Without unions, but socialist: The Spanish socialist party and its divorce from its union confederation (1982-96)

Politics and Society

Volumn 29, Issue 2, 2001, Pages 273-296

  Ruiz, Javier Astudillo ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0035534052     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329201029002005     Document Type: Article

References (132)

1. As it is generally understood, the term "social democracy" is employed here as a generic concept to cover the set of parties that run under socialist, labor, and social democratic labels.
2. Chris Howell and Anthony Daley, "The Transformation of Political Exchange," International Journal of Political Economy 22, no. 4 (1992-93).
3. David Cameron, "Social Democracy, Corporatism, Labor Quiescence and the Representation of Economic Interest in Advanced Capitalist Society," in J. H. Goldthorpe, ed., Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism: Studies in the Political Economy of Western European Nations (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1984).
4. Gerhard Lehmbruch, "Concertation and the Structure of Corporatist Networks," in J. H. Goldthorpe, ed., Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism.
5. Walter Korpi, The Democratic Class Struggle (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1983), 24-25.
6. Herbert Kitschelt, The Transformation of European Socialdemocracy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
7. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange," 12. Herbert Kitschelt, "European Social Democracy between Political Economy and Electoral Competition," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 330.
8. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange," 12. Herbert Kitschelt, "European Social Democracy between Political Economy and Electoral Competition," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 330.
9. But see Ludolfo Paramio, Tras el Diluvio: La izquierda ante el fin de siglo (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1988),
10. José María Maravall, Regimes, Politics, and Markets: Democratization and Economic Change in Southern and Eastern Europe (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1997) ,
11. or Carles Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality: Conservative and Social Democratic Economic Strategies in the World Economy (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998) for an alternative explanation based on the organizational features of the Spanish trade unions.
12. Miguel Juárez and Victor Renes Ayala, "Población, Estructura y Desigualdad Social," in M. Juárez, ed., V Informe Sociológico sobre la Situación Social en España: Sociedad para todos en el año 2000 (Madrid, Spain: Fundación FOESSA, 1994), 255-56.
13. Richard Gillespie, "The Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family': Party-Union Relations in Spain, 1982-89," West European Politics 13, no. 1 (1990): 60.
14. The analysis of the socialist electorate relies heavily on Richard Gunther, Giacomo Sani, and Goldie Shabad, eds., El Sistema de Partidos Políticos en España: Génesis y evolución (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1986), 243 ; Hans Jürgen Puhle, "El PSOE: un partido predominante y heterogeneo," in J. J. Linz and J. R. Montero, eds., Crisis y Cambio: electores y partidos en la España de los ochenta (Madrid, Spain: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1986), 311; and Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality, 107-8, 145-50.
15. The analysis of the socialist electorate relies heavily on Richard Gunther, Giacomo Sani, and Goldie Shabad, eds., El Sistema de Partidos Políticos en España: Génesis y evolución (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1986), 243 ; Hans Jürgen Puhle, "El PSOE: un partido predominante y heterogeneo," in J. J. Linz and J. R. Montero, eds., Crisis y Cambio: electores y partidos en la España de los ochenta (Madrid, Spain: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1986), 311; and Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality, 107-8, 145-50.
16. The analysis of the socialist electorate relies heavily on Richard Gunther, Giacomo Sani, and Goldie Shabad, eds., El Sistema de Partidos Políticos en España: Génesis y evolución (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1986), 243 ; Hans Jürgen Puhle, "El PSOE: un partido predominante y heterogeneo," in J. J. Linz and J. R. Montero, eds., Crisis y Cambio: electores y partidos en la España de los ochenta (Madrid, Spain: Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, 1986), 311; and Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality, 107-8, 145-50.
17. José María Maravall, "From Opposition to Government. The Politics and Policies of the PSOE," in J. M. Maravall, ed., Socialist Parties in Europe (Barcelona, Spain: Institut de Ciències Politiques i Socials, 1991), 18.
18. See for example Kitschelt, Transformation of European Socialdemocracy.
19. The UCD plummeted from 34.9 percent of the vote in 1979 to a mere 7.1 percent in 1982, the Communist Party dropping from 10.6 to 4.1 percent.
20. Salvador Aguilar and Jordi Roca, Epíleg: La Vaga General del 14-D (Barcelona, Spain: Fundació Jaume Bofill, 1991), 46-52.
21. Maravall, "From Opposition to Government," 19. José Félix Tezanos, "Socialismo y clases medias." Sistema 123 (1994): 20.
22. Maravall, "From Opposition to Government," 19. José Félix Tezanos, "Socialismo y clases medias." Sistema 123 (1994): 20.
23. Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality, 150-54.
24. Kitschelt, Transformation of European Socialdemocracy, 50.
25. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 54. Holm-Detlev Köhler, El Movimiento Sindical en España: Transición democrática, regionalismo y modernización económica (Madrid, Spain: Editorial Fundamentos, 1995), 155-65.
26. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 54. Holm-Detlev Köhler, El Movimiento Sindical en España: Transición democrática, regionalismo y modernización económica (Madrid, Spain: Editorial Fundamentos, 1995), 155-65.
27. Personal interview with the former Spanish minister of the economy and finance, Carlos Solchaga, on 19 July 1996. See also PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español [Spanish Socialist Workers' Party]), Programa 1986/1990, 20-24; and the " Pacto Social de Progreso," unpublished manuscript, Madrid, Spain, 1991.
28. Personal interview with the former Spanish minister of the economy and finance, Carlos Solchaga, on 19 July 1996. See also PSOE (Partido Socialista Obrero Español [Spanish Socialist Workers' Party]), Programa 1986/1990, 20-24; and the " Pacto Social de Progreso," unpublished manuscript, Madrid, Spain, 1991.
29. In the "Pacto Social de Progreso" the Spanish government stated that devaluation measures were ruled out because they would undermine confidence in the government's capacity to achieve balanced long-term growth and jeopardize the capital inflows.
30. Data from European Economy no. 53 (1993).
31. See "La Economía Española a Comienzos de 1993," in Documentos Círcula no. 30 (1993, March): 6.
32. "Liberal" in the Círculo de Empresarios' sense has the traditional European meaning of advocating the reduction of the role of the state in the economy.
33. For an excellent analysis of the development of a social democratic supply-side strategy see Boix, Political Parties, Growth and Equality.
34. Ibid., 137.
35. Maravall, Regimes, Politics, and Markets, 183.
36. Ibid., 184.
37. Ibid., 185.
38. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 52.
39. The seventy thousand workers affected by restructuring came under a scheme based on the early retirement or eventual redeployment of redundant workers (Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 51).
40. Personal interviews with Carlos Solchaga (19 July 1996) and with the former minister of labor in the first Socialist government, Joaquín Almunia (29 July 1996). See also Resoluciones del 30 Congreso del PSOE (1984), 17-21. Fritz W. Scharpf, Social-democracia y Crisis Económica en Europa (Valencia, Spain: Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, 1992).
41. Personal interviews with Carlos Solchaga (19 July 1996) and with the former minister of labor in the first Socialist government, Joaquín Almunia (29 July 1996). See also Resoluciones del 30 Congreso del PSOE (1984), 17-21. Fritz W. Scharpf, Social-democracia y Crisis Económica en Europa (Valencia, Spain: Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, 1992).
42. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange." Jonas Pontusson, "Introduction: Organizational and Political-Economic Perspectives on Union Politics," in M. Golden and J. Pontusson , eds., Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Michael Shalev, "Strikes and the Crisis: Industrial Conflict and Unemployment in the Western Nations," Economic and Industrial Democracy 4 (1983). Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830-1968 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
43. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange." Jonas Pontusson, "Introduction: Organizational and Political-Economic Perspectives on Union Politics," in M. Golden and J. Pontusson , eds., Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Michael Shalev, "Strikes and the Crisis: Industrial Conflict and Unemployment in the Western Nations," Economic and Industrial Democracy 4 (1983). Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830-1968 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
44. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange." Jonas Pontusson, "Introduction: Organizational and Political-Economic Perspectives on Union Politics," in M. Golden and J. Pontusson , eds., Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Michael Shalev, "Strikes and the Crisis: Industrial Conflict and Unemployment in the Western Nations," Economic and Industrial Democracy 4 (1983). Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830-1968 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
45. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange." Jonas Pontusson, "Introduction: Organizational and Political-Economic Perspectives on Union Politics," in M. Golden and J. Pontusson , eds., Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Michael Shalev, "Strikes and the Crisis: Industrial Conflict and Unemployment in the Western Nations," Economic and Industrial Democracy 4 (1983). Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830-1968 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
46. Howell and Daley, "Transformation of Political Exchange." Jonas Pontusson, "Introduction: Organizational and Political-Economic Perspectives on Union Politics," in M. Golden and J. Pontusson , eds., Bargaining for Change: Union Politics in North America and Europe (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1992). George Ross, Workers and Communists in France: From Popular Front to Eurocommunism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982). Michael Shalev, "Strikes and the Crisis: Industrial Conflict and Unemployment in the Western Nations," Economic and Industrial Democracy 4 (1983). Edward Shorter and Charles Tilly, Strikes in France 1830-1968 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
47. It is true that in Spain full employment never existed during the 1980s. Nonetheless, despite the fact that unemployment still stood at 20.5 percent in 1987, and 19.5 percent in 1988, the Spanish unions sought wage increases of two points in real terms, even when, to the dismay of the Socialist government, inflation rose from 4.6 percent in 1987, to 5.8 percent in 1988, and 6.9 percent in 1989.
48. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 52.
49. Declaration of Carlos Solchaga to the Spanish newspaper El País (12 September 1986). See also the UGT's (Unión General de Trabajadores [General Workers' Union]) working note "Encuentro Confederal de Acción Sindical: Presupuestos en 1.987" (26 September 1986). An outline of this agreement can also be found in the presentation of the budget for 1987 by the minister of economy himself in the Congreso de los Diputados on 28 October 1986.
50. Declaration of Carlos Solchaga to the Spanish newspaper El País (12 September 1986). See also the UGT's (Unión General de Trabajadores [General Workers' Union]) working note "Encuentro Confederal de Acción Sindical: Presupuestos en 1.987" (26 September 1986). An outline of this agreement can also be found in the presentation of the budget for 1987 by the minister of economy himself in the Congreso de los Diputados on 28 October 1986.
51. Declaration of Carlos Solchaga to the Spanish newspaper El País (12 September 1986). See also the UGT's (Unión General de Trabajadores [General Workers' Union]) working note "Encuentro Confederal de Acción Sindical: Presupuestos en 1.987" (26 September 1986). An outline of this agreement can also be found in the presentation of the budget for 1987 by the minister of economy himself in the Congreso de los Diputados on 28 October 1986.
52. See the UGT's "Memoria de Gestión de la Secretaría de Acción Sindical" (30 March 1987): 23-24.
53. See the UGT's working note "Encuentro Confederal de Acción Sindical: Presupuestos en 1.987" (26 September 1986):1 ff.
54. Ibid., 3.
55. CCOO's (Comisiones Obreras [Workers' Commissions]) paper, Gaceta Sindical no. 44 (1986, October): 22-23.
56. See El País (16, 17, 20, and 24 July 1987), the address of the Ministro para las Relaciones con las Cortes, Virgilio Zapatero, in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988), the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and the working note from the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical (31 July 1987).
57. See El País (16, 17, 20, and 24 July 1987), the address of the Ministro para las Relaciones con las Cortes, Virgilio Zapatero, in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988), the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and the working note from the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical (31 July 1987).
58. See El País (16, 17, 20, and 24 July 1987), the address of the Ministro para las Relaciones con las Cortes, Virgilio Zapatero, in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988), the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and the working note from the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical (31 July 1987).
59. See El País (16, 17, 20, and 24 July 1987), the address of the Ministro para las Relaciones con las Cortes, Virgilio Zapatero, in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988), the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and the working note from the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical (31 July 1987).
60. Wolfgang Merkel, ¿Final de la Socialdemocracia? Recursos de poder y política de gobierno de los partidos socialdemócratas en Europa Occidental (Valencia, Spain: Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, 1995), 315-17.
61. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 53. Faustino Miguélez Lobo, "Las Organizaciones Sindicales," in F. Miguélez and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Jordi Roca Jusmet, "La Concertación Social," in F. Miguélez Lobo and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Kerstin Hamann, "Afiliación, movilización y aliados políticos: las incognitas del poder sindical español (1970-1988), " Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 3 (1993).
62. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 53. Faustino Miguélez Lobo, "Las Organizaciones Sindicales," in F. Miguélez and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Jordi Roca Jusmet, "La Concertación Social," in F. Miguélez Lobo and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Kerstin Hamann, "Afiliación, movilización y aliados políticos: las incognitas del poder sindical español (1970-1988), " Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 3 (1993).
63. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 53. Faustino Miguélez Lobo, "Las Organizaciones Sindicales," in F. Miguélez and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Jordi Roca Jusmet, "La Concertación Social," in F. Miguélez Lobo and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Kerstin Hamann, "Afiliación, movilización y aliados políticos: las incognitas del poder sindical español (1970-1988), " Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 3 (1993).
64. Gillespie, "Break-Up of the 'Socialist Family,' " 53. Faustino Miguélez Lobo, "Las Organizaciones Sindicales," in F. Miguélez and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Jordi Roca Jusmet, "La Concertación Social," in F. Miguélez Lobo and C. Prieto, eds., Las Relaciones Laborales en España (Madrid, Spain: Siglo XXI, 1991). Kerstin Hamann, "Afiliación, movilización y aliados políticos: las incognitas del poder sindical español (1970-1988), " Cuadernos de Relaciones Laborales 3 (1993).
65. See UGT's "Memoria de Gestión de la Secretaría de Acción Sindical" (30 March 1987).
66. See, for example, the UGT's working note "Carta-circular del Secretario General y del de Acción Sindical de la UGT" (7 January 1987),
67. the article "Algunos aspectos de la política de rentas y su inserción en la política económica," in the UGT's newspaper, Información Sindical, nos. 48 (1987, May) and 60 (1988, May).
68. Nicolás Redondo, Discurso de Nicolás Redondo al Congreso del PSOE de 1988 (Madrid, Spain: UGT ediciones, 1988), 15; see also Memoria de Gestión, 35 Congreso de la UGT (1990), 13.
69. Nicolás Redondo, Discurso de Nicolás Redondo al Congreso del PSOE de 1988 (Madrid, Spain: UGT ediciones, 1988), 15; see also Memoria de Gestión, 35 Congreso de la UGT (1990), 13.
70. Personal interview with Carlos Solchaga (19 July 1996).
71. See the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and also the UGT's document "La Negociación Colectiva en España desde el Punto de Vista de la Unión General de Trabajadores" (3 November 1987).
72. See the UGT's working note "Circular de Negociación Colectiva" (1 February 1988), and also the UGT's document "La Negociación Colectiva en España desde el Punto de Vista de la Unión General de Trabajadores" (3 November 1987).
73. For a fuller analysis of the break-up between the PSOE and the UGT, see Javier Astudillo, Los Recursos del Socialismo: Las combiantes relaciones entre el PSOE y la UGT (1982-1993) (Madrid, Spain: Instituto Juan March de Estudios e Investigaciones, 1998).
74. Pontusson, "Introduction," 34. Merkel, ¿Final de la Socialdemocracia?
75. Pontusson, "Introduction," 34. Merkel, ¿Final de la Socialdemocracia?
76. Gosta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets. The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1985).
77. Scharpf, Socialdemocracia y Crisis Económica eǹ Europa, and Maravall, Regimes, Politics, and Markets.
78. Scharpf, Socialdemocracia y Crisis Económica eǹ Europa, and Maravall, Regimes, Politics, and Markets.
79. Cameron, "Social Democracy, Corporatism, Labor Quiescence," 166.
80. Pontusson, "Introduction."
81. Richard B. Freeman and James L. Medoff, What Do Unions Do? (New York: Basic Books, 1984), 55.
82. Scharpf, Socialdemocracia y Crisis Económica en Europa, 233.
83. Peter Lange, "Unions, Workers, and Wage Regulation: The Rational Bases of Consent," in J. H. Goldthorpe, ed., Order and Conflict in Contemporary Capitalism, 113.
84. If the social democratic party is in the opposition, however, a strategy of concertation from its union would help the incumbent party/ies, thereby leading to tension between the sister union and party.
85. Scharpf, Socialdemocracia y Crisis Económica en Europa, 233.
86. Lange, "Unions, Workers, and Wage Regulation."
87. Jürgen R. Grote and Philippe C. Schmitter, "The Renaissance of National Corporatism: Unintended Side-Effect of European Economic and Monetary Union or Calculated Response to the Absence of European Social Policy?" Transfer 5 (1999): 46.
88. See Resoluciones del 33 Congreso de la UGT (1983), 40.
89. See II Congreso de la Confederación Sindical de CC.OO (1981), 37, and IV Congreso de la Confederación Sindical de CC.OO (1987), 46-47.
90. See II Congreso de la Confederación Sindical de CC.OO (1981), 37, and IV Congreso de la Confederación Sindical de CC.OO (1987), 46-47.
91. See the editorial "Ganar las elecciones" in Gaceta Sindical, no. 19 (June 1982): 3, in which CCOO leaders stated, "We can, we must, and we are going to win the elections [for works' councils]";
92. and also Gaceta Sindical, no. 43 (July 1986): 7-8.
93. Peter Lange, George Ross, and Maurizio Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis: French and Italian Union Strategy and the Political Economy, 1945-1980 (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1982), 230.
94. Victor Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society: The Emergence of Democratic Spain (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), 241 ff.
95. Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España: La influencia de las condiciones organizativas en las estrategias sindicales," Revista Internacional de Sociología 8/9 (1994).
96. It is estimated that about 70 percent of all workplaces in Spain have elected councils, and the electoral turnout is relatively high, standing at around 75 percent.
97. Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 271.
98. The divorce of the Spanish unions and the Socialist government has also been interpreted as being a result of the low level of union membership in Spain, which stands at around 16 percent of all workers, and which is thought to make unions unwilling to embrace wage restraint. As we can see, the percentage of Spanish workers who support the unions in Spain is significantly higher than union affiliation rates would suggest (Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 269-70). For a criticism of the way union membership figures are interpreted, see Pontusson, "Introduction," 11; Anthony Ferner and Richard Hyman, Industrial Relations in the New Europe (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1992); Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España," 220; Miriam Golden, Michel Wallerstein, and Peter Lange, "Postwar Trade-Union Organization and Industrial Relations," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 198.
99. The divorce of the Spanish unions and the Socialist government has also been interpreted as being a result of the low level of union membership in Spain, which stands at around 16 percent of all workers, and which is thought to make unions unwilling to embrace wage restraint. As we can see, the percentage of Spanish workers who support the unions in Spain is significantly higher than union affiliation rates would suggest (Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 269-70). For a criticism of the way union membership figures are interpreted, see Pontusson, "Introduction," 11; Anthony Ferner and Richard Hyman, Industrial Relations in the New Europe (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1992); Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España," 220; Miriam Golden, Michel Wallerstein, and Peter Lange, "Postwar Trade-Union Organization and Industrial Relations," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 198.
100. The divorce of the Spanish unions and the Socialist government has also been interpreted as being a result of the low level of union membership in Spain, which stands at around 16 percent of all workers, and which is thought to make unions unwilling to embrace wage restraint. As we can see, the percentage of Spanish workers who support the unions in Spain is significantly higher than union affiliation rates would suggest (Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 269-70). For a criticism of the way union membership figures are interpreted, see Pontusson, "Introduction," 11; Anthony Ferner and Richard Hyman, Industrial Relations in the New Europe (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1992); Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España," 220; Miriam Golden, Michel Wallerstein, and Peter Lange, "Postwar Trade-Union Organization and Industrial Relations," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 198.
101. The divorce of the Spanish unions and the Socialist government has also been interpreted as being a result of the low level of union membership in Spain, which stands at around 16 percent of all workers, and which is thought to make unions unwilling to embrace wage restraint. As we can see, the percentage of Spanish workers who support the unions in Spain is significantly higher than union affiliation rates would suggest (Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 269-70). For a criticism of the way union membership figures are interpreted, see Pontusson, "Introduction," 11; Anthony Ferner and Richard Hyman, Industrial Relations in the New Europe (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1992); Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España," 220; Miriam Golden, Michel Wallerstein, and Peter Lange, "Postwar Trade-Union Organization and Industrial Relations," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 198.
102. The divorce of the Spanish unions and the Socialist government has also been interpreted as being a result of the low level of union membership in Spain, which stands at around 16 percent of all workers, and which is thought to make unions unwilling to embrace wage restraint. As we can see, the percentage of Spanish workers who support the unions in Spain is significantly higher than union affiliation rates would suggest (Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 269-70). For a criticism of the way union membership figures are interpreted, see Pontusson, "Introduction," 11; Anthony Ferner and Richard Hyman, Industrial Relations in the New Europe (Oxford, UK: Blackwell, 1992); Jacint Jordana, "Los Sindicatos y Política en España," 220; Miriam Golden, Michel Wallerstein, and Peter Lange, "Postwar Trade-Union Organization and Industrial Relations," in H. Kitschelt, P. Lange, G. Marks, and J. D. Stephens, eds., Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 198.
103. Pérez-Díaz, The Return of Civil Society, 249-50.
104. Ibid., 272.
105. Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, Estudio Sociológico sobre las Orientaciones, Actitudes y Demandas Sindicales de los Trabajadores Españoles (Madrid, Spain: Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas, 1989), 53.
106. Ibid., 25,40.
107. As can be seen in Table 2, wage agreements secured through collective bargaining tended to be closer to the UGT's demands than those presented by CCOO.
108. According to the official data, the Socialist union confederation only won in workplaces with fewer than one hundred workers. In the previous works' councils' elections, the UGT had beaten the CCOO in workplaces with fewer than one hundred, but also in those with between five hundred and one thousand workers, as well as in those with over five thousand workers.
109. See "Elecciones Sindicales 1986: Consolidación y Progreso de la UGT como primera fuerza sindical" in the UGT newspaper Claridad no. 17 (1987, January-February), and also Memoria de Gestión, 35 Congreso de la UGT (1990), 89-73, 105-6.
110. See "Elecciones Sindicales 1986: Consolidación y Progreso de la UGT como primera fuerza sindical" in the UGT newspaper Claridad no. 17 (1987, January-February), and also Memoria de Gestión, 35 Congreso de la UGT (1990), 89-73, 105-6.
111. The CFDT in France in 1983 and Solidarity in Poland in 1992 also split from their governments when they came to the conclusion that their support implied losing ground to their union rivals. See René Mouriaux, Syndicalisme et Politique (Paris: Les Éditions Ouvrières, 1985), 94;
112. Kazimierz Klock, "Trade Unions and Economic Transformation in Poland," The Journal of Communist Studies 9, no. 4, (1993): 131;
113. Rainer Deppe and Melanie Tatur, "Trade Unions in the Transformation Process: Comparative Observations on the Role of Trade-Union Representation in Poland, Hungary, Russia, and in the Territory of the Former GDR," International Journal of Political Economy 24, no. 2, (1994): 29.
114. In the September 1986 agreement the UGT leadership had accepted increases of around 5 percent, the same figure for expected inflation. However, in the negotiations with the employers' association, which took place after the elections, the UGT asked instead for a 7 percent increase.
115. Miriam Golden, Labor Divided: Austerity and Working-Class Politics in Contemporary Italy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), 62. Lange, Ross, and Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis, 265. Peter R. Weitz, "The CGIL and the PCI: From Subordination to Independent Political Force," in D. Blackmer and S. Tarrow, eds., Communism in Italy and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977) 564-65.
116. Miriam Golden, Labor Divided: Austerity and Working-Class Politics in Contemporary Italy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), 62. Lange, Ross, and Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis, 265. Peter R. Weitz, "The CGIL and the PCI: From Subordination to Independent Political Force," in D. Blackmer and S. Tarrow, eds., Communism in Italy and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977) 564-65.
117. Miriam Golden, Labor Divided: Austerity and Working-Class Politics in Contemporary Italy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1988), 62. Lange, Ross, and Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis, 265. Peter R. Weitz, "The CGIL and the PCI: From Subordination to Independent Political Force," in D. Blackmer and S. Tarrow, eds., Communism in Italy and France (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1977) 564-65.
118. Lange, Ross, and Vannicelli, Unions, Change and Crisis, 265.
119. See the working note from of the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical to the Federations and Unions of the UGT (31 July 1987), and also Nicolás Redondo, Discurso de Nicolás Redondo al Congreso del PSOE de 1988 (Madrid, Spain: UGT ediciones, 1988), 16.
120. See the working note from of the UGT's Secretario de Acción Sindical to the Federations and Unions of the UGT (31 July 1987), and also Nicolás Redondo, Discurso de Nicolás Redondo al Congreso del PSOE de 1988 (Madrid, Spain: UGT ediciones, 1988), 16.
121. Declaration of the Minister of Labor, Manuel Chaves, to El País (23 September 1987), and of the Minister of Public Administration, Joaquín Almunia, to El País (12 September 1987). See also the address of the Minister Virgilio Zapatero in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988).
122. Declaration of the Minister of Labor, Manuel Chaves, to El País (23 September 1987), and of the Minister of Public Administration, Joaquín Almunia, to El País (12 September 1987). See also the address of the Minister Virgilio Zapatero in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988).
123. Declaration of the Minister of Labor, Manuel Chaves, to El País (23 September 1987), and of the Minister of Public Administration, Joaquín Almunia, to El País (12 September 1987). See also the address of the Minister Virgilio Zapatero in the Congreso de los Diputados (30 November 1988).
124. In order to allow this interunion political rapprochement to take place, CCOO also had to prove that interunion cooperation did not mean support for the Communist Party. In the case of CCOO this was reflected by the CCOO's election of a new leader in November 1987, Antonio Gutiérrez, who was less closely identified with the PCE (Partido Comunista de España [Communist Party]) than his predecessor, Marcelino Camacho.
125. The UGT and the CCOO urged the Socialist government to fulfill the Acuerdo Económico y Social (AES) target for unemployment benefits, increase minimum pensions to the national minimum wage level, improve collective bargaining rights for civil servants, withdraw a youth employment plan, and give a pay raise to civil servants and pensioners to allow for inflation.
126. Golden, Labor Divided, 63. Weitz, "The CGIL and the PCI," 567.
127. Golden, Labor Divided, 63. Weitz, "The CGIL and the PCI," 567.
128. Personal interview with Joaquin Almunia (29 July 1996). See also the Resolución del Comité Federal del PSOE (1 April 1989), in the Memoria de Gestión del Comité Federal del PSOE al 32 Congreso del PSOE (1990), 145-49, and Justo Zambrana, "Democracia industrial y sindicalismo en España," Sistema 88 (1989): 75; Alvaro Espina "Los Sindicatos y la Democracia Española: La huelga general de diciembre de 1988 y sus implicaciones políticas," in A. Espina, ed., Concertación Social, Neocorporativismo y Democracia (Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1991), 255.
129. Personal interview with Joaquin Almunia (29 July 1996). See also the Resolución del Comité Federal del PSOE (1 April 1989), in the Memoria de Gestión del Comité Federal del PSOE al 32 Congreso del PSOE (1990), 145-49, and Justo Zambrana, "Democracia industrial y sindicalismo en España," Sistema 88 (1989): 75; Alvaro Espina "Los Sindicatos y la Democracia Española: La huelga general de diciembre de 1988 y sus implicaciones políticas," in A. Espina, ed., Concertación Social, Neocorporativismo y Democracia (Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1991), 255.
130. Personal interview with Joaquin Almunia (29 July 1996). See also the Resolución del Comité Federal del PSOE (1 April 1989), in the Memoria de Gestión del Comité Federal del PSOE al 32 Congreso del PSOE (1990), 145-49, and Justo Zambrana, "Democracia industrial y sindicalismo en España," Sistema 88 (1989): 75; Alvaro Espina "Los Sindicatos y la Democracia Española: La huelga general de diciembre de 1988 y sus implicaciones políticas," in A. Espina, ed., Concertación Social, Neocorporativismo y Democracia (Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1991), 255.
131. Personal interview with Joaquin Almunia (29 July 1996). See also the Resolución del Comité Federal del PSOE (1 April 1989), in the Memoria de Gestión del Comité Federal del PSOE al 32 Congreso del PSOE (1990), 145-49, and Justo Zambrana, "Democracia industrial y sindicalismo en España," Sistema 88 (1989): 75; Alvaro Espina "Los Sindicatos y la Democracia Española: La huelga general de diciembre de 1988 y sus implicaciones políticas," in A. Espina, ed., Concertación Social, Neocorporativismo y Democracia (Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1991), 255.
132. Personal interview with Joaquin Almunia (29 July 1996). See also the Resolución del Comité Federal del PSOE (1 April 1989), in the Memoria de Gestión del Comité Federal del PSOE al 32 Congreso del PSOE (1990), 145-49, and Justo Zambrana, "Democracia industrial y sindicalismo en España," Sistema 88 (1989): 75; Alvaro Espina "Los Sindicatos y la Democracia Española: La huelga general de diciembre de 1988 y sus implicaciones políticas," in A. Espina, ed., Concertación Social, Neocorporativismo y Democracia (Madrid, Spain: Ministerio de Trabajo y Seguridad Social, 1991), 255.