Collective action and political authority: Rural workers, church, and state in Brazil

Theory and Society

Volumn 30, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 1-45

  Houtzager, Peter P ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SUSSEX   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0035532131     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1011076016977     Document Type: Article

References (221)

1. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
2. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
3. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
4. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
5. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
6. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
7. See, for example, Mancur Olsen Jr., The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965); John D. McCarthy and Mayer N. Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Particular Theory," American Journal of Sociology 82 (1977): 1212-1241; and Anthony Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Doug McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930-1970, 2nd edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); Alain Touraine, "An Introduction to the Study of Social Movements," Social Research 52 (1985): 749-789; and Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present: Social Movements and Individual Needs in Contemporary Society (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989). The literature on peasant collective action is an important exception and is addressed in the conclusion of the article. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing some of these issues in their current work on dynamics of contention. Rather than explain particular social movement outcomes, these scholars identify a variety of causal mechanisms that appear in a wide variety of national contexts and in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, social movements, and revolutions. This promising research agenda, however, is different from the one pursued in this article, which focuses on explaining a particular set of outcomes - that is, actor formation and reproduction. Furthermore, these scholars self-consciously avoid specifying initial conditions and theorizing how these conditions set causal mechanisms in motion in different contexts, a core concern of this article. Doug McAdam, Sidney Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, Dynamics of Contention (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, forthcoming).
8. The unionization rate was calculated based on data from IBGE, Censo Agropecuário and IBGE, Sindicatos: Indicadores Socials - Volume 4 (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 1990).
9. An accurate reading of the meaning of the movement's size is difficult because up until the 1988 Constitution corporatist labor law guaranteed rural unions monopoly of representation by municipio (the unit of local government roughly similar to the U.S. county) and revenue from a mandatory union tax. The large number of unions (2,811 in 1989) and members is therefore almost certainly a poor indicator of the movement's active membership. IBGE, Sindicatos.
10. See, for example, McAdam, Political Process, and Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw Hill, 1978).
11. See, for example, McAdam, Political Process, and Charles Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution (New York: McGraw Hill, 1978).
12. Among recent works that are pursuing this agenda, that of McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, stands out. The work on cognitive framing, deploying a concept distinct from that of identities, has been influential over the past decade. See David E. Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures (International Social Movement Research, Vol. 1, Greenwich: JAI Press, 1988) and the essays in Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
13. Among recent works that are pursuing this agenda, that of McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, stands out. The work on cognitive framing, deploying a concept distinct from that of identities, has been influential over the past decade. See David E. Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures (International Social Movement Research, Vol. 1, Greenwich: JAI Press, 1988) and the essays in Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
14. Among recent works that are pursuing this agenda, that of McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, stands out. The work on cognitive framing, deploying a concept distinct from that of identities, has been influential over the past decade. See David E. Snow and Robert Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization," in Bert Klandermans, Hanspeter Kriesi, and Sidney Tarrow, From Structure to Action: Comparing Social Movement Research Across Cultures (International Social Movement Research, Vol. 1, Greenwich: JAI Press, 1988) and the essays in Doug McAdam, John D. McCarthy, and Mayer N. Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
15. Its most sophisticated proponents argue that movements emerge when people who are embedded in dense social networks respond to changes in political opportunities, which lowers the cost of collective action, and they "draw on consensual and action-oriented cultural frames." Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10. See also McAdam, Political Process, 38-39; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Resource mobilization theorists (see note 1) similarly argue that strong local networks are critical to sustained collective action.
16. Its most sophisticated proponents argue that movements emerge when people who are embedded in dense social networks respond to changes in political opportunities, which lowers the cost of collective action, and they "draw on consensual and action-oriented cultural frames." Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10. See also McAdam, Political Process, 38-39; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Resource mobilization theorists (see note 1) similarly argue that strong local networks are critical to sustained collective action.
17. Its most sophisticated proponents argue that movements emerge when people who are embedded in dense social networks respond to changes in political opportunities, which lowers the cost of collective action, and they "draw on consensual and action-oriented cultural frames." Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10. See also McAdam, Political Process, 38-39; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Resource mobilization theorists (see note 1) similarly argue that strong local networks are critical to sustained collective action.
18. Its most sophisticated proponents argue that movements emerge when people who are embedded in dense social networks respond to changes in political opportunities, which lowers the cost of collective action, and they "draw on consensual and action-oriented cultural frames." Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10. See also McAdam, Political Process, 38-39; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Resource mobilization theorists (see note 1) similarly argue that strong local networks are critical to sustained collective action.
19. Its most sophisticated proponents argue that movements emerge when people who are embedded in dense social networks respond to changes in political opportunities, which lowers the cost of collective action, and they "draw on consensual and action-oriented cultural frames." Sidney Tarrow, Power in Movement: Social Movements, Collective Action and Politics (2nd edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 10. See also McAdam, Political Process, 38-39; McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements; Lee Ann Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail: Opportunity, Culture, and the Struggle for Woman Suffrage (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); J. Craig Jenkins and Bert Klandermans, editors, The Politics of Social Protest: Comparative Perspectives on States and Social Movements (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995). Resource mobilization theorists (see note 1) similarly argue that strong local networks are critical to sustained collective action.
20. These two concepts were first developed in, respectively, Peter P. Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Democratic Transitions: Lessons from the Brazilian Countryside," Journal of Development Studies 36 (2000): 59-88; and Peter P. Houtzager and Marcus Kurtz, "The Institutional Roots of Popular Mobilization: State Transformation and Rural Politics in Brazil and Chile, 1960-1995," Comparative Studies in Society and History 42 (2000): 394-424.
21. These two concepts were first developed in, respectively, Peter P. Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Democratic Transitions: Lessons from the Brazilian Countryside," Journal of Development Studies 36 (2000): 59-88; and Peter P. Houtzager and Marcus Kurtz, "The Institutional Roots of Popular Mobilization: State Transformation and Rural Politics in Brazil and Chile, 1960-1995," Comparative Studies in Society and History 42 (2000): 394-424.
22. These include the systems of labor relations, social welfare, and land tenure. Such linkages reflect the state's role in economic and social spheres.
23. Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers' The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 41-60; Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, chapter 2. Skocpol's polity-centered framework, for example, focuses on the development of the state and party systems, the effects of these on the "identities, goals, and capacities of social groups that become involved in. policymaking," the "fit" between these and the changing points of access institutions afford, and "the ways in which previously established social policies affect subsequent politics" (41).
24. Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers' The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 41-60; Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, chapter 2. Skocpol's polity-centered framework, for example, focuses on the development of the state and party systems, the effects of these on the "identities, goals, and capacities of social groups that become involved in. policymaking," the "fit" between these and the changing points of access institutions afford, and "the ways in which previously established social policies affect subsequent politics" (41).
25. Theda Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers' The Political Origins of Social Policy in the United States (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1992), 41-60; Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, and McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, chapter 2. Skocpol's polity-centered framework, for example, focuses on the development of the state and party systems, the effects of these on the "identities, goals, and capacities of social groups that become involved in. policymaking," the "fit" between these and the changing points of access institutions afford, and "the ways in which previously established social policies affect subsequent politics" (41).
26. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
27. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
28. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
29. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
30. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
31. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
32. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
33. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
34. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
35. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
36. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
37. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
38. The early state-centered focus of this work has given way to what Migdal, Evans, and others call the "mutually constitutive nature" of state and society, suggesting the need for a more dialectic approach to understanding how state institutions and social actors engage in mutually transformative sets of interactions. Joel S. Migdal, "The State in Society: An Approach to Struggles for Domination," in Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivian Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988); Peter Evans, Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), and "Government Action, Social Capital and Development: Reviewing the Evidence on Synergy," World Development 24 (1996): 1119-1132; Francis Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Jonathan Fox, The Politics of Food in Mexico: State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992) and "How Does Civil Society Thicken? The Political Construction of Social Capital in Rural Mexico," World Development 24 (1996): 1089-1103; Stephen D. Krasner, "Approaches to the State: Alternative Conceptions and Historical Dynamics," Comparative Politics 16 (1984), 223-246; Peter Hall, Governing the Economy: The Politics of State Intervention in Britain and France (New York, Oxford University Press, 1986). On state corporatism, see Ruth B. Collier and David Collier, Shaping the Political Arena: Critical Junctures, the Labor Movement, and Regime Dynamics in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); David Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept: 'Corporatism' in the Study of Latin American Politics," in Peter H. Smith, editor, Latin America in Comparative Perspective: New Approaches to Method and Analyses (Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1995); Alfred Stepan, The State and Society: Peru in Comparative Perspective (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978); Philippe Schmitter, "Still the Century of Corporatism?" The Review of Politics 36 (1974): 85-105.
39. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a partial analysis of this literature, see Ira Katznelson, "Structure and Configuration in Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association Meetings, Washington, D.C., 30 August-2 September, 2000).
40. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a partial analysis of this literature, see Ira Katznelson, "Structure and Configuration in Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association Meetings, Washington, D.C., 30 August-2 September, 2000).
41. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a partial analysis of this literature, see Ira Katznelson, "Structure and Configuration in Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association Meetings, Washington, D.C., 30 August-2 September, 2000).
42. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making
43. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a partial analysis of this literature, see Ira Katznelson, "Structure and Configuration in Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association Meetings, Washington, D.C., 30 August-2 September, 2000).
44. See, for example, Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 47, 54, and "Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in Current Research," in Peter B. Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, editors, Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, "Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Politics," in Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and F. Longstreth, editors, Structuring Politics: Historical Institutionalism in Comparative Analysis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Anthony W. Marx, Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa, and Brazil (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). For a partial analysis of this literature, see Ira Katznelson, "Structure and Configuration in Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and Paul Pierson and Theda Skocpol, "Historical Institutionalism in Contemporary Political Science" (paper presented at the American Political Science Association Meetings, Washington, D.C., 30 August-2 September, 2000).
45. Regional diversity within Brazil makes gross generalizations difficult but excepting the three southern states, rural social networks that facilitate collective action have been far weaker than in other countries of Latin America, and indeed elsewhere. See Bernardo Sorj, "Agroindustry, State, and Class Formation in Brazilian Agriculture," in R. P. Misra and Nguyen Tri Dung, editors, Third World Peasantry: A Continuing Saga of Deprivations (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1986).
46. Charles Tilly, The Contentious French (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986); "Social Movements and National Politics," in Charles Bright and Susan Harding, editors, Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984); and Popular Contention in Great Britain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
47. Charles Tilly, The Contentious French (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986); "Social Movements and National Politics," in Charles Bright and Susan Harding, editors, Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984); and Popular Contention in Great Britain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
48. Charles Tilly, The Contentious French (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1986); "Social Movements and National Politics," in Charles Bright and Susan Harding, editors, Statemaking and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984); and Popular Contention in Great Britain (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1995).
49. The Fundo de Assistência ao Trabalhador Rural (FUNRURAL) was a program within the Ministry of Labor and Social Security.
50. James Mahoney, "Nominal, Ordinal, and Narrative Appraisal in Macrocausal Analysis," American Journal of Sociology (1999): 1545-1196.
51. Data on the two movement wings, and their relationship to agents of the state, church, and political parties, were collected for three regions of Brazil: the southern-most state of Rio Grande do Sul, the northern (Amazon) state of Pará; and the coastal sugar zone of the northeastern state of Pernambuco.
52. Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution; Skocpol, Soldiers and Mothers, 41-60; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1. Concerned with a different set of questions, Evans argues that a state's transformative capacity is contingent on the nature of its ties to social groups vital to its project, rather than to its autonomy from those groups as early state-centered approaches suggested. Evans, Embedded Autonomy.
53. Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution; Skocpol, Soldiers and Mothers, 41-60; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1. Concerned with a different set of questions, Evans argues that a state's transformative capacity is contingent on the nature of its ties to social groups vital to its project, rather than to its autonomy from those groups as early state-centered approaches suggested. Evans, Embedded Autonomy.
54. Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution; Skocpol, Soldiers and Mothers, 41-60; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1. Concerned with a different set of questions, Evans argues that a state's transformative capacity is contingent on the nature of its ties to social groups vital to its project, rather than to its autonomy from those groups as early state-centered approaches suggested. Evans, Embedded Autonomy.
55. Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution; Skocpol, Soldiers and Mothers, 41-60; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1. Concerned with a different set of questions, Evans argues that a state's transformative capacity is contingent on the nature of its ties to social groups vital to its project, rather than to its autonomy from those groups as early state-centered approaches suggested. Evans, Embedded Autonomy.
56. See Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, and Stepan, State and Society.
57. See Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, and Stepan, State and Society.
58. Tarrow suggests an additional possibility: certain institutions may be "economical sites" for movement leaders. These institutional sites are defined as neutral, in that the institutions themselves (as actors) do not seek to influence the movements nor have an interest in the outcome of mobilization. The important role religious groups have played in various movements has often been conceived in this manner. Zald and McCarthy, for example, suggest that religious organizations have been the "infrastructural bases" for a number of U.S. movements. Mainwaring argues that the Church in Brazil "provided a basically democratic, participatory space in a generally elitist society" out of which popular movements could emerge. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 21-22; Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, editors, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1987), 69-70; Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: The Catholic Church and the Popular Movement in Nova Iguaçu, 1974-1985,̧ in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 127, 130.
59. Tarrow suggests an additional possibility: certain institutions may be "economical sites" for movement leaders. These institutional sites are defined as neutral, in that the institutions themselves (as actors) do not seek to influence the movements nor have an interest in the outcome of mobilization. The important role religious groups have played in various movements has often been conceived in this manner. Zald and McCarthy, for example, suggest that religious organizations have been the "infrastructural bases" for a number of U.S. movements. Mainwaring argues that the Church in Brazil "provided a basically democratic, participatory space in a generally elitist society" out of which popular movements could emerge. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 21-22; Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, editors, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1987), 69-70; Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: The Catholic Church and the Popular Movement in Nova Iguaçu, 1974-1985,̧ in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 127, 130.
60. Tarrow suggests an additional possibility: certain institutions may be "economical sites" for movement leaders. These institutional sites are defined as neutral, in that the institutions themselves (as actors) do not seek to influence the movements nor have an interest in the outcome of mobilization. The important role religious groups have played in various movements has often been conceived in this manner. Zald and McCarthy, for example, suggest that religious organizations have been the "infrastructural bases" for a number of U.S. movements. Mainwaring argues that the Church in Brazil "provided a basically democratic, participatory space in a generally elitist society" out of which popular movements could emerge. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 21-22; Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, "Religious Groups as Crucibles of Social Movements," in Meyer N. Zald and John D. McCarthy, editors, Social Movements in an Organizational Society (New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1987), 69-70; Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: The Catholic Church and the Popular Movement in Nova Iguaçu, 1974-1985,̧ in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 127, 130.
61. The causes of rising or falling contestation are exogenous to the approach, although various scholars have suggested that defeat in war, severe economic crisis, gradual structural transformation of society, and other factors can produce high levels.
62. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966): 475-479; Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 115-116; McAdam, Political Process; 43-48. See also Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, 81-84; and from a resource mobilization perspective, Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements.
63. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966): 475-479; Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 115-116; McAdam, Political Process; 43-48. See also Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, 81-84; and from a resource mobilization perspective, Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements.
64. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966): 475-479; Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 115-116; McAdam, Political Process; 43-48. See also Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, 81-84; and from a resource mobilization perspective, Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements.
65. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966): 475-479; Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 115-116; McAdam, Political Process; 43-48. See also Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, 81-84; and from a resource mobilization perspective, Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements.
66. Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966): 475-479; Theda Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia, and China (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979): 115-116; McAdam, Political Process; 43-48. See also Tilly, From Mobilization to Revolution, 81-84; and from a resource mobilization perspective, Oberschall, Social Conflict and Social Movements.
67. For critique of these early approaches to popular mobilization and revolution see McAdam, Political Process, chapter 1.
68. Ibid., 43-48.
69. Melucci adds that "the existence of social barriers renders identification of the adversary much more immediate, and polarizes conflicting groups with greater rapidity." Alberto Melucci, Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 292; Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, 112-117; Rick Fantasia and Eric L. Hirsch, "Culture in Rebellion: The Appropriation and Transformation of the Veil in the Algerian Revolution," in Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 145-147; Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984).
70. Melucci adds that "the existence of social barriers renders identification of the adversary much more immediate, and polarizes conflicting groups with greater rapidity." Alberto Melucci, Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 292; Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, 112-117; Rick Fantasia and Eric L. Hirsch, "Culture in Rebellion: The Appropriation and Transformation of the Veil in the Algerian Revolution," in Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 145-147; Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984).
71. Melucci adds that "the existence of social barriers renders identification of the adversary much more immediate, and polarizes conflicting groups with greater rapidity." Alberto Melucci, Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 292; Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, 112-117; Rick Fantasia and Eric L. Hirsch, "Culture in Rebellion: The Appropriation and Transformation of the Veil in the Algerian Revolution," in Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 145-147; Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984).
72. Melucci adds that "the existence of social barriers renders identification of the adversary much more immediate, and polarizes conflicting groups with greater rapidity." Alberto Melucci, Challenging Codes: Collective Action in the Information Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 292; Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions, 112-117; Rick Fantasia and Eric L. Hirsch, "Culture in Rebellion: The Appropriation and Transformation of the Veil in the Algerian Revolution," in Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans, editors, Social Movements and Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995), 145-147; Aldon D. Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984).
73. For a brief statement, see Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics," 304. The conception of state used here is that of Skocpol and many others: "any set of relatively differentiated organizations that claims sovereignty and coercive control over a territory and its population, defending and perhaps extending that claim in competition with other states." Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 43.
74. For a brief statement, see Tilly, "Social Movements and National Politics," 304. The conception of state used here is that of Skocpol and many others: "any set of relatively differentiated organizations that claims sovereignty and coercive control over a territory and its population, defending and perhaps extending that claim in competition with other states." Skocpol, Protecting Soldiers and Mothers, 43.
75. Tarrow, Power in Movement, 62 and quote on 66.
76. Migdal notes for example that "what distinguishes the modern state from most other large-scale political organizations in history. has been its insinuation into the core identities of its subjects (thus the emphasis on the nation-state). [S]tates go beyond trying to establish people's personal identities; they aim to shape people's entire moral order - the content of the symbols and codes determining what matters most to them:" Migdal, "The State in Society," 13.
77. Within the field of Latin American politics, Cardoso's definition of political regime has been particularly influential. He suggests that the regime consists of "formal rules that link the main political institutions (legislature to the executive, executive to the judiciary, and party system to them all), as well as the issue of the political nature of the ties between citizens and rulers (democratic, oligarchic, totalitarian, or whatever)." Fernando Henrique Cardoso, "On the Characterization of Authoritarian Regimes in Latin America," in David Collier, editor, The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 38. See also Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil, 24-25.
78. Within the field of Latin American politics, Cardoso's definition of political regime has been particularly influential. He suggests that the regime consists of "formal rules that link the main political institutions (legislature to the executive, executive to the judiciary, and party system to them all), as well as the issue of the political nature of the ties between citizens and rulers (democratic, oligarchic, totalitarian, or whatever)." Fernando Henrique Cardoso, "On the Characterization of Authoritarian Regimes in Latin America," in David Collier, editor, The New Authoritarianism in Latin America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), 38. See also Hagopian, Traditional Politics and Regime Change in Brazil, 24-25.
79. Diniz and Boschi, for example, observe that "the creation of parties [in Brazil]. was characterized by a complete disassociation from specific social groups, reflecting the decisions by political elites. one practically does not see the emergence of parties created from below, as in the European experience. Marked by their parliamentary origins and the strong influence of state power, and submitted to constant instrumental use by politicians, the parties suffer congenital fragility." Eli Diniz and Renato Boschi, "A Consolidação Democrática no Brasil: Atores Políticos, Processos Sociais e Intermediação," in Eli Diniz, Renato Boschi, and Renato Lessa, editors, Modernização e Consolidação Democrática no Brasil (São Paulo: Vértice, 1989), 46-47. See also Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: Weak Parties, Feckless Democracy" in Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, editors, Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), and Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); Francis Hagopian,"The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition," in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 271-272; Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Bolívar Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 105.
80. Diniz and Boschi, for example, observe that "the creation of parties [in Brazil]. was characterized by a complete disassociation from specific social groups, reflecting the decisions by political elites. one practically does not see the emergence of parties created from below, as in the European experience. Marked by their parliamentary origins and the strong influence of state power, and submitted to constant instrumental use by politicians, the parties suffer congenital fragility." Eli Diniz and Renato Boschi, "A Consolidação Democrática no Brasil: Atores Políticos, Processos Sociais e Intermediação," in Eli Diniz, Renato Boschi, and Renato Lessa, editors, Modernização e Consolidação Democrática no Brasil (São Paulo: Vértice, 1989), 46-47. See also Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: Weak Parties, Feckless Democracy" in Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, editors, Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), and Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); Francis Hagopian,"The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition," in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 271-272; Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Bolívar Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 105.
81. Diniz and Boschi, for example, observe that "the creation of parties [in Brazil]. was characterized by a complete disassociation from specific social groups, reflecting the decisions by political elites. one practically does not see the emergence of parties created from below, as in the European experience. Marked by their parliamentary origins and the strong influence of state power, and submitted to constant instrumental use by politicians, the parties suffer congenital fragility." Eli Diniz and Renato Boschi, "A Consolidação Democrática no Brasil: Atores Políticos, Processos Sociais e Intermediação," in Eli Diniz, Renato Boschi, and Renato Lessa, editors, Modernização e Consolidação Democrática no Brasil (São Paulo: Vértice, 1989), 46-47. See also Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: Weak Parties, Feckless Democracy" in Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, editors, Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), and Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); Francis Hagopian,"The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition," in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 271-272; Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Bolívar Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 105.
82. Diniz and Boschi, for example, observe that "the creation of parties [in Brazil]. was characterized by a complete disassociation from specific social groups, reflecting the decisions by political elites. one practically does not see the emergence of parties created from below, as in the European experience. Marked by their parliamentary origins and the strong influence of state power, and submitted to constant instrumental use by politicians, the parties suffer congenital fragility." Eli Diniz and Renato Boschi, "A Consolidação Democrática no Brasil: Atores Políticos, Processos Sociais e Intermediação," in Eli Diniz, Renato Boschi, and Renato Lessa, editors, Modernização e Consolidação Democrática no Brasil (São Paulo: Vértice, 1989), 46-47. See also Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: Weak Parties, Feckless Democracy" in Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, editors, Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), and Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); Francis Hagopian,"The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition," in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 271-272; Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Bolívar Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 105.
83. Diniz and Boschi, for example, observe that "the creation of parties [in Brazil]. was characterized by a complete disassociation from specific social groups, reflecting the decisions by political elites. one practically does not see the emergence of parties created from below, as in the European experience. Marked by their parliamentary origins and the strong influence of state power, and submitted to constant instrumental use by politicians, the parties suffer congenital fragility." Eli Diniz and Renato Boschi, "A Consolidação Democrática no Brasil: Atores Políticos, Processos Sociais e Intermediação," in Eli Diniz, Renato Boschi, and Renato Lessa, editors, Modernização e Consolidação Democrática no Brasil (São Paulo: Vértice, 1989), 46-47. See also Scott Mainwaring, "Brazil: Weak Parties, Feckless Democracy" in Scott Mainwaring and Timothy R. Scully, editors, Building Democratic Institutions: Party Systems in Latin America (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1995), and Rethinking Party Systems in the Third Wave of Democratization: The Case of Brazil (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999); Francis Hagopian,"The Compromised Consolidation: The Political Class in the Brazilian Transition," in Scott Mainwaring, Guillermo O'Donnell, and J. Samuel Valenzuela, editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation: The New South American Democracies in Comparative Perspective (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 271-272; Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Bolívar Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 105.
84. Over the course of the 1980s, as the party system as a whole acquired greater political importance, the Workers' Party did influence the identity of the popular wing and became a significant channel for making public claims.
85. Among the scholars to explore the impact of such linkages on group formation and political behavior, Anthony Marx's study of race relations in the United States, South Africa, and Brazil is particularly compelling. Marx shows how even legal categories and public policies meant to exclude particular groups, on a racial basis in this case, can become axes of political conflict, suggesting that "where authorities legally reinforced discrimination, the unintended result was major social conflict" around racial cleavages. This occurred, he suggests, because even though "state-sanctioned racial categories impose real costs on their subjects," they also "offer oppressed populations both legal grounds for redress and bases for political mobilization," including by legitimizing subordinate racial identities as a basis for collective action. Marx, Making Race and Nation, on 2 and 6 (italics added).
86. Perhaps the most nuanced interpretation of corporatism is offered in Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1.
87. The state, for example, regulates the leadership selection process, demand making, finance, and internal governance. Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept," 137-138; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 2.
88. The state, for example, regulates the leadership selection process, demand making, finance, and internal governance. Collier, "Trajectory of a Concept," 137-138; Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 2.
89. Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena.
90. Some students of Chilean politics have made a similar point. See, for example, Marcus Kurtz, "Free Markets and Democratic Consolidation in Chile: The National Politics of Rural Transformation," Politics and Society 27 (1999): 275-301; and Cristobal Kay, "Political Economy, Class Alliances, and Agrarian Change in Chile," Journal of Peasant Studies 8 (1981): 485-513.
91. Some students of Chilean politics have made a similar point. See, for example, Marcus Kurtz, "Free Markets and Democratic Consolidation in Chile: The National Politics of Rural Transformation," Politics and Society 27 (1999): 275-301; and Cristobal Kay, "Political Economy, Class Alliances, and Agrarian Change in Chile," Journal of Peasant Studies 8 (1981): 485-513.
92. Melucci, Challenging Codes, chapter 4. Marx similarly suggests that "identity formation is a prerequisite for mobilization. In the absence of a self-conscious group, there is no collectivity that can interpret and act upon its situation." Marx, Making Race and Nation, 19.
93. Melucci, Challenging Codes, chapter 4. Marx similarly suggests that "identity formation is a prerequisite for mobilization. In the absence of a self-conscious group, there is no collectivity that can interpret and act upon its situation." Marx, Making Race and Nation, 19.
94. Charles Tilly, "Political Identities," in Michael P. Hanagan, Leslie P. Moch, and Wayne te Brake, editors, Challenging Authority: The Historical Study of Contentious Politics (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998).
95. James Scott, Weapons of the Weak (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), 319-338.
96. Ibid., 337-338. The current widespread organizing around citizenship rights in the Third Wave democracies offers a compelling example. See J. Foweraker and T. Landman, Citizenship Rights and Social Movements: A Comparative and Statistical Analysis (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). McCann traces a similar process in Michael W. McCann, Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization (Chicago: Unversity of Chicago Press, 1994).
97. Ibid., 337-338. The current widespread organizing around citizenship rights in the Third Wave democracies offers a compelling example. See J. Foweraker and T. Landman, Citizenship Rights and Social Movements: A Comparative and Statistical Analysis (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). McCann traces a similar process in Michael W. McCann, Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization (Chicago: Unversity of Chicago Press, 1994).
98. Ibid., 337-338. The current widespread organizing around citizenship rights in the Third Wave democracies offers a compelling example. See J. Foweraker and T. Landman, Citizenship Rights and Social Movements: A Comparative and Statistical Analysis (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997). McCann traces a similar process in Michael W. McCann, Rights at Work: Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization (Chicago: Unversity of Chicago Press, 1994).
99. Snow and Benford, "Ideology, Frame Resonance and Participant Mobilization," 198.
100. The impact of allies on movement identities is explored by Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail; and, Margaret Keck, "Social Equity and Environmental Politics in Brazil: Lessons from the Rubber Tappers of Acre," Comparative Politics 27 (1995): 409-424.
101. The impact of allies on movement identities is explored by Banaszak, Why Movements Succeed or Fail; and, Margaret Keck, "Social Equity and Environmental Politics in Brazil: Lessons from the Rubber Tappers of Acre," Comparative Politics 27 (1995): 409-424.
102. Samuel Popkin, The Rational Peasant (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." For a recent rational choice account of peasant mobilization, see Mark Lichbach, "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary?" World Politics 46 (1994): 383-417.
103. Samuel Popkin, The Rational Peasant (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." For a recent rational choice account of peasant mobilization, see Mark Lichbach, "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary?" World Politics 46 (1994): 383-417.
104. Samuel Popkin, The Rational Peasant (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); McCarthy and Zald, "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements." For a recent rational choice account of peasant mobilization, see Mark Lichbach, "What Makes Rational Peasants Revolutionary?" World Politics 46 (1994): 383-417.
105. Donald P. Green and Ian Shapiro, The Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory: A Critique of Applications in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 14-17; Mark I. Lichbach, "Social Theory and Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 242, 257. Some authors, including Bates (1989), assume real material interests. Robert H. Bates, Beyond the Miracle of the Market: The Political Economy of Agrarian Development in Kenya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
106. Donald P. Green and Ian Shapiro, The Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory: A Critique of Applications in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 14-17; Mark I. Lichbach, "Social Theory and Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 242, 257. Some authors, including Bates (1989), assume real material interests. Robert H. Bates, Beyond the Miracle of the Market: The Political Economy of Agrarian Development in Kenya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
107. Donald P. Green and Ian Shapiro, The Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory: A Critique of Applications in Political Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 14-17; Mark I. Lichbach, "Social Theory and Comparative Politics," in Mark I. Lichbach and Alan S. Zuckerman, editors, Comparative Politics: Rationality, Culture, and Structure (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 242, 257. Some authors, including Bates (1989), assume real material interests. Robert H. Bates, Beyond the Miracle of the Market: The Political Economy of Agrarian Development in Kenya (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
108. Italics added. Melucci, Challenging Codes, 66-67.
109. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
110. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
111. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
112. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
113. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
114. In recent years these have included a combination of initial structural conditions (demographic, economic, etc.); political opportun ties (such as level of repression, elite divisions, and availability of influential allies); mobilizing structures (formal and informal organization), and cognitive framing of grievances and opportunities for action. See for example the essays in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. Also, Herbert Kitschelt, "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Process: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies," British Journal of Political Science 16 (1986): 57-85; J. Craig Jenkins and Charles Perrow, "Insurgency of the Powerless: Farm Worker Movements 1946-1972, American Sociological Review 42 (1977): 249-268; Hanspeter Kriesi, Ruud Koopmans, Jan Willem Dyvendak, and Marco G. Giugni, editors, New Social Movements in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995): McAdam, Political Process; Tarrow, Power in Movement.
115. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing these limitations by significantly redefining their research agenda beyond social movements (to episodes of "contention") and away from explaining particular outcomes such as movement emergence to identifying causal mechanisms, which appear in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, movements, and revolutions. See note 1. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, quotation on 11-13, see also chapter 2; and McAdam, Political Process, Introduction to the second edition.
116. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly are addressing these limitations by significantly redefining their research agenda beyond social movements (to episodes of "contention") and away from explaining particular outcomes such as movement emergence to identifying causal mechanisms, which appear in such different forms of contention as democratic transitions, movements, and revolutions. See note 1. McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, Dynamics of Contention, quotation on 11-13, see also chapter 2; and McAdam, Political Process, Introduction to the second edition.
117. Authors define POS in different ways, but most include three variables: increasing openness of the political system to new demands, the emergence of cleavages within and among elites, and the availability of influential allies. No causal thread binds these diverse components together, however, and we are left with, in effect, a list of static institutional, political, and policy variables. For a review, see Doug McAdam, "Political Opportunities: Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For an application of POS in the literature on peasant mobilization, see Charles D. Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities and Peasant Mobilization in Central America," Comparative Politics 23 (1991): 253-274.
118. Authors define POS in different ways, but most include three variables: increasing openness of the political system to new demands, the emergence of cleavages within and among elites, and the availability of influential allies. No causal thread binds these diverse components together, however, and we are left with, in effect, a list of static institutional, political, and policy variables. For a review, see Doug McAdam, "Political Opportunities: Conceptual Origins, Current Problems, Future Directions," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For an application of POS in the literature on peasant mobilization, see Charles D. Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities and Peasant Mobilization in Central America," Comparative Politics 23 (1991): 253-274.
119. Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena; Peter Evans, Dependent Development: The Alliance of Multinational, State, and Local Capital in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).
120. Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena; Peter Evans, Dependent Development: The Alliance of Multinational, State, and Local Capital in Brazil (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979).
121. The "Programma de Ação Ecônomica do Governo" (PAEG) of 1964, for example, stated that the "archaic" and "feudal" agrarian sector would block rapid industrial growth. Quoted in David Goodman, "Rural Economy and Society," in Edmar L. Bacha and Herbert S. Klein, editors, Social Change in Brazil, 1945-1985: The Incomplete Transition (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), 52.
122. Employer unions were headed at the national level by the National Confederation of Agriculture (CNA). By 1988, the government counted 1,676 rural employer unions. IBGE, Sindicatos: Indicadores Sociais (Rio de Janeiro: IBGE, 1988).
123. See José de Souza Martins, Os Camponeses e a Política no Brasil (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980); Joseph A. Page, The Revolution that Never Was (New York: Grossman, 1972); John W. F. Dulles, Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955-1964 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970); Cynthia Hewitt, ́Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961-1964,́ in Henry A. Landsberger, editor, Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969); and Clodomir Moreas, "Peasant Leagues in Brazil," in R. Stavenhagen, editor, Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1970).
124. See José de Souza Martins, Os Camponeses e a Política no Brasil (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980); Joseph A. Page, The Revolution that Never Was (New York: Grossman, 1972); John W. F. Dulles, Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955-1964 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970); Cynthia Hewitt, ́Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961-1964,́ in Henry A. Landsberger, editor, Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969); and Clodomir Moreas, "Peasant Leagues in Brazil," in R. Stavenhagen, editor, Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1970).
125. See José de Souza Martins, Os Camponeses e a Política no Brasil (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980); Joseph A. Page, The Revolution that Never Was (New York: Grossman, 1972); John W. F. Dulles, Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955-1964 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970); Cynthia Hewitt, ́Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961-1964,́ in Henry A. Landsberger, editor, Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969); and Clodomir Moreas, "Peasant Leagues in Brazil," in R. Stavenhagen, editor, Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1970).
126. See José de Souza Martins, Os Camponeses e a Política no Brasil (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980); Joseph A. Page, The Revolution that Never Was (New York: Grossman, 1972); John W. F. Dulles, Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955-1964 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970); Cynthia Hewitt, ́Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961-1964,́ in Henry A. Landsberger, editor, Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969); and Clodomir Moreas, "Peasant Leagues in Brazil," in R. Stavenhagen, editor, Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1970).
127. See José de Souza Martins, Os Camponeses e a Política no Brasil (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1980); Joseph A. Page, The Revolution that Never Was (New York: Grossman, 1972); John W. F. Dulles, Unrest in Brazil: Political-Military Crises, 1955-1964 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1970); Cynthia Hewitt, ́Brazil: The Peasant Movement of Pernambuco, 1961-1964,́ in Henry A. Landsberger, editor, Latin American Peasant Movements (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1969); and Clodomir Moreas, "Peasant Leagues in Brazil," in R. Stavenhagen, editor, Agrarian Problems and Peasant Movements in Latin America (New York: Anchor Books, 1970).
128. Cardoso, "On the Characterization of Authoritarian Regimes"; Bernardo Sorj, Estado e Classes Sociais na Agricultura (Rio de Janeiro: Zahar, 1980).
129. Increases in agricultural production would be obtained by stimulating the formation of an agro-industrial sector and exploitation of the Amazon region. For a more detailed analysis, see Peter P. Houtzager, "State and Unions in the Transformation of the Brazilian Countryside, 1964-1979," Latin American Research Review 33 (1998): 103-142.
130. These state reforms were part of a broader effort by the military to rationalize the state and centralize policy making. For an analysis and evaluation of this larger effort, see Francis Hagopian, "Traditional Politics Against State Transformation in Brazil," in Migdal, Kohli, and Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces and, from different perspectives, Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Stephen Bunker, Underdeveloping the Amazon: Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Kurt Weyland, Democracy Without Equity: Failures of Reform in Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996).
131. These state reforms were part of a broader effort by the military to rationalize the state and centralize policy making. For an analysis and evaluation of this larger effort, see Francis Hagopian, "Traditional Politics Against State Transformation in Brazil," in Migdal, Kohli, and Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces and, from different perspectives, Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Stephen Bunker, Underdeveloping the Amazon: Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Kurt Weyland, Democracy Without Equity: Failures of Reform in Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996).
132. These state reforms were part of a broader effort by the military to rationalize the state and centralize policy making. For an analysis and evaluation of this larger effort, see Francis Hagopian, "Traditional Politics Against State Transformation in Brazil," in Migdal, Kohli, and Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces and, from different perspectives, Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Stephen Bunker, Underdeveloping the Amazon: Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Kurt Weyland, Democracy Without Equity: Failures of Reform in Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996).
133. These state reforms were part of a broader effort by the military to rationalize the state and centralize policy making. For an analysis and evaluation of this larger effort, see Francis Hagopian, "Traditional Politics Against State Transformation in Brazil," in Migdal, Kohli, and Shue, editors, State Power and Social Forces and, from different perspectives, Ben Ross Schneider, Politics Within the State: Elite Bureaucrats and Industrial Policy in Authoritarian Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991); Stephen Bunker, Underdeveloping the Amazon: Extraction, Unequal Exchange, and the Failure of the Modern State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985); Kurt Weyland, Democracy Without Equity: Failures of Reform in Brazil (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1996).
134. By 1980, for example, unions held half of all government contracts to deliver medical care in rural areas and the number of dental contracts exceeded the total number of unions. One study estimates that 50 percent of all rural medical care and 83 percent of all dental care provided in the 1980s were delivered through rural unions. Elizabeth Balbachevsky, "O FUNRURAL e a Expansão do Sindicalismo Rural Brasileirõ (mimeo, IDESP, São Paulo, 1983), cited in Ruda Ricci, "CONTAG e a Crise de Representação no Campo (1979-1985)" (Masters thesis, UNICAMP.
135. The classic text on this subject is Victor Nunes Leal, Coronelismo, Enxada e Voto: O Municipio e o Regime Representativo no Brasil (São Paulo: Editora Alfa Omega, 1976).
136. Ricardo Tavares, ̃CONTAG: Da Ditadura à Transição" (Masters thesis, IUPRJ, Rio de Janeiro, 1992), 48, 54, and 62.
137. The Costa e Silva government (1967-1969) reopened the debate on agrarian reform and Institutional Act-9 (1969) facilitated the expropriation of land for agrarian reform. Sectors of the government, including the Ministry of Labor, advocated agrarian reform during much of the 1970s.
138. Regina R. Novaes, "CONTAG e CUT: Continuidades e Rupturas da Organização Sindical no Campo," in Armando Boito Jr., editor, O Sindicalismo Brasileiro nos Anos 80 (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1991); Tavares, "CONTAG."
139. Regina R. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma: Catolicismo, Classes Sociais e Conflitos no Campo (Rio de Janeiro: Graphia, 1997), 114-116; Lygia Sigaud, Os Clandestinos e os Direitos: Estudos Sobre Trabalhadores da Cana de Açucar de Pernambuco (São Paulo: Duas Cidade, 1979), chapter 1.
140. Regina R. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma: Catolicismo, Classes Sociais e Conflitos no Campo (Rio de Janeiro: Graphia, 1997), 114-116; Lygia Sigaud, Os Clandestinos e os Direitos: Estudos Sobre Trabalhadores da Cana de Açucar de Pernambuco (São Paulo: Duas Cidade, 1979), chapter 1.
141. Margarida M. Moura, Os Deserdados da Terra (Rio de Janeiro: Bertran Brasil, 1986); Moacyr Palmeira, "A Diversidade da Luta,¥ in Vanilda Paiva, editor, Igreja e Questão Agrária (São Paulo: Loyola, 1985), 48.
142. Margarida M. Moura, Os Deserdados da Terra (Rio de Janeiro: Bertran Brasil, 1986); Moacyr Palmeira, "A Diversidade da Luta,¥ in Vanilda Paiva, editor, Igreja e Questão Agrária (São Paulo: Loyola, 1985), 48.
143. John D. French, The Brazilian Workers' ABC (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 87.
144. See Elisa P. Reis, "Brazil: Cem Anos de Questão Agrária," Dados 32 (1989): 218-301.
145. Interview with Vidor Faita, 20 Oct 1994; Biorn Maybury-Lewis, The Politics of the Possible: The Brazilian Rural Workers Trade Union Movement, 1964-1985 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Anthony Pereira, "Regime Change Without Democratization: Sugar Workers' Unions in Pernambuco, Northeast Brazil, 1961-1989" (dissertation, Harvard, 1991): 283-290; Luzia A. C. Guedes Pinto, "A CONTAG: Uma Organização Contraditória" (masters thesis, University of Brasilia, 1978), 84; Ricci, "CONTAG e a Crise."
146. Interview with Vidor Faita, 20 Oct 1994; Biorn Maybury-Lewis, The Politics of the Possible: The Brazilian Rural Workers Trade Union Movement, 1964-1985 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Anthony Pereira, "Regime Change Without Democratization: Sugar Workers' Unions in Pernambuco, Northeast Brazil, 1961-1989" (dissertation, Harvard, 1991): 283-290; Luzia A. C. Guedes Pinto, "A CONTAG: Uma Organização Contraditória" (masters thesis, University of Brasilia, 1978), 84; Ricci, "CONTAG e a Crise."
147. Interview with Vidor Faita, 20 Oct 1994; Biorn Maybury-Lewis, The Politics of the Possible: The Brazilian Rural Workers Trade Union Movement, 1964-1985 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Anthony Pereira, "Regime Change Without Democratization: Sugar Workers' Unions in Pernambuco, Northeast Brazil, 1961-1989" (dissertation, Harvard, 1991): 283-290; Luzia A. C. Guedes Pinto, "A CONTAG: Uma Organização Contraditória" (masters thesis, University of Brasilia, 1978), 84; Ricci, "CONTAG e a Crise."
148. Interview with Vidor Faita, 20 Oct 1994; Biorn Maybury-Lewis, The Politics of the Possible: The Brazilian Rural Workers Trade Union Movement, 1964-1985 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Anthony Pereira, "Regime Change Without Democratization: Sugar Workers' Unions in Pernambuco, Northeast Brazil, 1961-1989" (dissertation, Harvard, 1991): 283-290; Luzia A. C. Guedes Pinto, "A CONTAG: Uma Organização Contraditória" (masters thesis, University of Brasilia, 1978), 84; Ricci, "CONTAG e a Crise."
149. A better proxy for movement size than the absolute number of members and unions, is the number of dues-paying members. Movement documents from 1979 show that the share of dues-paying members may have been less than half the official figure of 6.2 million - that is, between 2 and 3 million. A decade later a government survey found that in 1990 in three-quarters of unions less than 40 percent of the membership paid union dues. (In urban areas 66 percent of unions had between 80 and 100 percent of members paying their union dues.) IBGE, Sindicatos.
150. In this regard not all state corporatisms are the same. Corporatist institutions in countries such as Mexico and Venezuela linked peasants, workers, and other groups to the state through political parties, whereas in Brazil and Chile they linked these groups directly to the state, prohibiting their organizations from establishing ties to political parties and engaging n electoral activity. See Collier and Collier, Shaping the Political Arena, chapter 1.
151. Novaes, "CONTAG e CUT," 178; Tavares, "CONTAG."
152. Novaes, "CONTAG e CUT," 178; Tavares, "CONTAG."
153. Hagopian, "Traditional Politics," and Traditional Politics and Regime Change.
154. The causes behind the change in the church's position, and the emergence of the progressive "People's Church," are the subject of much debate but a combination of three factors appear to have been of central importance: the shift of the international church enunciated by Vatican II (1962-1965) and Medellin (1968), the profound institutional crisis of the Brazilian church. and the increasing repressive nature of military rule. See Daniel H. Levine, "Religion, the Poor, and Politics in Latin America Today," in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1986); Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, "The Progressive Church in Latin America: An Interpretation," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, editors, The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Norte Dame Press, 1989); Ralph della Cava, "The 'People's Church,' the Vatican, and Abertura," in Alfred Stepan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Thomas C. Bruneau, "Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change," Journal of Latin American Studies 17 (1985): 271-293; Kenneth P. Serbin, "Priests, Celibacy, and Social Conflict: A History of Brazil's Clergy and Seminaries" (dissertation, History, University of California, San Diego, 1993).
155. The causes behind the change in the church's position, and the emergence of the progressive "People's Church," are the subject of much debate but a combination of three factors appear to have been of central importance: the shift of the international church enunciated by Vatican II (1962-1965) and Medellin (1968), the profound institutional crisis of the Brazilian church. and the increasing repressive nature of military rule. See Daniel H. Levine, "Religion, the Poor, and Politics in Latin America Today," in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1986); Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, "The Progressive Church in Latin America: An Interpretation," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, editors, The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Norte Dame Press, 1989); Ralph della Cava, "The 'People's Church,' the Vatican, and Abertura," in Alfred Stepan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Thomas C. Bruneau, "Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change," Journal of Latin American Studies 17 (1985): 271-293; Kenneth P. Serbin, "Priests, Celibacy, and Social Conflict: A History of Brazil's Clergy and Seminaries" (dissertation, History, University of California, San Diego, 1993).
156. The causes behind the change in the church's position, and the emergence of the progressive "People's Church," are the subject of much debate but a combination of three factors appear to have been of central importance: the shift of the international church enunciated by Vatican II (1962-1965) and Medellin (1968), the profound institutional crisis of the Brazilian church. and the increasing repressive nature of military rule. See Daniel H. Levine, "Religion, the Poor, and Politics in Latin America Today," in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1986); Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, "The Progressive Church in Latin America: An Interpretation," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, editors, The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Norte Dame Press, 1989); Ralph della Cava, "The 'People's Church,' the Vatican, and Abertura," in Alfred Stepan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Thomas C. Bruneau, "Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change," Journal of Latin American Studies 17 (1985): 271-293; Kenneth P. Serbin, "Priests, Celibacy, and Social Conflict: A History of Brazil's Clergy and Seminaries" (dissertation, History, University of California, San Diego, 1993).
157. The causes behind the change in the church's position, and the emergence of the progressive "People's Church," are the subject of much debate but a combination of three factors appear to have been of central importance: the shift of the international church enunciated by Vatican II (1962-1965) and Medellin (1968), the profound institutional crisis of the Brazilian church. and the increasing repressive nature of military rule. See Daniel H. Levine, "Religion, the Poor, and Politics in Latin America Today," in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1986); Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, "The Progressive Church in Latin America: An Interpretation," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, editors, The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Norte Dame Press, 1989); Ralph della Cava, "The 'People's Church,' the Vatican, and Abertura," in Alfred Stepan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Thomas C. Bruneau, "Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change," Journal of Latin American Studies 17 (1985): 271-293; Kenneth P. Serbin, "Priests, Celibacy, and Social Conflict: A History of Brazil's Clergy and Seminaries" (dissertation, History, University of California, San Diego, 1993).
158. The causes behind the change in the church's position, and the emergence of the progressive "People's Church," are the subject of much debate but a combination of three factors appear to have been of central importance: the shift of the international church enunciated by Vatican II (1962-1965) and Medellin (1968), the profound institutional crisis of the Brazilian church. and the increasing repressive nature of military rule. See Daniel H. Levine, "Religion, the Poor, and Politics in Latin America Today," in Daniel H. Levine, editor, Religion and Political Conflict in Latin America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina, 1986); Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, "The Progressive Church in Latin America: An Interpretation," in Scott Mainwaring and Alexander Wilde, editors, The Progressive Church in Latin America (Notre Dame: University of Norte Dame Press, 1989); Ralph della Cava, "The 'People's Church,' the Vatican, and Abertura," in Alfred Stepan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Thomas C. Bruneau, "Church and Politics in Brazil: The Genesis of Change," Journal of Latin American Studies 17 (1985): 271-293; Kenneth P. Serbin, "Priests, Celibacy, and Social Conflict: A History of Brazil's Clergy and Seminaries" (dissertation, History, University of California, San Diego, 1993).
159. Scott Mainwaring, The Catholic Church and Politics in Brazil, 1916-1985 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986), 105;
160. della Cava, "The 'People's Church,'" 148; Thomas Bruneau, The Political Transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
161. della Cava, "The 'People's Church,'" 148; Thomas Bruneau, The Political Transformation of the Brazilian Catholic Church (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1974).
162. The number of CEBs in Brazil remains a topic of debate, but estimates for the 1980s usually place the number around 80,000, involving around two million people. The proportion located in rural areas, however, has not been researched. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma, 156-164; Candido Grybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1987), 265-267; W. E. Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 6-10. In the Amazon state of Pará, for example, the Catechism Pastoral built an impressive network of catechism groups (de facto CEBs) that by 1979 had 3,356 catechists working in 617 rural communities. Diocese de Santarem, Anuário 1980 (1980), 36. In the Diocese of Passo Fundo (located in Rio Grande do Sul) the church had approximately 680 chapels and local churches and over 500 Youth Pastoral groups. The latter would train 700 youth community, union, and party activists over a five-year period (1982-1987).
163. The number of CEBs in Brazil remains a topic of debate, but estimates for the 1980s usually place the number around 80,000, involving around two million people. The proportion located in rural areas, however, has not been researched. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma, 156-164; Candido Grybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1987), 265-267; W. E. Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 6-10. In the Amazon state of Pará, for example, the Catechism Pastoral built an impressive network of catechism groups (de facto CEBs) that by 1979 had 3,356 catechists working in 617 rural communities. Diocese de Santarem, Anuário 1980 (1980), 36. In the Diocese of Passo Fundo (located in Rio Grande do Sul) the church had approximately 680 chapels and local churches and over 500 Youth Pastoral groups. The latter would train 700 youth community, union, and party activists over a five-year period (1982-1987).
164. The number of CEBs in Brazil remains a topic of debate, but estimates for the 1980s usually place the number around 80,000, involving around two million people. The proportion located in rural areas, however, has not been researched. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma, 156-164; Candido Grybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1987), 265-267; W. E. Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 6-10. In the Amazon state of Pará, for example, the Catechism Pastoral built an impressive network of catechism groups (de facto CEBs) that by 1979 had 3,356 catechists working in 617 rural communities. Diocese de Santarem, Anuário 1980 (1980), 36. In the Diocese of Passo Fundo (located in Rio Grande do Sul) the church had approximately 680 chapels and local churches and over 500 Youth Pastoral groups. The latter would train 700 youth community, union, and party activists over a five-year period (1982-1987).
165. The number of CEBs in Brazil remains a topic of debate, but estimates for the 1980s usually place the number around 80,000, involving around two million people. The proportion located in rural areas, however, has not been researched. Novaes, De Corpo e Alma, 156-164; Candido Grybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1987), 265-267; W. E. Hewitt, Base Christian Communities and Social Change in Brazil (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 6-10. In the Amazon state of Pará, for example, the Catechism Pastoral built an impressive network of catechism groups (de facto CEBs) that by 1979 had 3,356 catechists working in 617 rural communities. Diocese de Santarem, Anuário 1980 (1980), 36. In the Diocese of Passo Fundo (located in Rio Grande do Sul) the church had approximately 680 chapels and local churches and over 500 Youth Pastoral groups. The latter would train 700 youth community, union, and party activists over a five-year period (1982-1987).
166. Estimate based on data in IBGE, Sindicatos: Indicadores Sociais - Volume 2.
167. The form of church involvement in popular movements outlined in this section was not unique to the new unionism or to rural areas. Diomo finds CEBs, archdioceses, and Catholic NGOs played a broadly similar role in a number of urban movements. Ana Maria Diomo, A Vez e Voz do Popular: Movimentos Sociais e Participação Política no Brasil Pós-70 (Rio de Janeiro: ANPOCS/Relume Dumará, 1995), 95-97 and chapter 4. On the church's role in other rural movements, see Zander Navarro, "Democracy, Citizenship and Representation: Rural Social Movements in Southern Brazil, 1978-1990," Bulletin of Latin American Research 13 (1994): 129-154; Franklin D. Rothman, "Political Process and Peasant Opposition to Large Hydroelectric Dams: The Case of the Rio Uruguai Movement in Southern Brazil, 1979 to 1992" (dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1993), 145-180.
168. The form of church involvement in popular movements outlined in this section was not unique to the new unionism or to rural areas. Diomo finds CEBs, archdioceses, and Catholic NGOs played a broadly similar role in a number of urban movements. Ana Maria Diomo, A Vez e Voz do Popular: Movimentos Sociais e Participação Política no Brasil Pós-70 (Rio de Janeiro: ANPOCS/Relume Dumará, 1995), 95-97 and chapter 4. On the church's role in other rural movements, see Zander Navarro, "Democracy, Citizenship and Representation: Rural Social Movements in Southern Brazil, 1978-1990," Bulletin of Latin American Research 13 (1994): 129-154; Franklin D. Rothman, "Political Process and Peasant Opposition to Large Hydroelectric Dams: The Case of the Rio Uruguai Movement in Southern Brazil, 1979 to 1992" (dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1993), 145-180.
169. The form of church involvement in popular movements outlined in this section was not unique to the new unionism or to rural areas. Diomo finds CEBs, archdioceses, and Catholic NGOs played a broadly similar role in a number of urban movements. Ana Maria Diomo, A Vez e Voz do Popular: Movimentos Sociais e Participação Política no Brasil Pós-70 (Rio de Janeiro: ANPOCS/Relume Dumará, 1995), 95-97 and chapter 4. On the church's role in other rural movements, see Zander Navarro, "Democracy, Citizenship and Representation: Rural Social Movements in Southern Brazil, 1978-1990," Bulletin of Latin American Research 13 (1994): 129-154; Franklin D. Rothman, "Political Process and Peasant Opposition to Large Hydroelectric Dams: The Case of the Rio Uruguai Movement in Southern Brazil, 1979 to 1992" (dissertation, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1993), 145-180.
170. See Regina Novaes, "A questão agrária e o papel da Igreja na Paraiba," in Paiva, Igreja e Questão Agrária. 243-246, and De Corpo e Alma, chapter 10. See also Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais, 67-68.
171. See Regina Novaes, "A questão agrária e o papel da Igreja na Paraiba," in Paiva, Igreja e Questão Agrária. 243-246, and De Corpo e Alma, chapter 10. See also Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais, 67-68.
172. See Regina Novaes, "A questão agrária e o papel da Igreja na Paraiba," in Paiva, Igreja e Questão Agrária. 243-246, and De Corpo e Alma, chapter 10. See also Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos dos Movimentos Sociais, 67-68.
173. Socialism was generally understood as a form of communitarianism. See CNBB Regional Norte II, "Encontro Sobre Fé e Política: Orientção [sic] aos Cristãos em vista das eleções de 1988" (mimeo, Belém, Pará); Ivo Poletto, "As contradições Sociais e a Pastoral da Terra," in Paiva, Igreja e Questão Agrária.
174. See, for example, Anthony Pereira, The End of the Peasantry: The Rural Labor Movement in Northeast Brazil, 1961-1988 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997); Leonilde S. de Medeiros, A História dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Rio de Janeiro: FASE, 1989); Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos.
175. See, for example, Anthony Pereira, The End of the Peasantry: The Rural Labor Movement in Northeast Brazil, 1961-1988 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997); Leonilde S. de Medeiros, A História dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Rio de Janeiro: FASE, 1989); Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos.
176. See, for example, Anthony Pereira, The End of the Peasantry: The Rural Labor Movement in Northeast Brazil, 1961-1988 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997); Leonilde S. de Medeiros, A História dos Movimentos Sociais no Campo (Rio de Janeiro: FASE, 1989); Grzybowski, Caminhos e Descaminhos.
177. Hagopian, "Traditional Politics," and Traditional Politics and Regime Change; José Martins de Souza, O Poder do Atraso: Ensaios de Sociologia da História Lenta (São Paulo: Hucitec, 1994), chapter 2.
178. Hagopian, "Traditional Politics," and Traditional Politics and Regime Change; José Martins de Souza, O Poder do Atraso: Ensaios de Sociologia da História Lenta (São Paulo: Hucitec, 1994), chapter 2.
179. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
180. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
181. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
182. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
183. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
184. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
185. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
186. The literature on social movements suggests a number of explanations of movement decline. Voss argues that in the case of the Knights of Labor in the United States, the counter-mobilization of strong business associations, combined with neutrality of the state, was the principal reason for the movement's decline. Movement decline in low-and middle-income countries is often attributed to some aspect of the (re-)institutionalization of democratic politics. These explanations, however, do not fit the Brazilian case. I explore this question in more detail in Houtzager, "Social Movements amidst Transitons." Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), and "The Collapse of a Social Movement," in McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald, editors, Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements. For explanations of movement decline in Latin America, see Scott Mainwaring, "Transition to Democracy and Democratic Consolidation: Theoretical and Comparative Issues," in Mainwaring et al., editors, Issues in Democratic Consolidation; Joe Foweraker, Theorizing Social Movements (London: Pluto Press, 1995), 104-105; Cathy Schneider, "Radical Opposition Parties and Squatter Movements in Pinochet's Chile," in Arturo Escobar and Sonia Alvarez, editors, The Making of Social Movements in Latin America (Boulder, Col.: Westview Press, 1992); Guillermo O'Donnell and Philippe Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions about Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 58-59; Parzticia L. Hipsher, "Democratization and the Decline of Urban Social Movements in Chile and Spain," Comparative Politics 28 (April 1996): 273-297; Kenneth M. Roberts, "From the Barricades to the Ballot Box: Redemocratization and Political Realignment in the Chilean Left," Politics and Society 23 (December 1995): 495-519.
187. See Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço da Transição (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 19-20; Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida, "O Corporativismo em Declínio?" in Evelina Dagnino, editor, Os Anos 90: Política e Sociedade no Brasil (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994), 55, and "O Defícil Caminho: Sindicalismo e Política na Construção da Democracia," in Fábic Wanderley Reis and Guillermo O'Donnell, editors, A Democracia no Brasil: Dilemas e Perspectiva (São Paulo: Vértice, 1988). On the declining role of the state in agriculture, see Guilherme Costa Delgado, "Agricultura Familiar e Política Agricola: Um Estudo de Atores, Demandas e Mecanismos de Decisão (Documentoe de Trabalho, Estudos de Política Agrícola No. 9, IPEA, Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Ian Goldin and Gervásio de Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Década de 80: Crescimento numa Economia em Crise (IPEA series No. 138, Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1993).
188. See Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço da Transição (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 19-20; Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida, "O Corporativismo em Declínio?" in Evelina Dagnino, editor, Os Anos 90: Política e Sociedade no Brasil (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994), 55, and "O Defícil Caminho: Sindicalismo e Política na Construção da Democracia," in Fábic Wanderley Reis and Guillermo O'Donnell, editors, A Democracia no Brasil: Dilemas e Perspectiva (São Paulo: Vértice, 1988). On the declining role of the state in agriculture, see Guilherme Costa Delgado, "Agricultura Familiar e Política Agricola: Um Estudo de Atores, Demandas e Mecanismos de Decisão (Documentoe de Trabalho, Estudos de Política Agrícola No. 9, IPEA, Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Ian Goldin and Gervásio de Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Década de 80: Crescimento numa Economia em Crise (IPEA series No. 138, Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1993).
189. See Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço da Transição (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 19-20; Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida, "O Corporativismo em Declínio?" in Evelina Dagnino, editor, Os Anos 90: Política e Sociedade no Brasil (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994), 55, and "O Defícil Caminho: Sindicalismo e Política na Construção da Democracia," in Fábic Wanderley Reis and Guillermo O'Donnell, editors, A Democracia no Brasil: Dilemas e Perspectiva (São Paulo: Vértice, 1988). On the declining role of the state in agriculture, see Guilherme Costa Delgado, "Agricultura Familiar e Política Agricola: Um Estudo de Atores, Demandas e Mecanismos de Decisão (Documentoe de Trabalho, Estudos de Política Agrícola No. 9, IPEA, Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Ian Goldin and Gervásio de Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Década de 80: Crescimento numa Economia em Crise (IPEA series No. 138, Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1993).
190. See Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço da Transição (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 19-20; Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida, "O Corporativismo em Declínio?" in Evelina Dagnino, editor, Os Anos 90: Política e Sociedade no Brasil (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994), 55, and "O Defícil Caminho: Sindicalismo e Política na Construção da Democracia," in Fábic Wanderley Reis and Guillermo O'Donnell, editors, A Democracia no Brasil: Dilemas e Perspectiva (São Paulo: Vértice, 1988). On the declining role of the state in agriculture, see Guilherme Costa Delgado, "Agricultura Familiar e Política Agricola: Um Estudo de Atores, Demandas e Mecanismos de Decisão (Documentoe de Trabalho, Estudos de Política Agrícola No. 9, IPEA, Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Ian Goldin and Gervásio de Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Década de 80: Crescimento numa Economia em Crise (IPEA series No. 138, Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1993).
191. See Bolívar Lamounier, "Antecedentes, Riscos, e Possibilidades do Governo Collor," in Lamounier, editor, De Geisel a Collor: O Balanço da Transição (São Paulo: Sumaré, 1990), 19-20; Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida, "O Corporativismo em Declínio?" in Evelina Dagnino, editor, Os Anos 90: Política e Sociedade no Brasil (São Paulo: Brasiliense, 1994), 55, and "O Defícil Caminho: Sindicalismo e Política na Construção da Democracia," in Fábic Wanderley Reis and Guillermo O'Donnell, editors, A Democracia no Brasil: Dilemas e Perspectiva (São Paulo: Vértice, 1988). On the declining role of the state in agriculture, see Guilherme Costa Delgado, "Agricultura Familiar e Política Agricola: Um Estudo de Atores, Demandas e Mecanismos de Decisão (Documentoe de Trabalho, Estudos de Política Agrícola No. 9, IPEA, Rio de Janeiro, 1994); Ian Goldin and Gervásio de Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Década de 80: Crescimento numa Economia em Crise (IPEA series No. 138, Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1993).
192. The crisis was excerbated by the legally mandated union structure - each municipio, however small, was entitled to form its own rural union. As a result, 47 percent of unions had less than 2,000 members, and 84 percent had less than 5,000. In the late 1980s, a substantial number of new municipios were created, and along with them a further subdivision of rural unions. IBGE, Sindicatos (1988): 55.
193. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
194. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
195. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
196. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
197. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
198. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
199. The Workers' Party was founded in 1979 and made the creation of CUT a part of its platform. CUT was founded in 1983 and established itself as the predominant labor organization in 1985, in the wake of a series of impressive strikes in Brazil's industrial heartland, the ABC region of São Paulo. On the Workers' Party, see Margaret Keck, The Workers' Party and Democratization in Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992); Michael Lowy, "A New Type of Party: The Brazilian PT," Latin American Perspectives 14 (1987): 453-465. On the CUT, see Leôncio Martins Rodrigues, CUT: Os Militantes e a Ideologia (São Paulo: Paz e Terra, 1990); Margaret Keck, "The New Unionism in the Brazilian Transition," in Alfred Stephan, editor, Democratizing Brazil (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989); Antunes, O Novo Sindicalismo (1995); Vito Giannotti and Sebastião Neto, CUT: Por Dentro e Por Fora (Petrópolis: Vozes, 1990); Wilma Mangabeira, Os Dilemas do Novo Sindicalismo: Democracia e Política em Volta Redonda (Rio de Janeiro: Relume-Dumará/ANPOCS, 1993).
200. Keck, The Workers' Party, 154, 157-160, quote on 157, and 58-59, 62; Emir Sader and Ken Silverstein, Without Fear of Being Happy: Lula, the Workers' Party and Brazil (London: Verso, 1991), 126; Martins, O Poder do Atraso (1994).
201. Keck, The Workers' Party, 154, 157-160, quote on 157, and 58-59, 62; Emir Sader and Ken Silverstein, Without Fear of Being Happy: Lula, the Workers' Party and Brazil (London: Verso, 1991), 126; Martins, O Poder do Atraso (1994).
202. Keck, The Workers' Party, 154, 157-160, quote on 157, and 58-59, 62; Emir Sader and Ken Silverstein, Without Fear of Being Happy: Lula, the Workers' Party and Brazil (London: Verso, 1991), 126; Martins, O Poder do Atraso (1994).
203. Jeffery M. Paige, Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World (New York: Free Press, 1975) and "Social Theory and Peasant Revolution in Vietnam and Guatemala," Theory and Society 12 (1983): 699-737. See also, Theda Skocpol, "What Makes Peasants Revolutionary?" Comparative Politics 14 (1982): 351-376.
204. Jeffery M. Paige, Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World (New York: Free Press, 1975) and "Social Theory and Peasant Revolution in Vietnam and Guatemala," Theory and Society 12 (1983): 699-737. See also, Theda Skocpol, "What Makes Peasants Revolutionary?" Comparative Politics 14 (1982): 351-376.
205. Jeffery M. Paige, Agrarian Revolution: Social Movements and Export Agriculture in the Underdeveloped World (New York: Free Press, 1975) and "Social Theory and Peasant Revolution in Vietnam and Guatemala," Theory and Society 12 (1983): 699-737. See also, Theda Skocpol, "What Makes Peasants Revolutionary?" Comparative Politics 14 (1982): 351-376.
206. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia
207. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
208. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
209. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
210. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
211. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
212. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
213. Eric Wolf, Peasant Wars of the Twentieth Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); James C. Scott, The Moral Economy of the Peasant (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976) and "Hegemony and the Peasantry," Politics and Society 7 (1977): 267-296. Pereira is one of few scholars to suggest that agrarian modernization may create favorable conditions for the class compromise entailed by having a rural labor movement. Pereira, The End of the Peasantry. Another exception is Brockett, "The Structure of Political Opportunities." In his study of revolutionary struggles in Latin America, Wickham-Crowley, for example, identifies change in agrarian structure, and threats to peasants' access to land in particular, as one of four factors that stoke peasants revolutionary spirit. Timothy P. Wickham-Crowley, Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America: A Comparative Study of Insurgents and Regimes since 1956 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), chapter 6 and p. 231. Foley, in a survey of research on peasant mobilization in Mexico and Central America, concludes that agricultural modernization "has generated powerful specific grievances among large numbers of campesinos, who are therefore increasingly (and sometimes immediately) susceptible to organization; and it has produced a general decline in rural living standards, which may contribute to discontent and fuel conflict." Michael W. Foley, "Agrarian Conflict Reconsidered: Popular Mobilization and Peasant Politics in Mexico and Central America," Latin American Research Review 26/1 (1991), 216-238. See also Cynthia McClintock," Peru's Sendero Luminoso Rebellion: Origins and Trajectory," in Susan Eckstein, editors, Power and Popular Protest (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). An important exception to this focus on socioeconomic factors is Zamosc's work on Colombia, which highlights the role of the state and various urban groups in organizing rural movements. Leon Zamosc, The Agrarian Question and the Peasant Movement in Columbia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).
214. Paige's model also provides no bases on which to predict when movements will emerge and what kinds of trajectories they may follow, only what kinds of peasant groups are likely to engage in particular forms of political mobilization.
215. Rodolfo Hoffmann, "Vinte Anos de Desigualdade e Probreza na Agricultura Brasileira," Revista de Economica e Sociologia Rural 30/2 (April/June 1992), 97-114, on 98; and "Distribuição de Renda na Agricultura," in Antonio Salazar P. Brandão, editor, Os Principais Problemas da Agricultural Brasileira: Análise e Sugestões (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1992), 8, 22, 108; ECLAC, Social Panorama of Latin America, 1994 edition (Santiago: ECLAC, November 1994), 140; Goldin and Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Decada de 80, 8.
216. Rodolfo Hoffmann, "Vinte Anos de Desigualdade e Probreza na Agricultura Brasileira," Revista de Economica e Sociologia Rural 30/2 (April/June 1992), 97-114, on 98; and "Distribuição de Renda na Agricultura," in Antonio Salazar P. Brandão, editor, Os Principais Problemas da Agricultural Brasileira: Análise e Sugestões (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1992), 8, 22, 108; ECLAC, Social Panorama of Latin America, 1994 edition (Santiago: ECLAC, November 1994), 140; Goldin and Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Decada de 80, 8.
217. Rodolfo Hoffmann, "Vinte Anos de Desigualdade e Probreza na Agricultura Brasileira," Revista de Economica e Sociologia Rural 30/2 (April/June 1992), 97-114, on 98; and "Distribuição de Renda na Agricultura," in Antonio Salazar P. Brandão, editor, Os Principais Problemas da Agricultural Brasileira: Análise e Sugestões (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1992), 8, 22, 108; ECLAC, Social Panorama of Latin America, 1994 edition (Santiago: ECLAC, November 1994), 140; Goldin and Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Decada de 80, 8.
218. Rodolfo Hoffmann, "Vinte Anos de Desigualdade e Probreza na Agricultura Brasileira," Revista de Economica e Sociologia Rural 30/2 (April/June 1992), 97-114, on 98; and "Distribuição de Renda na Agricultura," in Antonio Salazar P. Brandão, editor, Os Principais Problemas da Agricultural Brasileira: Análise e Sugestões (Rio de Janeiro: IPEA, 1992), 8, 22, 108; ECLAC, Social Panorama of Latin America, 1994 edition (Santiago: ECLAC, November 1994), 140; Goldin and Rezende, A Agricultura Brasileira na Decada de 80, 8.
219. The share of medium-sized farms actually increased in Pará and that of small properties fell, but at a slower rate than the expansion of the large estates. IBGE, Censo Agropecuário, 1960 and 1980.
220. Popkin, The Rational Peasant, 35.
221. See Roberto Francozi, The Puzzle of Strikes: Class and State Strategies in Postwar Italy (Cambridge University Press, 1995).