The first wave of feminism: Were the Stoics feminists?

History of Political Thought

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 2001, Pages 13-40

  Hill, Lisa ^a  

^a AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY   (Australia)

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EID: 0035530487     PISSN: 0143781X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
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References (268)

1. S.B. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Whores, Wives and Slaves: Women in Classical Antiquity (New York, 1976).
2. C.E. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics on the Equality of the Sexes', Mnemosyne, XXVI (1973), pp. 170-7.
3. Gunhild Viden, Women in Roman Literature (Goteborg, 1993), p. 109.
4. Manning defends Seneca specifically using the thinking of the middle and later Stoa in general. To be discussed below, p. 34.
5. It should be noted at the outset that most of the textual evidence used here relates to upper-class and freeborn women since the classical writing under consideration here tended to be class bound. Paid work is not therefore used as a test of Stoic feminism because it does not even rate as an issue where freeborn women are concerned.
6. Hilda Smith, 'Feminism and the Methodology of Women's History', in Liberating Women's History, ed. B.A. Carroll (Chicago, 1976), p. 370. Generally speaking, then, a feministic attitude would advocate sex unity as opposed to sex polarity.
7. F. Cornford, The Republic of Plato (Oxford, 1965), pp. 144-55; J. Adam, The Republic of Plato (Cambridge, 1963), p. 280; M. Hadas, A History of Greek Literature (New York, 1953), p. 138; J. Kaplan, Dialogues of Plato (New York, 1965), p. 302; Sir Ernest Barker, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (New York, 1959), pp. 144-5.
8. F. Cornford, The Republic of Plato (Oxford, 1965), pp. 144-55; J. Adam, The Republic of Plato (Cambridge, 1963), p. 280; M. Hadas, A History of Greek Literature (New York, 1953), p. 138; J. Kaplan, Dialogues of Plato (New York, 1965), p. 302; Sir Ernest Barker, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (New York, 1959), pp. 144-5.
9. F. Cornford, The Republic of Plato (Oxford, 1965), pp. 144-55; J. Adam, The Republic of Plato (Cambridge, 1963), p. 280; M. Hadas, A History of Greek Literature (New York, 1953), p. 138; J. Kaplan, Dialogues of Plato (New York, 1965), p. 302; Sir Ernest Barker, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (New York, 1959), pp. 144-5.
10. F. Cornford, The Republic of Plato (Oxford, 1965), pp. 144-55; J. Adam, The Republic of Plato (Cambridge, 1963), p. 280; M. Hadas, A History of Greek Literature (New York, 1953), p. 138; J. Kaplan, Dialogues of Plato (New York, 1965), p. 302; Sir Ernest Barker, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (New York, 1959), pp. 144-5.
11. F. Cornford, The Republic of Plato (Oxford, 1965), pp. 144-55; J. Adam, The Republic of Plato (Cambridge, 1963), p. 280; M. Hadas, A History of Greek Literature (New York, 1953), p. 138; J. Kaplan, Dialogues of Plato (New York, 1965), p. 302; Sir Ernest Barker, The Political Thought of Plato and Aristotle (New York, 1959), pp. 144-5.
12. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117. See also: Amy Richlin, 'Invective Against Women in Roman Satire', Arethusa, XVII (1984), pp. 67-80; Amy Richlin, The Garden of Priapus (New Haven, 1983).
13. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117. See also: Amy Richlin, 'Invective Against Women in Roman Satire', Arethusa, XVII (1984), pp. 67-80; Amy Richlin, The Garden of Priapus (New Haven, 1983).
14. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117. See also: Amy Richlin, 'Invective Against Women in Roman Satire', Arethusa, XVII (1984), pp. 67-80; Amy Richlin, The Garden of Priapus (New Haven, 1983).
15. Women are consistently classed with children as held in common. 'There are misogynistic attitudes to the female nude body and female sexuality . . . he also states unequivocally that the natural capacities of men far exceed those of women.' Plato's reputation for advocating the equality of the sexes comes from two points made in Republic V: firstly 'his admission that some women, at least, have excellent capabilities; second, his view that since female guardians will perform the same duties as male guardians they should have similar education', S.B. Pomeroy, 'Feminism in Book V of Plato's Republic', Apeiron, VIII (1974), pp. 33-5; J. Annas, 'Plato's Republic and Feminism', in Feminism and Ancient Philosophy, ed. Julie K. Ward (New York, 1996), pp. 320-1. In Timaeus the punishment for wayward or cowardly men is to be reincarnated as women while in The Laws Plato valorizes the traditional female virtues of modesty and obedience, and limits women according to their child bearing capacity. D. Wender, 'Plato: Misogynist, Paedophile, and Feminist', Arethusa, VI (1973), pp. 75-90, p. 82.
16. Women are consistently classed with children as held in common. 'There are misogynistic attitudes to the female nude body and female sexuality . . . he also states unequivocally that the natural capacities of men far exceed those of women.' Plato's reputation for advocating the equality of the sexes comes from two points made in Republic V: firstly 'his admission that some women, at least, have excellent capabilities; second, his view that since female guardians will perform the same duties as male guardians they should have similar education', S.B. Pomeroy, 'Feminism in Book V of Plato's Republic', Apeiron, VIII (1974), pp. 33-5; J. Annas, 'Plato's Republic and Feminism', in Feminism and Ancient Philosophy, ed. Julie K. Ward (New York, 1996), pp. 320-1. In Timaeus the punishment for wayward or cowardly men is to be reincarnated as women while in The Laws Plato valorizes the traditional female virtues of modesty and obedience, and limits women according to their child bearing capacity. D. Wender, 'Plato: Misogynist, Paedophile, and Feminist', Arethusa, VI (1973), pp. 75-90, p. 82.
17. Women are consistently classed with children as held in common. 'There are misogynistic attitudes to the female nude body and female sexuality . . . he also states unequivocally that the natural capacities of men far exceed those of women.' Plato's reputation for advocating the equality of the sexes comes from two points made in Republic V: firstly 'his admission that some women, at least, have excellent capabilities; second, his view that since female guardians will perform the same duties as male guardians they should have similar education', S.B. Pomeroy, 'Feminism in Book V of Plato's Republic', Apeiron, VIII (1974), pp. 33-5; J. Annas, 'Plato's Republic and Feminism', in Feminism and Ancient Philosophy, ed. Julie K. Ward (New York, 1996), pp. 320-1. In Timaeus the punishment for wayward or cowardly men is to be reincarnated as women while in The Laws Plato valorizes the traditional female virtues of modesty and obedience, and limits women according to their child bearing capacity. D. Wender, 'Plato: Misogynist, Paedophile, and Feminist', Arethusa, VI (1973), pp. 75-90, p. 82.
18. It should be noted that Stoicism was continually revised over a number of centuries. Nevertheless, as Elisabeth Asmis rightly notes, 'there is a strong continuity in the overall structure' of their thought. Elisabeth Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', in Feminism and Ancient Philosophy, ed. Ward, pp. 68-92, p. 69.
19. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
20. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
21. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
22. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
23. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
24. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. For references to the Cynic influence see: Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers, trans. R.D. Hicks (Cambridge, MA, 1970), VI.104, p. 109; VII.2, p. 111; E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270; A. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', Classical World, LXV (1972), pp. 155-7; P. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius: The Greatest Practitioner of Stoicism', Antiquite Classique, XXIV (1955), pp. 372-83, p. 375; Richard Gummere limits his claims to Seneca. R.M. Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message (New York, 1963), pp. 72-5.
25. As Epictetus says, 'Zeus is father of us all', The Discourses as Reported by Arrian, the Manual and Fragments, with an English translation by W.A. Oldfather in Two Volumes (London, 1989), III.xxii. 82, p. 159. See also ibid, I.xiii. 1-5, p. 99; and Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales, with an English translation by R.M. Gummere (London, 1979) (hereafter Seneca, Epistle), Epistle XCV.51-3, p. 91.
26. As Epictetus says, 'Zeus is father of us all', The Discourses as Reported by Arrian, the Manual and Fragments, with an English translation by W.A. Oldfather in Two Volumes (London, 1989), III.xxii. 82, p. 159. See also ibid, I.xiii. 1-5, p. 99; and Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales, with an English translation by R.M. Gummere (London, 1979) (hereafter Seneca, Epistle), Epistle XCV.51-3, p. 91.
27. As Epictetus says, 'Zeus is father of us all', The Discourses as Reported by Arrian, the Manual and Fragments, with an English translation by W.A. Oldfather in Two Volumes (London, 1989), III.xxii. 82, p. 159. See also ibid, I.xiii. 1-5, p. 99; and Seneca, Ad Lucilium Epistulae Morales, with an English translation by R.M. Gummere (London, 1979) (hereafter Seneca, Epistle), Epistle XCV.51-3, p. 91.
28. Marcus Aurelius, The Meditations, trans. and with an introduction by M. Staniforth (London, 1964), XII.26, p. 185. See also G. Stanton, 'The Cosmopolitan Ideas of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius', Phronesis, XIII (1) (1968), pp. 183-94, pp. 188-9. Reason, or 'mind', should be understood here in its pre-Cartesian and specifically Stoic sense. Reason is a godlike principle; since we all partake of God's spirit (the 'Reason' which controls the universe) we are all part of the same entity. The good of one is the good of all.
29. Marcus Aurelius, The Meditations, trans. and with an introduction by M. Staniforth (London, 1964), XII.26, p. 185. See also G. Stanton, 'The Cosmopolitan Ideas of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius', Phronesis, XIII (1) (1968), pp. 183-94, pp. 188-9. Reason, or 'mind', should be understood here in its pre-Cartesian and specifically Stoic sense. Reason is a godlike principle; since we all partake of God's spirit (the 'Reason' which controls the universe) we are all part of the same entity. The good of one is the good of all.
30. Marcus says that 'reason speaks no less universally to us all with its "thou shalt" or "thou shall not". So then there is a world-law'. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IV.4, p. 65. Cicero and Marcus Aurelius 'exclude from citizenship all those who are not and cannot be "rational" in the strong sense required'. S.R.L. Clarke, 'The City of the Wise', Apeiron, XX (1987), pp. 63-80, pp. 65-8.
31. Marcus says that 'reason speaks no less universally to us all with its "thou shalt" or "thou shall not". So then there is a world-law'. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IV.4, p. 65. Cicero and Marcus Aurelius 'exclude from citizenship all those who are not and cannot be "rational" in the strong sense required'. S.R.L. Clarke, 'The City of the Wise', Apeiron, XX (1987), pp. 63-80, pp. 65-8.
32. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IV.4, p. 65.
33. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.72, pp. 73-5.
34. H.C. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind in GreekThought (Cambridge, 1965), p. 158.
35. L. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism (Cambridge, MA, 1966), pp. 74-5.
36. M. Schofield, The Stoic Idea of the City (Cambridge, 1991), p. 43.
37. As Xenakis has observed with respect to Epictetus. I. Xenakis, Epictetus Philosopher -Therapist (the Hague, 1969), p. 122.
38. M. Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire (Princeton, 1994), p. 322; Seneca, Epistle, XCV.62, p. 97: 'But reason is not satisfied by obvious facts; its higher and nobler function is to deal with hidden things.'
39. M. Nussbaum, The Therapy of Desire (Princeton, 1994), p. 322; Seneca, Epistle, XCV.62, p. 97: 'But reason is not satisfied by obvious facts; its higher and nobler function is to deal with hidden things.'
40. Seneca reminds us that externals tell us nothing about a person; the only praiseworthy qualities are those that inhere in a person and which are peculiar to human beings, Seneca, Epistle, XLI.7-9, p. 277; See also Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.24-7, pp. 13-15. Seneca also disparages slavishness to popular opinion see Seneca, Epistle, XLIV.6, p. 289.
41. Seneca reminds us that externals tell us nothing about a person; the only praiseworthy qualities are those that inhere in a person and which are peculiar to human beings, Seneca, Epistle, XLI.7-9, p. 277; See also Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.24-7, pp. 13-15. Seneca also disparages slavishness to popular opinion see Seneca, Epistle, XLIV.6, p. 289.
42. Seneca reminds us that externals tell us nothing about a person; the only praiseworthy qualities are those that inhere in a person and which are peculiar to human beings, Seneca, Epistle, XLI.7-9, p. 277; See also Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.24-7, pp. 13-15. Seneca also disparages slavishness to popular opinion see Seneca, Epistle, XLIV.6, p. 289.
43. R. Sorabji, Animal Minds and Human Morals (Ithaca, 1993), p. 124.
44. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.129, p. 233; Cicero, De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, with an English translation by H. Rackham (London, 1961), III.xx.67, pp. 287-9.
45. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.129, p. 233; Cicero, De Finibus Bonorum et Malorum, with an English translation by H. Rackham (London, 1961), III.xx.67, pp. 287-9.
46. Epictetus, Discourses, I.vi.18-22, pp. 45-7; Stanton, 'The Cosmopolitan Ideas of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius', p. 185. See also Cicero, De Officiis, with an English translation by Walter Miller (London, 1990), I.14, pp. 15-17.
47. Epictetus, Discourses, I.vi. 18-22, pp. 45-7; Stanton, 'The Cosmopolitan Ideas of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius', p. 185. See also Cicero, De Officiis, with an English translation by Walter Miller (London, 1990), I.14, pp. 15-17.
48. Epictetus, Discourses, I.vi. 18-22, pp. 45-7; Stanton, 'The Cosmopolitan Ideas of Epictetus and Marcus Aurelius', p. 185. See also Cicero, De Officiis, with an English translation by Walter Miller (London, 1990), I.14, pp. 15-17.
49. Seneca, Epistle, XLIV.1-3, p, 287.
50. Epictetus, Discourses, I.i.7-12, pp. 9-11.
51. Seneca, On Benefits, in Moral Essays, with an English translation by J. W. Basore (London, 1964), III.18.2, p. 161; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 49.
52. Seneca, On Benefits, in Moral Essays, with an English translation by J. W. Basore (London, 1964), III.18.2, p. 161; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 49.
53. Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229. See also, Seneca, On Benefits, III.28, passim. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', trans. O. Hense (1905), C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men.' Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13.
54. Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229. See also, Seneca, On Benefits, III.28, passim. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', trans. O. Hense (1905), C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men.' Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13.
55. Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229. See also, Seneca, On Benefits, III.28, passim. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', trans. O. Hense (1905), C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men.' Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13.
56. Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229. See also, Seneca, On Benefits, III.28, passim. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', trans. O. Hense (1905), C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, Leipzig, reproduced in Cora E. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus "The Roman Socrates" ', Yale Classical Studies, X (1947), pp. 3-147, IV, 5-10, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men.' Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13.
57. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.10-19, pp. 307-13.
58. J. Annas, The Morality of Happiness (Oxford, 1993), pp. 265-6. 'Fairness and justice' are the principles dictated by nature. Seneca, Epistle, XCV.52, p, 91.
59. J. Annas, The Morality of Happiness (Oxford, 1993), pp. 265-6. 'Fairness and justice' are the principles dictated by nature. Seneca, Epistle, XCV.52, p, 91.
60. Gerard Watson, 'The Natural Law and Stoicism', in Problems in Stoicism, ed. A.A. Long (London, 1971), p. 219.
61. E.V. Arnold, Roman Stoicism (New York, 1958), p. 270.
62. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.175, p. 283.
63. M. Schofield, The Stoic Idea of the City (Cambridge, 1991), p. 43.
64. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men' (Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13).
65. C. Musonius Rufus, 'Should Daughters Receive the Same Education as Sons?', C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, p. 45. Antisthenes the Cynic also held that 'Virtue is the same for women as for men' (Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.12, p. 13).
66. Epictetus, Discourses, III.xxii.81-2, p. 159.
67. Seneca, Ad Marciam, XVI.1-3, pp. 49-50; and Ad Helviam, XVI.5-7, pp. 473-5 (page numbers refer to Moral Essays (London, 1964), where Ad Marciam and Ad Helviam appear with an English translation by J.W. Basore).
68. Seneca, Ad Marciam, XVI.1-3, pp. 49-50; and Ad Helviam, XVI.5-7, pp. 473-5 (page numbers refer to Moral Essays (London, 1964), where Ad Marciam and Ad Helviam appear with an English translation by J.W. Basore).
69. Seneca, De Ira, III.xxxv.1, p. 337 in Moral Essays.
70. Musonius, 'That Women Too Should Study Philosophy', C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, pp. 39-41.
71. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus', p. 30; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XII, p. 87.
72. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus', p. 30; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XII, p. 87.
73. For details here see: Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', pp. 374-5. For a critique of Noyen's interpretation of the rule of Marcus see G.R. Stanton, 'Marcus Aurelius, Emperor and Philosopher', Historia, XCIII (1969), pp. 570-87.
74. For details here see: Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', pp. 374-5. For a critique of Noyen's interpretation of the rule of Marcus see G.R. Stanton, 'Marcus Aurelius, Emperor and Philosopher', Historia, XCIII (1969), pp. 570-87.
75. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 277. Nevertheless, during this period women's lives were still largely controlled by men; for example, the diminished powers of the father over women simply devolved onto husbands who also exercised extensive control over the lives of their wives. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Ch. VIII, passim.
76. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, p. 277. Nevertheless, during this period women's lives were still largely controlled by men; for example, the diminished powers of the father over women simply devolved onto husbands who also exercised extensive control over the lives of their wives. Pomeroy, Goddesses, Ch. VIII, passim.
77. For some interesting comparisons between gender and slavery see Mary Lefkowitz, 'Women and Freedom', Arethusa, XXVIII (1995), pp. 107-11.
78. Seneca, Ad Halviam, XII.4, p. 461.
79. M.T. Griffin, Seneca: A Philosopher in Politics (Oxford, 1976), p. 257. Some exceptions should be noted here. The view expressed in Cicero, De Republica (3.37), that there are natural slaves is Panaetian in origin; such a view was endorsed by Posidonius. Griffin, Seneca, pp. 459-60.
80. M.T. Griffin, Seneca: A Philosopher in Politics (Oxford, 1976), p. 257. Some exceptions should be noted here. The view expressed in Cicero, De Republica (3.37), that there are natural slaves is Panaetian in origin; such a view was endorsed by Posidonius. Griffin, Seneca, pp. 459-60.
81. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.10-11, p. 307.
82. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.1, p. 303. Not all the Stoics were humane in their attitude to slaves. Griffin, Seneca, p. 258. Yet Noyen has claimed that, judging by an analysis of legal texts pertaining to Marcus, the latter's ultimate goal was to abolish slavery altogether. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 376.
83. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.1, p. 303. Not all the Stoics were humane in their attitude to slaves. Griffin, Seneca, p. 258. Yet Noyen has claimed that, judging by an analysis of legal texts pertaining to Marcus, the latter's ultimate goal was to abolish slavery altogether. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 376.
84. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.1, p. 303. Not all the Stoics were humane in their attitude to slaves. Griffin, Seneca, p. 258. Yet Noyen has claimed that, judging by an analysis of legal texts pertaining to Marcus, the latter's ultimate goal was to abolish slavery altogether. Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 376.
85. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism, p. 74.
86. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XVIII, p. 115.
87. Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus', pp. 29-30.
88. Xenakis, Epictetus, p. 122; Epictetus, Discourses, I.xiii.1-5.
89. Xenakis, Epictetus, p. 122; Epictetus, Discourses, I.xiii.1-5.
90. Seneca, Ad Marciam, XX.2, p. 69. See also Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229.
91. Seneca, Ad Marciam, XX.2, p. 69. See also Seneca, Epistle, XXXI.11, p. 229.
92. Nevertheless there is some attention paid to the suffering of female slaves, particularly to the fact that they were sexually exploited and frequently put to work as prostitutes. See, for example, Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XII.10-14, pp. 87-9.
93. Cicero, De Finibus, III.xx.67, pp. 287-9; Andrew Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa (London, 1990), p. 52.
94. Cicero, De Finibus, III.xx.67, pp. 287-9; Andrew Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa (London, 1990), p. 52.
95. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 132. Marilyn French follows Alasdair Maclntyre in asserting that 'the Stoics joined the Peripatetics . . . in narrowly confining women within the household, and in perceiving women as defective intellectually and physically'. Marilyn French, Beyond Power (New York, 1985), p. 141; Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (Notre Dame, 1981), pp. 25, 27.
96. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 132. Marilyn French follows Alasdair Maclntyre in asserting that 'the Stoics joined the Peripatetics . . . in narrowly confining women within the household, and in perceiving women as defective intellectually and physically'. Marilyn French, Beyond Power (New York, 1985), p. 141; Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (Notre Dame, 1981), pp. 25, 27.
97. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 132. Marilyn French follows Alasdair Maclntyre in asserting that 'the Stoics joined the Peripatetics . . . in narrowly confining women within the household, and in perceiving women as defective intellectually and physically'. Marilyn French, Beyond Power (New York, 1985), p. 141; Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue (Notre Dame, 1981), pp. 25, 27.
98. Prudence Allen, The Concept of Woman (Montreal, 1985), p. 164.
99. Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', p. 68.
100. Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa, p. 181.
101. See Seneca's Epistle XLVII: 'On Master and Slave', passim.
102. 'Feminism . . . offers the most fruitful field for Seneca's reform ideas', Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message, pp. 72-5. See also A.L. Motto, 'Seneca, Exponent of Humanitarianism', Classical Journal, L (1954-5), pp. 315-18; and Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 167-72.
103. 'Feminism . . . offers the most fruitful field for Seneca's reform ideas', Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message, pp. 72-5. See also A.L. Motto, 'Seneca, Exponent of Humanitarianism', Classical Journal, L (1954-5), pp. 315-18; and Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 167-72.
104. 'Feminism . . . offers the most fruitful field for Seneca's reform ideas', Gummere, Seneca and His Modern Message, pp. 72-5. See also A.L. Motto, 'Seneca, Exponent of Humanitarianism', Classical Journal, L (1954-5), pp. 315-18; and Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 167-72.
105. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 183.
106. Seneca's mother, aunt and wife are all acclaimed in his various writings.
107. Seneca, Ad Helviam, in Moral Essays, XVII.4, p. 477.
108. Seneca, Ad Marciam, in Moral Essays, I.1, p. 3.
109. Seneca, Ad Marciam, I .5, p. 7. Note the contrast here between Seneca's tone and Motto's claim that 'he sought to deal intellectually with women precisely as he dealt with men'. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 157.
110. Seneca, Ad Marciam, I .5, p. 7. Note the contrast here between Seneca's tone and Motto's claim that 'he sought to deal intellectually with women precisely as he dealt with men'. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 157.
111. Seneca, Ad Marciam, VII.3, p. 23.
112. There must, he says, be many heroines 'unknown to fame'. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XIX.5, p. 485.
113. Seneca, Ad Marciam, X VI.1-2, p. 49: Women have 'just as much capacity, if they like, for virtuous action' (my emphasis). For a more benign interpretation of Seneca here see J.P. Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other in Classical Roman Elite', Helios, XVI (1989), pp. 59-78, p. 63.
114. Seneca, Ad Marciam, X VI.1-2, p. 49: Women have 'just as much capacity, if they like, for virtuous action' (my emphasis). For a more benign interpretation of Seneca here see J.P. Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other in Classical Roman Elite', Helios, XVI (1989), pp. 59-78, p. 63.
115. The activities of the Julio-Claudian women are likewise condemned. F. Santoro L'Hoir, 'Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 5-25, passim. See also Susan Fischler, 'Social Stereotypes and Historical Analysis: The Case of the Imperial Women at Rome', in Women in Ancient Societies, ed. L. Archer, S. Fischler and M. Wyke (London 1994), pp. 115-33; A.J. Marshall, 'Roman Women and the Provinces', Ancient Society, V (1974), pp. 109-27, pp. 110-12.
116. The activities of the Julio-Claudian women are likewise condemned. F. Santoro L'Hoir, 'Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 5-25, passim. See also Susan Fischler, 'Social Stereotypes and Historical Analysis: The Case of the Imperial Women at Rome', in Women in Ancient Societies, ed. L. Archer, S. Fischler and M. Wyke (London 1994), pp. 115-33; A.J. Marshall, 'Roman Women and the Provinces', Ancient Society, V (1974), pp. 109-27, pp. 110-12.
117. The activities of the Julio-Claudian women are likewise condemned. F. Santoro L'Hoir, 'Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 5-25, passim. See also Susan Fischler, 'Social Stereotypes and Historical Analysis: The Case of the Imperial Women at Rome', in Women in Ancient Societies, ed. L. Archer, S. Fischler and M. Wyke (London 1994), pp. 115-33; A.J. Marshall, 'Roman Women and the Provinces', Ancient Society, V (1974), pp. 109-27, pp. 110-12.
118. Cicero was one such critic. Mary R. Lefkowitz, 'Influential Women', in Images of Women in Antiquity, ed. A. Cameron and A. Kuhn (London, 1993), pp. 58-62; Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other', p. 65; J.P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society (Princeton, 1984). For a discussion of women's participation in elections see Liisa Savunen, 'Women and Elections in Pompeii', in Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, ed. R. Hawley and B. Levich (London, 1995).
119. Cicero was one such critic. Mary R. Lefkowitz, 'Influential Women', in Images of Women in Antiquity, ed. A. Cameron and A. Kuhn (London, 1993), pp. 58-62; Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other', p. 65; J.P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society (Princeton, 1984). For a discussion of women's participation in elections see Liisa Savunen, 'Women and Elections in Pompeii', in Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, ed. R. Hawley and B. Levich (London, 1995).
120. Cicero was one such critic. Mary R. Lefkowitz, 'Influential Women', in Images of Women in Antiquity, ed. A. Cameron and A. Kuhn (London, 1993), pp. 58-62; Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other', p. 65; J.P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society (Princeton, 1984). For a discussion of women's participation in elections see Liisa Savunen, 'Women and Elections in Pompeii', in Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, ed. R. Hawley and B. Levich (London, 1995).
121. Cicero was one such critic. Mary R. Lefkowitz, 'Influential Women', in Images of Women in Antiquity, ed. A. Cameron and A. Kuhn (London, 1993), pp. 58-62; Hallett, 'Women as Same and Other', p. 65; J.P. Hallett, Fathers and Daughters in Roman Society (Princeton, 1984). For a discussion of women's participation in elections see Liisa Savunen, 'Women and Elections in Pompeii', in Women in Antiquity: New Assessments, ed. R. Hawley and B. Levich (London, 1995).
122. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XV.3, p, 467.
123. Tacitus reports that Seneca conspired with Burrus to resist the influence of Agrippina on Nero 'and was foremost in preventing her attempt to hear legations sitting beside her son', Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 171. A 'youth under feminine control was not reassuring', Tacitus, The Annals of Imperial Rome, trans. and with an introduction by Michael Grant (London, 1989), XIII.2, p. 286.
124. Tacitus reports that Seneca conspired with Burrus to resist the influence of Agrippina on Nero 'and was foremost in preventing her attempt to hear legations sitting beside her son', Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 171. A 'youth under feminine control was not reassuring', Tacitus, The Annals of Imperial Rome, trans. and with an introduction by Michael Grant (London, 1989), XIII.2, p. 286.
125. Santoro L'Hoir, 'Tacitus and Women's Usurpation of Power', p. 23.
126. S. Dixon, The Roman Mother (Sydney, 1988), p. 5. See also, Seneca, Ad Helvium, 14.3, p. 467.
127. S. Dixon, The Roman Mother (Sydney, 1988), p. 5. See also, Seneca, Ad Helvium, 14.3, p. 467.
128. Though himself extremely wealthy and powerful, Seneca applauds the 'highmindedness of a woman who has submitted neither to the love of power nor to the love of money - those attendants and curses of all authority'. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XIX.7.
129. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', pp. 176-7.
130. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 189.
131. Appian, Civil Wars, 4.33, cited in Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 176. We know of three female orators, Amaesia Sentia, Afrania and Hortensia, all of whom were received with varying degrees of disapproval. Only Afrania seems to have pleaded cases in public more than once. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 175-6. See also M.R. Lefkowitz and M.B. Fant, Women in Greece and Rome (Toronto, 1977), pp. 149-50.
132. Appian, Civil Wars, 4.33, cited in Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 176. We know of three female orators, Amaesia Sentia, Afrania and Hortensia, all of whom were received with varying degrees of disapproval. Only Afrania seems to have pleaded cases in public more than once. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 175-6. See also M.R. Lefkowitz and M.B. Fant, Women in Greece and Rome (Toronto, 1977), pp. 149-50.
133. Appian, Civil Wars, 4.33, cited in Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 176. We know of three female orators, Amaesia Sentia, Afrania and Hortensia, all of whom were received with varying degrees of disapproval. Only Afrania seems to have pleaded cases in public more than once. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 175-6. See also M.R. Lefkowitz and M.B. Fant, Women in Greece and Rome (Toronto, 1977), pp. 149-50.
134. Cicero, Res Publica, 4.6. Yet Cicero's wife and daughter both exercised considerable independence while his wife Terentia sometimes involved herself in his political career. Teresa Carp, 'Two Matrons of the Late Republic', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 189-200. For a general discussion of the activities of Roman mothers and daughters see Jane E. Philips, 'Roman Mothers and Their Daughters', Helios, VI (1978), pp. 69-80.
135. Cicero, Res Publica, 4.6. Yet Cicero's wife and daughter both exercised considerable independence while his wife Terentia sometimes involved herself in his political career. Teresa Carp, 'Two Matrons of the Late Republic', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 189-200. For a general discussion of the activities of Roman mothers and daughters see Jane E. Philips, 'Roman Mothers and Their Daughters', Helios, VI (1978), pp. 69-80.
136. Cicero, Res Publica, 4.6. Yet Cicero's wife and daughter both exercised considerable independence while his wife Terentia sometimes involved herself in his political career. Teresa Carp, 'Two Matrons of the Late Republic', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 189-200. For a general discussion of the activities of Roman mothers and daughters see Jane E. Philips, 'Roman Mothers and Their Daughters', Helios, VI (1978), pp. 69-80.
137. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 171. Women moved to tears by pity are described by the 'contemptuous diminutive mulierculae, [for] they betray the hallmarks of a pusillus animus'. Seneca, De Clementia, in Moral Essays, II.5.1, p. 438. Cicero also used similar terms of contempt. See also V. Rosivach, 'Anus: Some Older Women in Latin Literature', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 107-17.
138. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 171. Women moved to tears by pity are described by the 'contemptuous diminutive mulierculae, [for] they betray the hallmarks of a pusillus animus'. Seneca, De Clementia, in Moral Essays, II.5.1, p. 438. Cicero also used similar terms of contempt. See also V. Rosivach, 'Anus: Some Older Women in Latin Literature', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 107-17.
139. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 171. Women moved to tears by pity are described by the 'contemptuous diminutive mulierculae, [for] they betray the hallmarks of a pusillus animus'. Seneca, De Clementia, in Moral Essays, II.5.1, p. 438. Cicero also used similar terms of contempt. See also V. Rosivach, 'Anus: Some Older Women in Latin Literature', Classical World, LXXXVIII (1994), pp. 107-17.
140. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, 4.28, p. 69.
141. Epictetus, Encheiridion, in Discourses, XL, p. 527.
142. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp. 270-1; Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. Motto acknowledges Seneca's misogyny but underplays its significance. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 157.
143. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp. 270-1; Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. Motto acknowledges Seneca's misogyny but underplays its significance. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 157.
144. Arnold, Roman Stoicism, pp. 270-1; Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172. Motto acknowledges Seneca's misogyny but underplays its significance. Motto, 'Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 157.
145. Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa, p. 23; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.72, p. 75.
146. Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa, p. 23; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VI.72, p. 75.
147. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.131, p. 235. Neither Epicurus nor Diogenes, one of the earliest Cynics, favoured conventional marriage, although Epicurus admitted that marriage could occur in special circumstances. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, X. 119, p. 645. Zeno advocated a community of wives but unlike earlier utopian theorists he also considered the will of the woman essential, recognizing 'no other marriage than a union of the man who persuades with the woman who consents'. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, 6.72, p. 75.
148. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.131, p. 235. Neither Epicurus nor Diogenes, one of the earliest Cynics, favoured conventional marriage, although Epicurus admitted that marriage could occur in special circumstances. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, X. 119, p. 645. Zeno advocated a community of wives but unlike earlier utopian theorists he also considered the will of the woman essential, recognizing 'no other marriage than a union of the man who persuades with the woman who consents'. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, 6.72, p. 75.
149. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.131, p. 235. Neither Epicurus nor Diogenes, one of the earliest Cynics, favoured conventional marriage, although Epicurus admitted that marriage could occur in special circumstances. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, X. 119, p. 645. Zeno advocated a community of wives but unlike earlier utopian theorists he also considered the will of the woman essential, recognizing 'no other marriage than a union of the man who persuades with the woman who consents'. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, 6.72, p. 75.
150. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155; Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.131, p. 235. Neither Epicurus nor Diogenes, one of the earliest Cynics, favoured conventional marriage, although Epicurus admitted that marriage could occur in special circumstances. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, X. 119, p. 645. Zeno advocated a community of wives but unlike earlier utopian theorists he also considered the will of the woman essential, recognizing 'no other marriage than a union of the man who persuades with the woman who consents'. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, 6.72, p. 75.
151. Pomeroy explains that 'the practical direction of Stoicism was a response to a social need. Owing to men's reluctance to marry and the practice of exposing unwanted children, Greek cities were becoming underpopulated [therefore they] abandoned utopian schemes and urged monogamous marriage on their adherents'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 132. See also Dixon, The Roman Mother, passim.
152. Pomeroy explains that 'the practical direction of Stoicism was a response to a social need. Owing to men's reluctance to marry and the practice of exposing unwanted children, Greek cities were becoming underpopulated [therefore they] abandoned utopian schemes and urged monogamous marriage on their adherents'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 132. See also Dixon, The Roman Mother, passim.
153. Neverthless, some exceptions to this rule were deemed permissible and sensible. David L. Balch, '1 Cor. 7:32-35 and Stoic Debates about Marriage, Anxiety and Distraction', Journal of Biblical Literature, CIII-IV (1983), pp. 429-39.
154. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism, pp. 72-3.
155. Respect for the rights of children are also a part of this attitude (ibid., pp. 73-4).
156. As de Ste. Croix says: 'he is exceptionally free from the male-dominated outlook, desiring the subjection of women to their husbands, which was common enough in antiquity'. G.E.M. de Ste, Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient World (London, 1983), p. 110.
157. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIIIA-XV, passim; M.L. Colish, The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Age (Leiden, 1990), p. 41. Antipater, a second- or perhaps first-century BC Stoic is thought to have held similar views to Musonius on the question of marriage. For a fuller discussion see Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', pp. 77-9.
158. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIIIA-XV, passim; M.L. Colish, The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Age (Leiden, 1990), p. 41. Antipater, a second- or perhaps first-century BC Stoic is thought to have held similar views to Musonius on the question of marriage. For a fuller discussion see Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', pp. 77-9.
159. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIIIA-XV, passim; M.L. Colish, The Stoic Tradition from Antiquity to the Early Middle Age (Leiden, 1990), p. 41. Antipater, a second- or perhaps first-century BC Stoic is thought to have held similar views to Musonius on the question of marriage. For a fuller discussion see Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', pp. 77-9.
160. Van Geytenbeek and Lutz agree that Musonius represents the height of Stoic feminist idealism. A.C. Van Geytenbeek, Musonius Rufus and Greek Diatribe, ed. and trans. B.L. Hijmans (Assen, 1963), p. 60; Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus', p. 30.
161. Van Geytenbeek and Lutz agree that Musonius represents the height of Stoic feminist idealism. A.C. Van Geytenbeek, Musonius Rufus and Greek Diatribe, ed. and trans. B.L. Hijmans (Assen, 1963), p. 60; Lutz, 'Musonius Rufus', p. 30.
162. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 159-60. The punishment for convicted adulteresses was extremely severe. C. Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 38-41. For further reading see P. Csillag, The Augustan Laws on Family Relations (Budapest, 1976), p. 197; and Amy Richlin, 'Approaches to the Sources on Adultery at Rome', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 225-50.
163. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 159-60. The punishment for convicted adulteresses was extremely severe. C. Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 38-41. For further reading see P. Csillag, The Augustan Laws on Family Relations (Budapest, 1976), p. 197; and Amy Richlin, 'Approaches to the Sources on Adultery at Rome', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 225-50.
164. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 159-60. The punishment for convicted adulteresses was extremely severe. C. Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 38-41. For further reading see P. Csillag, The Augustan Laws on Family Relations (Budapest, 1976), p. 197; and Amy Richlin, 'Approaches to the Sources on Adultery at Rome', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 225-50.
165. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 159-60. The punishment for convicted adulteresses was extremely severe. C. Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 38-41. For further reading see P. Csillag, The Augustan Laws on Family Relations (Budapest, 1976), p. 197; and Amy Richlin, 'Approaches to the Sources on Adultery at Rome', Women's Studies, VIII (1981), pp. 225-50.
166. Clarke, 'Roman Women', p. 52.
167. Epictetus, Discourses, II.iv.1, p. 233.
168. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 230.
169. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XII, pp. 87-8. Augustus had ruled that it was permissible for aristocratic men to have sexual relations with prostitutes. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 160.
170. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XII, pp. 87-8. Augustus had ruled that it was permissible for aristocratic men to have sexual relations with prostitutes. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 160.
171. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, IV.15, p. 45.
172. Seneca, Epistle, XCIV.26, p. 29. See also Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage (Oxford 1991), pp. 215-24.
173. Seneca, Epistle, XCIV.26, p. 29. See also Susan Treggiari, Roman Marriage (Oxford 1991), pp. 215-24.
174. Seneca, On Benefits, 2.18.1, p. 85.
175. Seneca, Epistle, CIV.2-5, pp. 191-3.
176. A. Birley, Marcus Aurelius (New Haven, 1987), p. 225.
177. Sheila K. Dickison, 'Abortion in Antiquity', Arethusa, VI(1973), pp. 159-66, p. 165.
178. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 168. Pomeroy suggests that 'this law was directed against those who traded in drugs and magic rather than against abortion itself'.
179. Keith Bradley, Discovering the Roman Family (Oxford, 1991), p. 140; Seneca, Ad Helviam, 16.4, p. 473.
180. Keith Bradley, Discovering the Roman Family (Oxford, 1991), p. 140; Seneca, Ad Helviam, 16.4, p. 473.
181. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XV.30, p. 97.
182. Epictetus, Discourses, III.xxiii.30, p. 181: 'the lecture room of the philosopher is a hospital'.
183. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 168, 212; Tacitus, The Agricola and the Germania, trans. with an introduction by H. Mattingly (London, 1970), Germania, 20, p. 118. Even Plato advocated that guardian women he relieved from 'the biological burdens' of motherhood by the provision of wet nurses. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117.
184. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 168, 212; Tacitus, The Agricola and the Germania, trans. with an introduction by H. Mattingly (London, 1970), Germania, 20, p. 118. Even Plato advocated that guardian women he relieved from 'the biological burdens' of motherhood by the provision of wet nurses. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117.
185. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 168, 212; Tacitus, The Agricola and the Germania, trans. with an introduction by H. Mattingly (London, 1970), Germania, 20, p. 118. Even Plato advocated that guardian women he relieved from 'the biological burdens' of motherhood by the provision of wet nurses. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 117.
186. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, cited in J.P.V.D. Balsdon, Roman Women (London, 1974), p. 201. An even more depressing epitaph which summarized the feminine ideal from a male point of view was recorded in the late second century BC: 'She kept up her household; she made wool.'(Cited in J.P. Hallett, 'The Role of Women in Roman Elegy: Counter-Cultural Feminism', Arethusa, VI (1973), pp. 103-24, p. 103.
187. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, cited in J.P.V.D. Balsdon, Roman Women (London, 1974), p. 201. An even more depressing epitaph which summarized the feminine ideal from a male point of view was recorded in the late second century BC: 'She kept up her household; she made wool.'(Cited in J.P. Hallett, 'The Role of Women in Roman Elegy: Counter-Cultural Feminism', Arethusa, VI (1973), pp. 103-24, p. 103.
188. Diogenes Laertius, Lives, VII.33, p. 145.
189. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155.
190. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, p. 334.
191. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155. Such a practice also accorded with the Cynic principle that since nature is never shameful there need be nothing to conceal. H.C. Baldry, 'Zeno's Ideal State', Journal of Hellenic Studies, LXXIX (1959), pp. 3-15, p. 10.
192. Baldry, The Unity of Mankind, p. 155. Such a practice also accorded with the Cynic principle that since nature is never shameful there need be nothing to conceal. H.C. Baldry, 'Zeno's Ideal State', Journal of Hellenic Studies, LXXIX (1959), pp. 3-15, p. 10.
193. Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.40-41, p. 19. Yet elsewhere Epictetus rejects Zeno's policy of androgyny and emphasizes forcefully the 'natural' differences between men and women. Epictetus, Discourses, I.xvi9-14, p. 111; see also ibid., III.i. 25-36, p. 15.
194. Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.40-41, p. 19. Yet elsewhere Epictetus rejects Zeno's policy of androgyny and emphasizes forcefully the 'natural' differences between men and women. Epictetus, Discourses, I.xvi9-14, p. 111; see also ibid., III.i. 25-36, p. 15.
195. Epictetus, Discourses, III.i.40-41, p. 19. Yet elsewhere Epictetus rejects Zeno's policy of androgyny and emphasizes forcefully the 'natural' differences between men and women. Epictetus, Discourses, I.xvi9-14, p. 111; see also ibid., III.i. 25-36, p. 15.
196. Seneca, Epistle, XCV.20-21, p. 71.
197. As Motto also notes ('Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 156). It had been longstanding practice in Rome for male relatives to greet women with a kiss on the mouth in order to determine whether or not they had consumed alcohol. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 153.
198. As Motto also notes ('Seneca on Women's Liberation', p. 156). It had been longstanding practice in Rome for male relatives to greet women with a kiss on the mouth in order to determine whether or not they had consumed alcohol. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 153.
199. Aristotle, Politics: The Athenian Constitution, ed. with an introduction by John Warrington (London, 1959), I.v, p. 24.
200. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, p. 54.
201. She rejected wealth, fine clothes and the petitions of her handsome and highborn suitors, preferring the simple life of the Cynic philosopher. It should be noted that the Cynics were not an organized school as such therefore it is difficult to tell whether she was representative or exceptional. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 136. Epicurus, meanwhile, is said to have admitted women as pupils. Richard Hawley, 'The Problem of Women Philosophers in Ancient Greece', in Women in Ancient Societies, ed. Archer et al., p. 74.
202. She rejected wealth, fine clothes and the petitions of her handsome and highborn suitors, preferring the simple life of the Cynic philosopher. It should be noted that the Cynics were not an organized school as such therefore it is difficult to tell whether she was representative or exceptional. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 136. Epicurus, meanwhile, is said to have admitted women as pupils. Richard Hawley, 'The Problem of Women Philosophers in Ancient Greece', in Women in Ancient Societies, ed. Archer et al., p. 74.
203. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, pp. 54, 117. Nussbaum is careful to qualify the apparent radicalism of Epicurus.
204. Yet Pomeroy reports that even slave children who had been born into a wealthy home 'stood a fair chance of receiving some education'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, pp. 170, 192.
205. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, p. 323.
206. Van Geytenbeek tells us that the unattractiveness of educated women was a common theme of Roman satire. He cites the following examples: Juvenal VI, 435-56 and Martial, II.90.9: XI, 19. Van Geytenbeek, Musonius Rufus, p. 60. Yet Pomeroy claims that an education was a social advantage for a Roman matron. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 171.
207. Van Geytenbeek tells us that the unattractiveness of educated women was a common theme of Roman satire. He cites the following examples: Juvenal VI, 435-56 and Martial, II.90.9: XI, 19. Van Geytenbeek, Musonius Rufus, p. 60. Yet Pomeroy claims that an education was a social advantage for a Roman matron. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 171.
208. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, IV, passim. Schofield reports that Lactantius states that the Stoics ruled 'that slaves and women should philosophise'. Divinae Institutiones, III.25, cited in Schofield, Stoic Idea of the City, p. 43.
209. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, IV, passim. Schofield reports that Lactantius states that the Stoics ruled 'that slaves and women should philosophise'. Divinae Institutiones, III.25, cited in Schofield, Stoic Idea of the City, p. 43.
210. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, p. 325; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, 'Should Women Too Do Philosophy?', IV, passim.
211. Nussbaum, Therapy of Desire, p. 325; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, 'Should Women Too Do Philosophy?', IV, passim.
212. The Roman Stoics, like Christians, make no restriction on those capable of achieving virtue. Stoicism distinguished between sapiens and vulgus but the distinction was not equated with the capacity for virtue. See, for example, Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, II, pp. 37-8.
213. P.A. Brunt, 'Aspects of the Social Thought of Dio Chrysostum', Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, CIC (1973), pp. 9-34, p. 23.
214. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, IV, p. 47.
215. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 136
216. Ibid., pp. 131-6.
217. It should be noted, however, that laws introduced to permit easy divorce did not so much benefit women as permit spouses and male relatives to 'discard politically useless in-laws in favour of more useful ones', Hallett, 'The Role of Women in Roman Elegy', pp. 106-7.
218. Pomeroy notes that 'Theopompus and Livy stressed the luxuriousness of Etruscan women as a factor aggravating the degeneracy of Etruria; Juvenal harped on the rottenness of Roman women as symptomatic of a sick society'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p, 212. For a further discussion on the misogyny of Juvenal and Martial see: Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 182-5; and Gunhild Viden, Women in Roman Literature (Goteborg, 1993), Ch. 6, passim.
219. Pomeroy notes that 'Theopompus and Livy stressed the luxuriousness of Etruscan women as a factor aggravating the degeneracy of Etruria; Juvenal harped on the rottenness of Roman women as symptomatic of a sick society'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p, 212. For a further discussion on the misogyny of Juvenal and Martial see: Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 182-5; and Gunhild Viden, Women in Roman Literature (Goteborg, 1993), Ch. 6, passim.
220. Pomeroy notes that 'Theopompus and Livy stressed the luxuriousness of Etruscan women as a factor aggravating the degeneracy of Etruria; Juvenal harped on the rottenness of Roman women as symptomatic of a sick society'. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p, 212. For a further discussion on the misogyny of Juvenal and Martial see: Allen, The Concept of Woman, pp. 182-5; and Gunhild Viden, Women in Roman Literature (Goteborg, 1993), Ch. 6, passim.
221. Pomeroy, Goddesses, p. 171.
222. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XIX.2, p. 483.
223. '[U]nchastity', he wrote, is 'the greatest evil of our time'. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XVI.3, p. 471; Seneca, On Benefits, 3.16.2-3, p. 157.
224. '[U]nchastity', he wrote, is 'the greatest evil of our time'. Seneca, Ad Helviam, XVI.3, p. 471; Seneca, On Benefits, 3.16.2-3, p. 157.
225. Edwards, The Politics of Immorality in Ancient Rome, pp. 38-41, 43.
226. Seneca, Martial and Juvenal took the high divorce rate among aristocratic women as 'a sign of immorality and temperamental unchastity'. It is difficult to determine whether or not the rate of divorce was in fact high during this period. J.F. Gardner, Women in Roman Law and Society (London, 1986), p. 260.
227. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', p. 172.
228. Epictetus, Discourses, II.xxiii.36-40, p. 417. In a similar fashion, Allen suggests that the Stoics propose 'a sex-unity theory of the virtues in general, but a sex-polarity of the virtues in application'. Allen, The Concept of Woman, p. 177.
229. Epictetus, Discourses, II.xxiii.36-40, p. 417. In a similar fashion, Allen suggests that the Stoics propose 'a sex-unity theory of the virtues in general, but a sex-polarity of the virtues in application'. Allen, The Concept of Woman, p. 177.
230. Epictetus, Discourses, II.xxiii.36-41, p. 417; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIV, p. 93.
231. Epictetus, Discourses, II.xxiii.36-41, p. 417; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIV, p. 93.
232. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism, p. 51.
233. Epictetus, Discourses, II.X.7-13, p. 277. See also Epictetus, Encheiridion, XXX, p. 511.
234. Epictetus, Discourses, II.X.7-13, p. 277. See also Epictetus, Encheiridion, XXX, p. 511.
235. Manning, 'Seneca and the Stoics', pp. 174-5.
236. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, III.35, p. 43.
237. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IX.5, p. 139; Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 378. See also, Epictetus, Discourses, II.x. 1-2, p. 275.
238. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IX.5, p. 139; Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 378. See also, Epictetus, Discourses, II.x. 1-2, p. 275.
239. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, IX.5, p. 139; Noyen, 'Marcus Aurelius', p. 378. See also, Epictetus, Discourses, II.x. 1-2, p. 275.
240. Epictetus, Discourses, III.vii. 19-23, p. 55; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIV.
241. Epictetus, Discourses, III.vii. 19-23, p. 55; Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XIV.
242. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations, II.16, pp. 50-1.
243. Ibid., VI.39, p. 100.
244. Seneca, Epistle, XLVII.15, p. 309.
245. MacIntyre, After Virtue, p. 158; Epictetus, Encheiridion, XXIV.
246. MacIntyre, After Virtue, p. 158; Epictetus, Encheiridion, XXIV.
247. Cicero, De Legibus, II.8-15, pp. 379-89.
248. Cicero, De Officiis, I.159, p. 163; III.vi.28-31, pp. 295-9.
249. Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 107-8; Cicero, De Officiis, I.110.
250. Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 107-8; Cicero, De Officiis, I.110.
251. Epictetus, Discourses, III.iii.5-9, p. 31.
252. Christopher Gill, 'Personhood and Personality: The Four Personae Theory in Cicero. De Officiis I', Oxford Studies in Ancient Philosophy, VI (1988), pp. 169-200, p. 175.
253. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism, p. 74.
254. Musonius, C. Musonii Rufi Reliquiae, XVI, p. 107.
255. Xenakis, Epictetus, p. 126; Cicero, De Officiis, I.xlv. 160, p. 165; Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 267-8.
256. Xenakis, Epictetus, p. 126; Cicero, De Officiis, I.xlv. 160, p. 165; Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 267-8.
257. Xenakis, Epictetus, p. 126; Cicero, De Officiis, I.xlv. 160, p. 165; Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 267-8.
258. Seneca, Epistle, XCV.8, p. 63; Epictetus, Discourses, I.i.23-7, p. 13.
259. Seneca, Epistle, XCV.8, p. 63; Epictetus, Discourses, I.i.23-7, p. 13.
260. Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa, pp. 52-6. For a fuller discussion of classical conceptions of freedom see Guy MacLean Rogers, 'Freedom in the Making of Western Culture', Arethusa, 28 (1995), pp. 87-97.
261. Erskine, The Hellenistic Stoa, pp. 52-6. For a fuller discussion of classical conceptions of freedom see Guy MacLean Rogers, 'Freedom in the Making of Western Culture', Arethusa, 28 (1995), pp. 87-97.
262. Edelstein, The Meaning of Stoicism, p. 74.
263. Gill, 'Personhood and Personality', p. 192, 'No rules' Cicero says 'need to be given about what is done in accordance with the established customs and conventions of a community; for these are in themselves rules'. Cicero, De Officiis, I.147.
264. Gill, 'Personhood and Personality', p. 192, 'No rules' Cicero says 'need to be given about what is done in accordance with the established customs and conventions of a community; for these are in themselves rules'. Cicero, De Officiis, I.147.
265. In any case, there is evidence to the effect that Panaetius did not regard officia as trumps. Annas, The Morality of Happiness, pp. 107-8.
266. Asmis, 'The Stoics on Women', pp. 86-7.
267. There are, however, intimations of such a doctrine in Hierocles. Balch, 'Stoic Debates about Marriage', p. 438.
268. H. Strasburger, 'Poseidonios on Problems of the Roman Empire', Journal of Roman Studies, LV (1965), pp. 40-53, p. 46.