obtaining of FBI files on former Republican White House officials. Ironically, the softening of the name from "Special Prosecutor" to "Independent Counsel" in 1983 indicated exactly the opposite in this case.
17. Thompson, Political Scandal, 193.
18. See John Broder and Don Van Natta Jr., "How Republican Determination Overcame President's Popularity," New York Times December 21, 1998, A26, col.5.
19. New York Times, December 20, 1998: A34-35.
20. As Prof. Joseph Borocz noted in a personal communication, in the New World context, at least a part of the American political class thinks it can afford to be concerned with whatever it likes.
21. See Alfred Tuchfarber et al., "The Republican Tidal Wave of 1994: Testing Hypotheses about Realignment, Restructuring and Rebellion," University of Cincinnati Institute for Policy Research, www.ipr.uc.edu/welcome.htm: 22ff.
22. Starr Report, S13, Section G.
23. "A person engages in 'sexual relations' when the person knowingly engages in or causes… contact with the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh or buttocks of any person with an intent to arouse or gratify the sexual desire of any person…. 'Contact' means intentional touching, either directly or through clothing" (Starr, S14, Section A: January 17: The Deposition). The President admits having had sexual relations with Gennifer Flowers, protagonist of the 1992 campaign scandal.
24. As the Starr Report later would point out, the President did not contradict his lawyer's comment about the utter denial in Lewinsky's affidavit (Starr, S14, A: January 17: The Deposition).
25. Washington Post, Jan. 21, 1998, A01.
26. Appendices, 1998, Part 2: 1958. In the striking parallel chronology emphasized by Barbara Ehrenreich, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan narrowly averts an American attack on Iraq in February ("The Bimbo Bombings," In These Times, Feb. 7, 1999: 12.
27. Chief Justice Rehnquist rejects the Justice Department's plea, conducted at the request of the Secret Service, that their testimony be prevented.
28. Appendices, vol. 2: 2523.
29. Newsweek, October 19, 1998: 35.
30. Ehrenreich notes that the constitution "says nothing about fellatio or fellatiorelated fibbing" but it makes "perfectly clear in Article 1 Section 8 that 'only congress has the power to declare war'…. On the basis of that and the U.N. charter, which prohibits the use of force by one nation against another without the authorization of the Security Council, legal scholars Francis Boyle of the University of Illinois and Jules Lobel of the University of Pittsburgh maintain that Clinton indeed deserves impeachment - not for casual sex but for casual carnage," (Ehrenreich, "The Bimbo Bombings").
31. Flynt had made available one million dollars to whoever would bring documentable information on extra-marital trysts by polilicians. He was to publish them in a special issue on Capitol Hill secrets. He has declared since that four women had come forward with revelations about Livingston, verified by Flynt's private investigators.
32. It should be noted that the Speaker-to-be resigned after he was caught, and only after being told that at least twelve of the most conservative Republicans planned to vote against him in the new congress. However, the pretense of virtue may well be all that the religious right actually aspires to get in our day and age.
33. Article 1, for perjury before the grand jury investigating the relationship with Monica Lewinsky - 228 "yes" (including 5 Democrats); 206 "no" (including 4 Republicans and one independent), one absence - and Article 3, obstruction of justice - 221 to 212, 2 absences. Article 2, perjury in the Paula Jones lawsuit, is rejected 205 to 229, as is Article 4, "misuse and abuse" of presidential office, rejected 148 to 285 with 2 absences.
34. The quotes are from Thompson, Political Scandal, 66 and 75 respectively.
35. Jeffrey Alexander and Philip Smith "The Discourse of American Civil Society," Theory and Society, 23/2 (1993): 151-207: 161.
36. The CNN poll of January 22, 1999, after the impeachment and Clinton's almost brazenly confident State of the Union address recorded the following: whereas 58 percent of those polled thought that the Senate should go ahead with the trial and only 36 percent thought that it should not, only 46 percent (against 49 percent) wanted to hear live proceedings. 62 percent of the respondents opposed the idea of removing President Clinton from office (against 35 percent). Unsurprisingly, 78 percent thought that things were going very well in the country (against 22 percent who did not), a 4 percent gain after the President's address.
37. Time poll of February 2, 1998.
38. The split runs somewhat differently from what Judge Posner proposes. Clinton, he says, is a "polarizing figure," mainly for the intelligentsia. Both defenders and supporters are incapable of accepting the ambivalence of his Jekyll and Hyde persona. But the vaster pseudo-public created by the polls seemed to have no trouble separating what Posner calls his executive from his exemplary moral characteristics, attributing him a lot of the for ner and very little of the latter. See Richard A. Posner, An Affair of State: The Investigation, Impeachment and Trial of President Clinton, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press: 1999), 173, 199, 214-215.
39. See Posner, An Affair; and Blandine Kriegel, The State and the Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 54-63.
40. See Posner, An Affair; and Blandine Kriegel, The State and the Law (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), 54-63.
41. See Pier Paolo Giglioli's penetrating account of the first and most visible anticorruption trial in Italy's "Tangentopoli" crisis (that of Sergio Cusani in 1993), "Processi di delegittimazione e cerimonie di degradazione" in Pier Paolo Giglioli et al., Rituali di Degradazione: Anatomia del Processo Cusani (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997).
42. For instance, see Joseph Gusfield, The Culture of Public Problems: Drinking, Driving, and the Symbolic Order (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981).
43. Two authoritative books by serious journalists appeared after we had completed a first writing. See Joe Conason and Gene Lyons, The Hunting of the President: The Ten Year Campaign to Destroy Bill and Hillary Clinton (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); and Jeffrey Toobin, A Vast Conspiracy: The Real Story of the Sex Scandal that Nearly Brought Down a President, (New York: Random House, 1999), as well as Anthony Lewis's impassioned review, "Nearly a Coup," New York Review of Books, April 13, 2000, 22ff.
44. Two authoritative books by serious journalists appeared after we had completed a first writing. See Joe Conason and Gene Lyons, The Hunting of the President: The Ten Year Campaign to Destroy Bill and Hillary Clinton (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); and Jeffrey Toobin, A Vast Conspiracy: The Real Story of the Sex Scandal that Nearly Brought Down a President, (New York: Random House, 1999), as well as Anthony Lewis's impassioned review, "Nearly a Coup," New York Review of Books, April 13, 2000, 22ff.
45. Two authoritative books by serious journalists appeared after we had completed a first writing. See Joe Conason and Gene Lyons, The Hunting of the President: The Ten Year Campaign to Destroy Bill and Hillary Clinton (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999); and Jeffrey Toobin, A Vast Conspiracy: The Real Story of the Sex Scandal that Nearly Brought Down a President, (New York: Random House, 1999), as well as Anthony Lewis's impassioned review, "Nearly a Coup," New York Review of Books, April 13, 2000, 22ff.
46. The apparent paradox in the metaphor "sexual McCarthyism" should not mask the fact that McCarthy used the threat of sexual revelations to force gay men into cooperating, just as J. Edgar Hoover intended to destroy Martin Luther King with blackmail about interracial adultery (Alan M. Dershowitz, Sexual McCarthyism: Clinton, Starr and the Emerging Constitutional Crisis, New York: Basic Books, 1998, 197-200).
47. William Kristol, "Clinton's Fate," The Weekly Standard, May 4, 1998.
48. William Kristol, "A Teetering Republican Majority," The Weekly Standard, November 16, 1998.
49. Indeed, one could not imagine a candidate posing next to his favorite chicken or his pet snake. It has to be dogs. Clinton's cat was on the edge of inadmissibility, and in his second term he got a dog!
50. Anne Norton, Republic of Signs: Liberal Theory and American Popular Culture, (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1993), 88, 93ff.
51. Posner, An Affair, 80-83. For the judge's witty critique of the 8,000 pages of evidence published by the House Judiciary committee - "an astonishing farrago of scandal, hearsay, innuendo, libel, trivia, irrelevance, mindless repetition, catty comments about people's looks, and embarrassing details of private life," see 87-94.
52. The next day, the popular newspaper of Philadelphia, the Daily News, featured a full-page portrait of Clinton with the huge title "YUKK!" in good-natured disgust. Most noted among the uses of technology, besides the DNA analysis of the semen on Lewinsky's dress, was the secret wiretapping of her confidences by Linda Tripp, later convicted for violation of state law in Maryland. In November 1998, 72 percent of respondents to a Gallup poll agreed that "[Linda Tripp's] tapes recorded a private conversation about a private matter and should not be made public no matter how important they might be as evidence" (Dick Polman, "He's just our Bill," Inquirer Magazine, January 3, 1999: 17).
53. The next day, the popular newspaper of Philadelphia, the Daily News, featured a full-page portrait of Clinton with the huge title "YUKK!" in good-natured disgust. Most noted among the uses of technology, besides the DNA analysis of the semen on Lewinsky's dress, was the secret wiretapping of her confidences by Linda Tripp, later convicted for violation of state law in Maryland. In November 1998, 72 percent of respondents to a Gallup poll agreed that "[Linda Tripp's] tapes recorded a private conversation about a private matter and should not be made public no matter how important they might be as evidence" (Dick Polman, "He's just our Bill," Inquirer Magazine, January 3, 1999: 17).
54. The most ponderous was the voice of William Bennett, the former federal "drug czar," with his bestseller, The Death of Outrage: Bill Clinton and the Assault on American Ideals (New York, Simon and Schuster, 1998). On Starr's disappointment, see Newsweek, Nov. 23, 1998: 36.
55. The most ponderous was the voice of William Bennett, the former federal "drug czar," with his bestseller, The Death of Outrage: Bill Clinton and the Assault on American Ideals (New York, Simon and Schuster, 1998). On Starr's disappointment, see Newsweek, Nov. 23, 1998: 36.
56. See Chris Smith et al., "The Myth of Culture Wars," in Culture, Newsletter of the Sociology of Culture Section of the ASA, Fall 1996, and the spirited debate that followed in ibid., Winter 1997.
57. See Chris Smith et al., "The Myth of Culture Wars," in Culture, Newsletter of the Sociology of Culture Section of the ASA, Fall 1996, and the spirited debate that followed in ibid., Winter 1997.
58. James Weinstein mentions the gravest White House lies in a February 7, 1999 editorial of In These Times. The most recent: Reagan's government lied about the sale of arms to Iran and the funding of the illegal war against the Nicaraguan government. He lied again when he invaded Grenada to save American students who said they had never been in danger. Bush pardoned former Defense Secretary Casper Weinberger 12 days before the latter was to be tried for perjury (in his testimony that neither he nor Bush had participated in the planning of the illegal Iran-Contra operation).
59. Jay Leno, David Letterman, Bill Maher, Dennis Miller, and Don Imus were the main source of news for a growing number of people during the scandal. Leno is quoted by Howard Kurtz, "Public gets the real story from late-night jokesters," International Herald Tribune Jan. 27, 1999.
60. For one of the most cogent accounts of what Watergate has meant and how it signifies for Americans, see Schudson, Watergate.
61. Rubin, Inquirer, Jan. 13, 1999: A17. Trudi Rubin notes with indignation that Hyde's "affair broke up his lover's marriage, after which he ditched his tootsie and her kids and went back to his wife." More gravely, the press revealed that Rep. Bob Barr of Georgia, perhaps the most adamant of Clinton's enemies, had addressed white supremacist rallies.
62. One example of just such a brilliant use of rhetoric is that by special counsel Lawrence Welch, at the 1954 Army-McCarthy Hearings, with the famous question, "Have you no sense of decency, sir?"
63. 43 percent of votes cast in 1992, 49.24 percent in 1996. The turnout hovered around 52 percent.
64. Dick Polman "He's just our Bill," Inquirer Magazine, January 3, 1999: 18.
65. In one of those uncanny coincidences that the press calls "surreal," DNA tests proved that the semen on Monica Lewinsky's blue dress was Clinton's, and a few months later that a descendant of Sally Hemmings had the same DNA as Thomas Jefferson. Only a few fundamentalists claimed paternity for Jefferson's younger brother against all circumstantial evidence, but there was no question about Jefferson's place in history, or on the nickel, anyway.
66. After the release of Clinton's videotaped testimony to the grand jury, his ratings went up (66 percent approved the job he was doing, against 60 percent before the release). In early October, the CNN poll gave Starr a 31 percent favorable rating and 60 percent unfavorable. He helped himself temporarily after his televised testimony in front of the Judiciary Committee (54 percent unfavorable, 35 percent favorable).
67. Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicigo: University of Chicago Press, 1958), 72.
68. Posner, An Affair, 159.
69. Melissa Dribben of the Inquirer made the point eloquently, "By unhooking bras and playing with cigars," she wrote, "Clinton disgraced himself, his wife and his daughter. By chronicling the affair, Starr disgraced the nation" (September 14, 1998: B1).
70. The poll results remained consistent in the split judgment of Clinton's character and performance as president. On January 27 1998, after the scandal broke, 56 percent of the people polled by CNN said that Clinton did not share their values, and did not show good judgment, while 62 percent did not believe he was honest and trustworthy. But his approval rating was 59 percent (64 percent women, 54 percent men), the lowest it has been in the past year (see also, Newsweek, Oct. 19: 35). In the same poll 70 percent said Clinton "was tough enough," 68 percent that he "could get things done," 59 percent that he "cared about people," and 53 percent that he "could bring about change."
71. Bennett, The Death, Introduction.
72. Indeed, the polls have indicated all along that Clinton gives most people (including, no doubt, some of his defenders) the clear impression that he has little moral integrity and thinks mostly about saving himself.
73. Posner, An Affair, 9.
74. Blandine Kriegel contrasts the one, as "the exaltation of collective justice," to the other, as "the proclamation of individual redemption," and sees the birth of the modern state in the affirmation of the former (Kriegel, The State, 54ff.).
75. Blandine Kriegel contrasts the one, as "the exaltation of collective justice," to the other, as "the proclamation of individual redemption," and sees the birth of the modern state in the affirmation of the former (Kriegel, The State, 54ff.).
76. We are grateful to Prof. Ann Mische for this acute comment on something that had escaped us.
77. Including the famous Watergate counsel Sam Dash, his ethical adviser, who resigned clamorously after Starr's Judiciary Committee deposition, accusing the IC of having become a prosecutor. The historian Sean Wilentz, who testified in front of the Judiciary Committee, believes these proceedings were an "American style" attempted coup d'etat (personal communication of Prof. Wilentz).
78. Patricia Ewick and Susan Silbey, The Common Place of Law (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 28.
79. See, for example, Barry Schwartz, George Washington: The Making of an American Symbol (New York: Free Press; London: Collier Macmillan, 1987); and Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).
80. See, for example, Barry Schwartz, George Washington: The Making of an American Symbol (New York: Free Press; London: Collier Macmillan, 1987); and Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).
81. The Impeachment and Trial of President Clinton: The Official Transcripts from the House Judiciary Committee Hearings to the Senate Trial, Introduction by Michael R. Beschloss, edited by Merrill McLoughlin (New York: Random House, 1999), 260.
82. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer, 41.
83. See Judge Posner's observations in An Affair, 93ff., 255. We follow closely his scholarly legal discussion in this section.
84. The majorities were such that, indeed, they may have left as residual only the hard core of Clinton-hating right-wing Republicans in the country.
85. Quoted by J. M. Marshall, "Clinton-Hating," The American Prospect, July 17 (2000): 45.
86. Posner, An Affair, 85, 86ff., and chapter 3 (quotation at 127).
87. Obviously, even before the release of the Starr report and the beginning of the impeachment process, the legal process moved politically. The OIC knew well that the President would consider it politically too risky to refuse to appear in the Jones case or in front of the grand jury. Alan Dershowitz argues (to a lay person convincingly) that the President should have defaulted in Jones v. Clinton. Others, including Posner, have argued that he should have settled. Apart from his lawyers' mistakes, Clinton made political judgments.
88. See Max Weber, "Bureaucracy," Section 7, in Hans Gerth and C. W. Mills, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958).
89. We are grateful for this observation to Prof. Anna Rosa Favretto.
90. Robert J. Samuelson quotes a poll by the Pew Research Center in which 32 percent of Americans had followed closely the story of impeachment, while 64 percent said that "the media is giving [it] too much attention." Robert J. Samuelson, "Washington Disconnected," Newsweek, Jan. 11, 1999: 41.
91. We thank Hugh Joswick for drawing our attention to the historians' role.
92. Lieberman said: "This guy is condemned in history for the acts he committed…. Impeachment puts that mark indelibly in the history books." And Gorton added: "President Clinton is whistling past the graveyard if he thinks that this is going to be forgotten in the course of the next twenty years or for that matter in the next 200 years" (quoted by Jonathan Schell in "Let History Judge," The Nation, Jan. 25 (1999): 4.
93. Rep. Robert W. Goodlatte, Republican of Virginia, New York Times, Dec. 20, 1998, A34.
94. We are alluding to George Steiner's apt title, "Our Homeland, the Text" borrowed by Anne Norton in chapter 4 of her The Republic of Signs (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
95. Rep. Livingston, New York Times, Dec. 20, 1999: A32, emphasis added.
96. William H. Sewell, Jr. "Historical Events as Transformations of Structures: Inventing Revolution at the Bastille," Theory and Society, 25/6 (1996): 841-881.
97. Posner, An Affair, 116, discussing Benjamin Ginsberg and Martin Shefter, Politics by Other Means: The Declining Importance of Elections in America, 1990.
98. Posner, An Affair, 116, discussing Benjamin Ginsberg and Martin Shefter, Politics by Other Means: The Declining Importance of Elections in America, 1990.
99. See Elizabeth Drew, The Corruption of American Politics: What Went Wrong and Why (Toronto, Birch Lane Press, 1999), in particular ch. 13 and 14.
100. Posner, An Affair, 92.
101. Norman Campbell, What is Science? (New York. Dover, 1953), 153.
102. Michael Schudson refers to Theodore Draper's notion of the "bifurcated presidency" to explain why Congress refrained from going forward with Article IV of the impeachment proceedings, that dealing with the war in neutral Cambodia. He writes: "presidential action domestically is constitutionally limited while presidential action in foreign affairs may be arbitrarily exercised," (Watergate in American Memory, Basic Books, 1992, 182). Nevertheless, it is significant that the Vietnam War was drawn into the ambit of a presidential impeachment.
103. Posner, An Affair of State, 168.
104. Dayan and Katz, Media Events: The Live Broadcasting of History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992).
105. Cf. Elihu Katz, "Broadcasting Holidays," Social Inquiry, 2/68 (1998): 230-241.
106. Dayan and Katz, Media; Giglioli, "Processi," Robin Wagner-Pacifici, The Moro Morality Play: Terrorism as Social Drama (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
107. Dayan and Katz, Media; Giglioli, "Processi," Robin Wagner-Pacifici, The Moro Morality Play: Terrorism as Social Drama (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986).
108. 54 percent in the Time poll of February 2, 1998.
109. Walter Kirn, just after the publication of the Starr report, comments on "the macho critique of Clinton" among construction workers in Montana: "What the guys around the radio wanted to know wasn't whether Bill Clinton had learnt his lesson or put things right with God, but what his excuse was for his gross stupidity…. 'This man is supposed to outwit terrorists' one worker said despairingly" (Time, September 21, 1998: 69).
110. For 1998, see the Time poll of February 2, 1999. On February 10, the same poll reported that 70 percent of Americans polled approved of the way Clinton was handling his job as president, while 57 percent wanted the Senate to censure him, and 51 percent found it acceptable to state that he had committed crimes in the Lewinsky matter.
111. Ernst Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 9.
112. Posner, An Affair, 262. See, on Washington's irritation with the case, Sally Quinn's "This Town" column, Washington Post, November 2, 1998. On the rest of the country's indifference, a very good report is Nancy Gibbs and Michael Duffy, "The Great Disconnect," Time, January 18, 1999.
113. Posner, An Affair, 262. See, on Washington's irritation with the case, Sally Quinn's "This Town" column, Washington Post, November 2, 1998. On the rest of the country's indifference, a very good report is Nancy Gibbs and Michael Duffy, "The Great Disconnect," Time, January 18, 1999.
114. Posner, An Affair, 262. See, on Washington's irritation with the case, Sally Quinn's "This Town" column, Washington Post, November 2, 1998. On the rest of the country's indifference, a very good report is Nancy Gibbs and Michael Duffy, "The Great Disconnect," Time, January 18, 1999.