Conditions for ideological production: The origins of Islamic modernism in India, Egypt, and Iran

Theory and Society

Volumn 30, Issue 5, 2001, Pages 669-731

  Moaddel, Mansoor ^a  

^a EASTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0035471122     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1013046808967     Document Type: Article

References (308)

1. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, "The German Ideology," Collected Works 5 (N.Y.: International Publishers, 19-116.
2. Ahmad Sadri, Max Weber's Sociology of Intellectuals (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 41. See also Peter L. Berger, "Charisma and Religious Innovation: The Social Location of Israelite Prophecy," American Sociological Review 28 (1963): 950.
3. Ahmad Sadri, Max Weber's Sociology of Intellectuals (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), 41. See also Peter L. Berger, "Charisma and Religious Innovation: The Social Location of Israelite Prophecy," American Sociological Review 28 (1963): 950.
4. Guy E. Swanson, Religion and Regime: A Sociological Account of the Reformation (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1967).
5. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Politics of the World-Economy: The States, the Movements, and the Civilizations (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 5.
6. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 11.
7. For a discussion of the debates on colonial history, see articles in AHR Forum by Gyan Prakash, "Sualtern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1475-1490; Florencia E. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1491-1515; and Frederick Cooper, "Conflict and Connection: Rethinking Colonial African History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994), 1516-1545. For an interesting historical case study that uses the spread of Christianity in highland Madagascar to critique studies of imperial cultural history, see Pier M. Larson, "'Capacities and Modes of Thinking': Intellectual Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History of Malagasy Christianity,' American Historical Review (October 1997): 969-1002.
8. For a discussion of the debates on colonial history, see articles in AHR Forum by Gyan Prakash, "Sualtern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1475-1490; Florencia E. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1491-1515; and Frederick Cooper, "Conflict and Connection: Rethinking Colonial African History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994), 1516-1545. For an interesting historical case study that uses the spread of Christianity in highland Madagascar to critique studies of imperial cultural history, see Pier M. Larson, "'Capacities and Modes of Thinking': Intellectual Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History of Malagasy Christianity,' American Historical Review (October 1997): 969-1002.
9. For a discussion of the debates on colonial history, see articles in AHR Forum by Gyan Prakash, "Sualtern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1475-1490; Florencia E. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1491-1515; and Frederick Cooper, "Conflict and Connection: Rethinking Colonial African History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994), 1516-1545. For an interesting historical case study that uses the spread of Christianity in highland Madagascar to critique studies of imperial cultural history, see Pier M. Larson, "'Capacities and Modes of Thinking': Intellectual Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History of Malagasy Christianity,' American Historical Review (October 1997): 969-1002.
10. For a discussion of the debates on colonial history, see articles in AHR Forum by Gyan Prakash, "Sualtern Studies as Postcolonial Criticism," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1475-1490; Florencia E. Mallon, "The Promise and Dilemma of Subaltern Studies: Perspectives from Latin American History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994): 1491-1515; and Frederick Cooper, "Conflict and Connection: Rethinking Colonial African History," American Historical Review, 99 (December 1994), 1516-1545. For an interesting historical case study that uses the spread of Christianity in highland Madagascar to critique studies of imperial cultural history, see Pier M. Larson, "'Capacities and Modes of Thinking': Intellectual Engagements and Subaltern Hegemony in the Early History of Malagasy Christianity,' American Historical Review (October 1997): 969-1002.
11. David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990), 302.
12. Robert Wuthnow "State Structures and Ideological Outcomes," American Sociological Review, 50 (December 1985), 800.
13. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish (New York: Vintage Books, 1979), 23.
14. Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
15. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (London: Penguin Books, 1977), 12. This is not a judgment on Foucault in general. On the contrary, Foucault in The Order of Things, Madness and Civilization, and The Archeology of Knowledge stressed the autonomy of culture and the way fundamental cultural codes impose order upon experience. See also J. G. Merquior, Foucault (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985). Likewise, stating that Said's argument is consistent with the corresponding perspective does not mean to overlook his impressive critique of Oriental studies.
16. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (London: Penguin Books, 1977), 12. This is not a judgment on Foucault in general. On the contrary, Foucault in The Order of Things, Madness and Civilization, and The Archeology of Knowledge stressed the autonomy of culture and the way fundamental cultural codes impose order upon experience. See also J. G. Merquior, Foucault (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985). Likewise, stating that Said's argument is consistent with the corresponding perspective does not mean to overlook his impressive critique of Oriental studies.
17. Edward W. Said, Orientalism (London: Penguin Books, 1977), 12. This is not a judgment on Foucault in general. On the contrary, Foucault in The Order of Things, Madness and Civilization, and The Archeology of Knowledge stressed the autonomy of culture and the way fundamental cultural codes impose order upon experience. See also J. G. Merquior, Foucault (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985). Likewise, stating that Said's argument is consistent with the corresponding perspective does not mean to overlook his impressive critique of Oriental studies.
18. Terry, F. Godlove, Jr. "Interpretation, Reductionism, and Belief in God," The Journal of Religion, 69/2 (1989): 185; D. Z. Phillips, Religion Without Explanation (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976); Gaston Richard, "Dogmatic Atheism in the Sociology of Religion," trans. Jacqueline Redding and W. S. F. Pickering, in Durkheim on Religion: A Selection of Readings with Bibliographies and Introductory Remarks, ed. W. S. F. Pickering (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975).
19. Terry, F. Godlove, Jr. "Interpretation, Reductionism, and Belief in God," The Journal of Religion, 69/2 (1989): 185; D. Z. Phillips, Religion Without Explanation (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976); Gaston Richard, "Dogmatic Atheism in the Sociology of Religion," trans. Jacqueline Redding and W. S. F. Pickering, in Durkheim on Religion: A Selection of Readings with Bibliographies and Introductory Remarks, ed. W. S. F. Pickering (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975).
20. Terry, F. Godlove, Jr. "Interpretation, Reductionism, and Belief in God," The Journal of Religion, 69/2 (1989): 185; D. Z. Phillips, Religion Without Explanation (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1976); Gaston Richard, "Dogmatic Atheism in the Sociology of Religion," trans. Jacqueline Redding and W. S. F. Pickering, in Durkheim on Religion: A Selection of Readings with Bibliographies and Introductory Remarks, ed. W. S. F. Pickering (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975).
21. Robert Wuthnow, Communities of Discourse: Ideology and Social Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and European Socialism (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 3.
22. Ibid., 535.
23. Ibid., 1-22, 481, 530-531.
24. Wuthnow claimed that nothing was inevitable, even the development of capitalism was not inevitable (ibid., 581).
25. Randall Collins, The Sociology of Philosophies: A Global Theory of Intellectual Change (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), 38, 42, 791.
26. Ibid., 380.
27. Ibid., 388, 379, 380.
28. Ibid., 791.
29. Ibid., 791-792.
30. Collins abandoned the ethnocentrism of Western scholarship which considered Asia as exotic and "non-Western cultures as unique sensibilities running on distinctive inner logics" (379). He showed that the long-run intellectual tendency in all philosophical traditions was toward raising the level of abstraction and reflexivity, even though each tradition was emanating from a different starting point: "issues of ritual propriety in ancient China, cosmological myth in India and Greece, theological disputes in early Islam" (788). Collins rejected the unilinear evolutionism of the modernization perspective in favor of a multi-linear evolution of different cultural traditions. By stressing the equal potential of all philosophical traditions to move in the direction of increasing abstraction and reflexivity, Collins's approach parallels Chomsky's theory of universal grammar. Nevertheless, overcoming Eurocentrism is one thing, glossing over serious differences among the world's cultural traditions is quite another. To examine an example of such differences, we may consider the difference in the conception of "man" in Islam and Christianity, which might have contributed to the formation of different forms of political institution. "Christian political thinkers began from the premises that man was a disobedient sinner and that the Almighty detested the stench of anarchy" (see Lewis Perry, Intellectual Life in America: A History, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989, 8). Given man's essentially evil character, the Western political thinkers were hard at work trying to devise a formula to tame and control the ruling elite. Such a pessimistic view of human nature in fact might have led to a more positive development of modern democratic political institutions, as thinkers like James Madison devised a system of check and balances to keep rulers from misrule. In the Islamic tradition, on the other hand, there is an (overly) optimistic view of man - that he is essentially noble in character. This positive view, it may be postulated, ensures the continued presence of a system of patriarchy in the modern Islamic world. For, there was no need to question the power of the patriarch, who is in essence a do-gooder. For allegedly other important differences between Islam and Judeo-Christian tradition, see Bernard Lewis, "Islam and Liberal Democracy," The Atlantic Monthly (February 1993). Explaining such differences in the world's cultural traditions requires positing intellectual creativity within the specific cultural and sociopolitical context of debates over historically significant issues. The variations in such contexts may explain the subtle differences in intellectual creativity across diverse traditions.
31. Collins abandoned the ethnocentrism of Western scholarship which considered Asia as exotic and "non-Western cultures as unique sensibilities running on distinctive inner logics" (379). He showed that the long-run intellectual tendency in all philosophical traditions was toward raising the level of abstraction and reflexivity, even though each tradition was emanating from a different starting point: "issues of ritual propriety in ancient China, cosmological myth in India and Greece, theological disputes in early Islam" (788). Collins rejected the unilinear evolutionism of the modernization perspective in favor of a multi-linear evolution of different cultural traditions. By stressing the equal potential of all philosophical traditions to move in the direction of increasing abstraction and reflexivity, Collins's approach parallels Chomsky's theory of universal grammar. Nevertheless, overcoming Eurocentrism is one thing, glossing over serious differences among the world's cultural traditions is quite another. To examine an example of such differences, we may consider the difference in the conception of "man" in Islam and Christianity, which might have contributed to the formation of different forms of political institution. "Christian political thinkers began from the premises that man was a disobedient sinner and that the Almighty detested the stench of anarchy" (see Lewis Perry, Intellectual Life in America: A History, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989, 8). Given man's essentially evil character, the Western political thinkers were hard at work trying to devise a formula to tame and control the ruling elite. Such a pessimistic view of human nature in fact might have led to a more positive development of modern democratic political institutions, as thinkers like James Madison devised a system of check and balances to keep rulers from misrule. In the Islamic tradition, on the other hand, there is an (overly) optimistic view of man - that he is essentially noble in character. This positive view, it may be postulated, ensures the continued presence of a system of patriarchy in the modern Islamic world. For, there was no need to question the power of the patriarch, who is in essence a do-gooder. For allegedly other important differences between Islam and Judeo-Christian tradition, see Bernard Lewis, "Islam and Liberal Democracy," The Atlantic Monthly (February 1993). Explaining such differences in the world's cultural traditions requires positing intellectual creativity within the specific cultural and sociopolitical context of debates over historically significant issues. The variations in such contexts may explain the subtle differences in intellectual creativity across diverse traditions.
32. Jeffrey C. Alexander and Philip Smith, "The Discourse of American Civil Society: A New Proposal for Cultural Studies," Theory and Society, 22/2 (1993) 156-157; Terence Hawkes, Structuralism and Semiotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 19-27.
33. Jeffrey C. Alexander and Philip Smith, "The Discourse of American Civil Society: A New Proposal for Cultural Studies," Theory and Society, 22/2 (1993) 156-157; Terence Hawkes, Structuralism and Semiotics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 19-27.
34. This view is consistent with Herbert Blumer's symbolic interactionist perspective - that humans act toward things on the basis of the meanings they attach to them, and that these meanings arise out of social interactions. See Herbert Blumer, Symbolic Interactionism: Perspective and Method (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1969).
35. Michael Holquist, Dialogism: Bakhtin and his World (New York: Routledge, 1990), 49.
36. Holquist, 21.
37. Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, "Sociology of religion and sociology of knowledge," in Roland Robertson, editor, Sociology of Religion (New York: Penguin Books, 1969), 70.
38. William Sim Bainbridge, "Social Influence and Religious Pluralism," Advanced in Group Processes, 12 (1995): 1-18, JAI Press; R. Finke and R. Stark, "Evaluating the Evidence: Religious Economies and Sacred Canopies," American Sociological Review, 54 (1989): 1054-1056.
39. William Sim Bainbridge, "Social Influence and Religious Pluralism," Advanced in Group Processes, 12 (1995): 1-18, JAI Press; R. Finke and R. Stark, "Evaluating the Evidence: Religious Economies and Sacred Canopies," American Sociological Review, 54 (1989): 1054-1056.
40. Reuben Levy, An Introduction to the Sociology of Islam (London: Williams and Norgate Limited, 1933); Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'i Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).
41. Reuben Levy, An Introduction to the Sociology of Islam (London: Williams and Norgate Limited, 1933); Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi'i Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985).
42. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, "Al-Mawardi's Theory of the Khilafah," Islamic Culture (1937) vol. xi, 291-302; Erwin I. J. Rosenthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory Outline (Cambridge: Camridge University Press, 1958), 28.
43. Hamilton A. R. Gibb, "Al-Mawardi's Theory of the Khilafah," Islamic Culture (1937) vol. xi, 291-302; Erwin I. J. Rosenthal, Political Thought in Medieval Islam: An Introductory Outline (Cambridge: Camridge University Press, 1958), 28.
44. Rosenthal, 38, 42, 239, n. 34; S.A. Rizvi, "Islam in Medieval India," in A. L. Basham, A Cultural History of India (Oxford: Calrendom, 1975), 283.
45. Rosenthal, 38, 42, 239, n. 34; S.A. Rizvi, "Islam in Medieval India," in A. L. Basham, A Cultural History of India (Oxford: Calrendom, 1975), 283.
46. Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age: 1798-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 21.
47. Said A. Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), 109.
48. Fereydoun Adami'yat, 1976/2535, Idi'olozhi-ye Nahzat-i Mashrutiyat-i Iran [The Ideology of the Constitutional Movement in Iran] (Tehran, Iran: Payam Publications, 1976), 197; Said A. Arjomand, The Shadow of God, 255.
49. Fereydoun Adami'yat, 1976/2535, Idi'olozhi-ye Nahzat-i Mashrutiyat-i Iran [The Ideology of the Constitutional Movement in Iran] (Tehran, Iran: Payam Publications, 1976), 197; Said A. Arjomand, The Shadow of God, 255.
50. Inventions in the means of transportation and communication accelerated this process. Travel became easier and faster, durable commodities and material culture were produced and transported on a larger scale, and written texts were reproduced more rapidly and, through translations, made available to larger audiences and consumers in the world. Established in the Islamic world in the nineteenth century, the invention of the printing press significantly enhanced the transfer of meaning. Oral transmission of knowledge gave way to written, and ideas were exchanged in a more systematic, less personal, less immediate, more abstract, and more intellectual manner, and on much larger scales and volumes. See Francis Robinson, "Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asia Studies, 27 (February 1993): 231-232; Marshall McLuban, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962); George Steiner, Language and Silence (London: Faber and Faber, 1967); and G. Baumann, editor, The Written Word: Literacy in Transition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).
51. Inventions in the means of transportation and communication accelerated this process. Travel became easier and faster, durable commodities and material culture were produced and transported on a larger scale, and written texts were reproduced more rapidly and, through translations, made available to larger audiences and consumers in the world. Established in the Islamic world in the nineteenth century, the invention of the printing press significantly enhanced the transfer of meaning. Oral transmission of knowledge gave way to written, and ideas were exchanged in a more systematic, less personal, less immediate, more abstract, and more intellectual manner, and on much larger scales and volumes. See Francis Robinson, "Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asia Studies, 27 (February 1993): 231-232; Marshall McLuban, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962); George Steiner, Language and Silence (London: Faber and Faber, 1967); and G. Baumann, editor, The Written Word: Literacy in Transition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).
52. Inventions in the means of transportation and communication accelerated this process. Travel became easier and faster, durable commodities and material culture were produced and transported on a larger scale, and written texts were reproduced more rapidly and, through translations, made available to larger audiences and consumers in the world. Established in the Islamic world in the nineteenth century, the invention of the printing press significantly enhanced the transfer of meaning. Oral transmission of knowledge gave way to written, and ideas were exchanged in a more systematic, less personal, less immediate, more abstract, and more intellectual manner, and on much larger scales and volumes. See Francis Robinson, "Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asia Studies, 27 (February 1993): 231-232; Marshall McLuban, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962); George Steiner, Language and Silence (London: Faber and Faber, 1967); and G. Baumann, editor, The Written Word: Literacy in Transition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).
53. Inventions in the means of transportation and communication accelerated this process. Travel became easier and faster, durable commodities and material culture were produced and transported on a larger scale, and written texts were reproduced more rapidly and, through translations, made available to larger audiences and consumers in the world. Established in the Islamic world in the nineteenth century, the invention of the printing press significantly enhanced the transfer of meaning. Oral transmission of knowledge gave way to written, and ideas were exchanged in a more systematic, less personal, less immediate, more abstract, and more intellectual manner, and on much larger scales and volumes. See Francis Robinson, "Islam and the Impact of Print," Modern Asia Studies, 27 (February 1993): 231-232; Marshall McLuban, The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1962); George Steiner, Language and Silence (London: Faber and Faber, 1967); and G. Baumann, editor, The Written Word: Literacy in Transition (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986).
54. See C. A. Baylay, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707). (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963); Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, The Jagirdari Crisis, and the Village (Delhi: MacMillian, 1982), 46-75; and John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990), 625-638.
55. See C. A. Baylay, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707). (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963); Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, The Jagirdari Crisis, and the Village (Delhi: MacMillian, 1982), 46-75; and John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990), 625-638.
56. See C. A. Baylay, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707). (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963); Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, The Jagirdari Crisis, and the Village (Delhi: MacMillian, 1982), 46-75; and John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990), 625-638.
57. See C. A. Baylay, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707). (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963); Satish Chandra, Medieval India: Society, The Jagirdari Crisis, and the Village (Delhi: MacMillian, 1982), 46-75; and John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990), 625-638.
58. C. A. Baylay, Indian Society, 5.
59. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
60. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
61. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
62. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
63. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
64. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
65. Ibid., 4-10. See also Farhat Hasan, "Indigenous Cooperation and the Birth of a Colonial City: Calcutta, c. 1698-1750," Modern Asian Studies 26/1 (1992), and "The Mughal Fiscal System in Surat and the English East India Company," Modern Asian Studies, 27/4 (1993); Surendra Gopal, "Nobility and the Mercantile Community in India, XVI-XVIIth Centuries," Journal of Indian History, vol. L (1972): 795-798; John F. Richards, "The Seventeenth-Century Crisis in South Asia," Modern Asian Studies, 24/4 (1990); Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System of Mughal India (1556-1707) (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1963), 335; S. M. Ikram, Muslim Civilization in India (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964); 223-227.
66. In the early nineteenth century, these trends included three principal centers of theological education: the reformism and eclectic traditionalism of the school of Shah Wali-Allah in Delhi, the apolitical school of Farangi Mahal at Lucknow, and the Khayrabad seminary that stressed medieval philosophy and logic. In the second half of the century, the Deoband conservative school that synthesized the three traditions rose to prominence. See Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan: 1857-1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967); and Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deaband 1860-1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
67. In the early nineteenth century, these trends included three principal centers of theological education: the reformism and eclectic traditionalism of the school of Shah Wali-Allah in Delhi, the apolitical school of Farangi Mahal at Lucknow, and the Khayrabad seminary that stressed medieval philosophy and logic. In the second half of the century, the Deoband conservative school that synthesized the three traditions rose to prominence. See Aziz Ahmad, Islamic Modernism in India and Pakistan: 1857-1964 (London: Oxford University Press, 1967); and Barbara D. Metcalf, Islamic Revival in British India: Deaband 1860-1900 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982).
68. Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 205; D. D. Baljon, Jr., The Reforms and Religious Ideas of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore, Paicistan: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1970), 2.
69. Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 205; D. D. Baljon, Jr., The Reforms and Religious Ideas of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore, Paicistan: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1970), 2.
70. Sayyid Ahmad Khan faced enormous oppositions from the conservatives. The main opponents of the establishment of Aligarh College and its educational program were Imad Ali, Muhammad Ali, and Ali Bakhsh who procured fatwas from the ulama of various Indian cities and also from Mecca and Medina, declaring Sayyid, "officially," among other things, "the khalifa (representative) of the Devil himself who is intent upon leading Muslims astray," whose "perfidy is worse than that of the Jews and Christians" (See Christian W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: a Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology (New Delhi: 1978), 20-21; Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, trans. K. H. Qadiri and Dvaid J. Matthews (Delhi, India: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979), 541. Another of Sayyid's principal critics, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, while conceding that Sayyid Ahmad Khan might be a well-wisher of Muslims, regarded his religious ideas as a "deadly poison" for Islam. See Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 106.
71. Sayyid Ahmad Khan faced enormous oppositions from the conservatives. The main opponents of the establishment of Aligarh College and its educational program were Imad Ali, Muhammad Ali, and Ali Bakhsh who procured fatwas from the ulama of various Indian cities and also from Mecca and Medina, declaring Sayyid, "officially," among other things, "the khalifa (representative) of the Devil himself who is intent upon leading Muslims astray," whose "perfidy is worse than that of the Jews and Christians" (See Christian W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: a Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology (New Delhi: 1978), 20-21; Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, trans. K. H. Qadiri and Dvaid J. Matthews (Delhi, India: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979), 541. Another of Sayyid's principal critics, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, while conceding that Sayyid Ahmad Khan might be a well-wisher of Muslims, regarded his religious ideas as a "deadly poison" for Islam. See Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 106.
72. Sayyid Ahmad Khan faced enormous oppositions from the conservatives. The main opponents of the establishment of Aligarh College and its educational program were Imad Ali, Muhammad Ali, and Ali Bakhsh who procured fatwas from the ulama of various Indian cities and also from Mecca and Medina, declaring Sayyid, "officially," among other things, "the khalifa (representative) of the Devil himself who is intent upon leading Muslims astray," whose "perfidy is worse than that of the Jews and Christians" (See Christian W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmad Khan: a Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology (New Delhi: 1978), 20-21; Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed, trans. K. H. Qadiri and Dvaid J. Matthews (Delhi, India: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979), 541. Another of Sayyid's principal critics, Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, while conceding that Sayyid Ahmad Khan might be a well-wisher of Muslims, regarded his religious ideas as a "deadly poison" for Islam. See Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 106.
73. This is not to argue that pre-modern India had a monolithic culture. In fact, the country's population was divided in terms of language, religious sects, and ethnicity. See Barbara Metcalf, Presidential Address: Too Little and Too Much: Reflections on Musims in the History of India," The Journal of Asian Studies 54/4 (November 1995): 951-967; and P. Hardy, The Muslim of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).
74. This is not to argue that pre-modern India had a monolithic culture. In fact, the country's population was divided in terms of language, religious sects, and ethnicity. See Barbara Metcalf, Presidential Address: Too Little and Too Much: Reflections on Musims in the History of India," The Journal of Asian Studies 54/4 (November 1995): 951-967; and P. Hardy, The Muslim of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).
75. Duncan Forbes, "James Mill and India," The Cambridge Journal, vol. v, no. 1 (October, 1951): 19-33; G.T. Garratt, editor, "Indo-British Civilization," in The Legacy of India (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1937), 398; J. Majeed, "James Mill's 'The History of British India' and Utilitarianism as a Rhetoric of Reform," Modern Asian Studies, 24/2 (1990): 209; Sir William Jones, The Letters of Sir William Jones, ed. Garland Cannon (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1970), vol. 2, 794.
76. Duncan Forbes, "James Mill and India," The Cambridge Journal, vol. v, no. 1 (October, 1951): 19-33; G.T. Garratt, editor, "Indo-British Civilization," in The Legacy of India (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1937), 398; J. Majeed, "James Mill's 'The History of British India' and Utilitarianism as a Rhetoric of Reform," Modern Asian Studies, 24/2 (1990): 209; Sir William Jones, The Letters of Sir William Jones, ed. Garland Cannon (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1970), vol. 2, 794.
77. Duncan Forbes, "James Mill and India," The Cambridge Journal, vol. v, no. 1 (October, 1951): 19-33; G.T. Garratt, editor, "Indo-British Civilization," in The Legacy of India (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1937), 398; J. Majeed, "James Mill's 'The History of British India' and Utilitarianism as a Rhetoric of Reform," Modern Asian Studies, 24/2 (1990): 209; Sir William Jones, The Letters of Sir William Jones, ed. Garland Cannon (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1970), vol. 2, 794.
78. Duncan Forbes, "James Mill and India," The Cambridge Journal, vol. v, no. 1 (October, 1951): 19-33; G.T. Garratt, editor, "Indo-British Civilization," in The Legacy of India (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1937), 398; J. Majeed, "James Mill's 'The History of British India' and Utilitarianism as a Rhetoric of Reform," Modern Asian Studies, 24/2 (1990): 209; Sir William Jones, The Letters of Sir William Jones, ed. Garland Cannon (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1970), vol. 2, 794.
79. James Mill, The History of British India, vol. 1 (London: James Madden, 1848), 309.
80. Forbes, 29.
81. Ibid. See also W. W. Hunter, The Indian Musalmans (London: 1871), 136.
82. Ibid. See also W. W. Hunter, The Indian Musalmans (London: 1871), 136.
83. M. P. Jain, Outlines of Indian Legal History (Delhi, India: Dhanwantra Medical and Law, 1952), 394-396.
84. Julius D.D. Richter, A History of Missions in India, trans. Sydney H. Moore (London: Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, 1908), 128; Calcutta Review (1844): 379.
85. Julius D.D. Richter, A History of Missions in India, trans. Sydney H. Moore (London: Oliphant Anderson & Ferrier, 1908), 128; Calcutta Review (1844): 379.
86. Forbes persuasively demonstrated that Mill's real target was the Church of England.
87. Calcutta Review (1845): 418.
88. Calcutta Review (1845, 1851, 1852, 1855), and A. Sprenger, The Life of Muhammad (Allahabad, India: 1851).
89. Calcutta Review (1845, 1851, 1852, 1855), and A. Sprenger, The Life of Muhammad (Allahabad, India: 1851).
90. Richter, 329; Woman's Work for Woman (1871, 1873, 1880).
91. Richter, 329; Woman's Work for Woman (1871, 1873, 1880).
92. Hardy, 169.
93. Calcutta Review (1845), 447, 468; (1852), 412; A. A. Powell, "Maulana Rahmat Allah Kairanawi and Muslim-Christian Controversy in India in the Mid-19th Century," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 1 (1976): 47.
94. Calcutta Review (1845), 447, 468; (1852), 412; A. A. Powell, "Maulana Rahmat Allah Kairanawi and Muslim-Christian Controversy in India in the Mid-19th Century," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 1 (1976): 47.
95. Powell, 56-58, Ahmad Islamic Modernism, 26-27; Calcutta Review (1845): 435-467.
96. Powell, 56-58, Ahmad Islamic Modernism, 26-27; Calcutta Review (1845): 435-467.
97. C. A. Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1988); Erik Stokes, The Peasant Armed: The Indian Rebellion of 1857, ed. C. A. Bayly (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986); Gautam Bhadra, "Four Rebels of Eighteen-Fifty-Seven," Selected Subaltern Studies, ed. Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 129-175.
98. C. A. Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1988); Erik Stokes, The Peasant Armed: The Indian Rebellion of 1857, ed. C. A. Bayly (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986); Gautam Bhadra, "Four Rebels of Eighteen-Fifty-Seven," Selected Subaltern Studies, ed. Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 129-175.
99. C. A. Bayly, Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1988); Erik Stokes, The Peasant Armed: The Indian Rebellion of 1857, ed. C. A. Bayly (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986); Gautam Bhadra, "Four Rebels of Eighteen-Fifty-Seven," Selected Subaltern Studies, ed. Ranajit Guha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 129-175.
100. According to Sayyid Ahmad Khan, the missionaries provoked Muslims and Hindus by denouncing their religions in terms of the medieval tradition of virulence and abuse. See Sayyid Ahmad Khan, The Causes of the Indian Revolt, trans. G. Graham and A. Colvin (Lahore: The Book House, 1873), 25.
101. Altaf Husain Hali, Hayat-i-Javed (Delhi, India: Idarah-i Adabiyat-i Delli, 1979), trans. K. H. Qadiri and Dvaid J. Matthews, 49.
102. In Malik's assessment, had not the wars of 1857 broken out, he probably would have ended his life as a minor judicial official with a dozen mediocre books to his name. Hafeez Malik, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Muslim Modernization in India and Pakistan (New York, 1980), 76.
103. Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 40-41; Hali, 75; and Troll.
104. Bashir Ahmad Dar, Religious Thought of Sayyid Ahmad Khan (Lahore, India: Institute of Islamic Culture 1957), 140.
105. Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 42-43; Troll, 171-193;
106. Asaf Hussain, Islamic movements in Egypt, Pakistan and Iran (London: Mansell Publishing, 1970), 171-184.
107. Hussain, 185-196; Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 45-49.
108. Malik, 87.
109. Moulvi Cheragh Ali, The Proposed Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Mohammadan States (Bombay: Education Society Press, 1883), xxvii.
110. Malcolm MacColl, "Are Reforms Possible Under Mussulman Rule," Contemporary Review, (August 1881): 257-281.
111. Chiragh Ali, Proposed, 3-8, 11.
112. Ibid., 11.
113. Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 52-53.
114. Cited in Gail Minault, "Sayyid Mumtaz Ali and 'Huquq un-Niswan': An Advocate of Women's Rights in Islam in the Late Nineteenth Century," Modern Asian Studies 24/1 (1990): 152.
115. Minault, 153-154, Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 72.
116. For sure, this question was not the exclusive concern of the modernists. For the traditionalists (Ahl-i Hadis), Islamic history was that of a consistent retrogression from its golden age of the Prophet.
117. In colonial history, "Muslims served as a foil against which the British defined themselves: by saying that Muslims were oppressive, incompetent, lascivious, and given to self-indulgence, the colonial British could define precisely what they imagined themselves to be, namely, enlightened, competent, disciplined, and judicious. At the same time, they imputed to Muslims certain qualities they admired, like qualities of masculinity and vigor, in contrast to the allegedly effeminate Hindus. Such stereotypes shaped policy and legitimated British presence to themselves, and, for a considerable period of time, to many of those they ruled as well." Metcalf "Presidential Address," 953-954; Thomas R. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 138-144.
118. Cheragh Ali, A Critical Exposition of the Popular "Jihad" (Karachi, Pakistan: Karimsons, 1977), I-II.
119. Numani Shilbi, Sirat al-Nabi, translated by Fazulur Rahman (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society, 1970), 59-60.
120. Numani Shibli, Omar The Great, trans. Muhammad Saleem (Lahore, Pakistan: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1962), 5.
121. Ibid., 13-20.
122. Ibid., 167-173.
123. Ibid., 187-195.
124. Maulavi Sayed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam (London: Christophers, 1922), 122-128.
125. Ibid., xxxiii, lii.
126. Ibid., 247.
127. Ibid., 250-260
128. Ibid., 264.
129. Ibid., 230.
130. Ibid., 211-215.
131. Afaf Lutfi Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammed Ali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 1-7, 181; Gabriel Baer, A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt 1800-1950 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 3-4; Robert F. Hunter, Egypt under the Khedives, 1805-1879: From Household Government to Modern Bureaucracy, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1984), 17.
132. Afaf Lutfi Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammed Ali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 1-7, 181; Gabriel Baer, A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt 1800-1950 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 3-4; Robert F. Hunter, Egypt under the Khedives, 1805-1879: From Household Government to Modern Bureaucracy, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1984), 17.
133. Afaf Lutfi Marsot, Egypt in the Reign of Muhammed Ali (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 1-7, 181; Gabriel Baer, A History of Landownership in Modern Egypt 1800-1950 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 3-4; Robert F. Hunter, Egypt under the Khedives, 1805-1879: From Household Government to Modern Bureaucracy, (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1984), 17.
134. Hourani, 54; and J. Heyworth-Dunne, An Introduction to The History of Education in Modern Egypt (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1968), 145.
135. Panayiotis J. Vatikiotis, The History of Egypt (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1980).
136. Abdel Rahim Mustafa, "The Breakdown of the Monopoly System in Egypt After the 1840s," in Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt, ed. Peter M. Holt (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 291-307; Hamied Ansari, Egypt: The Stalled Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), 63, 74.
137. Abdel Rahim Mustafa, "The Breakdown of the Monopoly System in Egypt After the 1840s," in Political and Social Change in Modern Egypt, ed. Peter M. Holt (London: Oxford University Press, 1968), 291-307; Hamied Ansari, Egypt: The Stalled Society (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), 63, 74.
138. Afaf Lutfi Marsot, "The Ulama of Cairo in the !Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries," in Nikki R. Keddie, Scholars, Saints, and Sufis (Los Angeles: University of California Press), 43.
139. For an overview of the missions and intellectual orientations of Roudat al-Madaris, see Muhammad Abd al-Ghany Hasan and Abd al-Aziz al-Dosouqi, Roudat al-Madaris (Cairo: al-Hayat al-Misriyya al-Aama al-Kitab, 1975).
140. Two Syrian Christians, Yaqub Sarruf and Faris Nimr, founded al-Muqtataf in Beirut in 1876, but weary of the everlasting vexation of the Ottoman officials, the editors immigrated to Egypt and continued the publication of the journal there. See Martin Hartmann, The Arabic Press of Egypt (London: Luzac & Co., 1899), 11, 69-70.
141. Farag, on the other hand, argued that the immediate reason for the departure of Sarruf, Nimr, and Makarius from Syria was the Lewis affair. See Nadia Farag, "The Lewis Affair and the Fortunes of al-Muqtataf," Middle Eastern Studies, 8/1 (January 1972): 73-83.
142. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 133.
143. al-Muqtataf, vol. 5 (1880): 10.
144. al-Muqtataf, vol. 6 (1881): 313.
145. al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 (1882): 2-6.
146. al-Muqtataf, vol. 17 (1893): 101.
147. al-Muqtataf, vol. 20 (1896): 161-165.
148. al-Muqtataf, vol. 23 (1898): 801-805.
149. al-Muqtataf, vol. 29 (1904), 1-8.
150. For example, see al-Muqtataf, vol. 2 (1877), 107, 208; and vol. 7 (1882), 134.
151. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 141, 174, 231, 276, 279, 268.
152. See Abdel A. Ziadat, Western Science in the Arab World: The Impact of Darwinism, 1860-1930 (London: The Macmillan Company, 1986), 26-27. See also al-Muqtataf, 30 (1905): 565.
153. See Abdel A. Ziadat, Western Science in the Arab World: The Impact of Darwinism, 1860-1930 (London: The Macmillan Company, 1986), 26-27. See also al-Muqtataf, 30 (1905): 565.
154. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 160; vol. 4 (1879): 256; vol. 8 (1883): 573; and vol. 11 (1886): 486. Articles that criticized women's situation appeared, arguing that women, like men, are intelligent. Emphasizing the significance of the role of mother in society, of educating women, and of teaching them their rights, these articles pushed forward the idea of equality between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 [1882], 279; vol. 8 [1883], 7, 52, 53, 358, 469, 641, 548, 585). Writers and contributors also debated woman's role outside her home, and her rights. Abu Khatir and Salim Shakra exchanged ideas on women's right to education (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 634, 676, 739). Another commentator, Wadeh al-Khouri, praised women's situation in England, France, and the U.S., indicating that they had the mental capability to perform important social functions if they were given opportunities similar to men. A Najeeb Antonios criticizes him for going too far in imputing rights to women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 170, 232). Shibli Shummayal, in his essay on "Are men and women equal?"enumerated the physiological differences between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 355-360, 401). Yaqub Sarruf used the word "feminist" in his eulogy of Miriam Nimir Macarios (1860-1887), an activist for women's rights [vol. 12 (1887): 435]. Other articles on women covered topics like "high esteem of women under the Pharaohs" [vol. 12 (1887): 677], 'women and elections," [vol. 13 (1888): 624], a discussion of a book on women's rights in Islam by the first inspector of Arabic science from the Ministry of Education [vol. 15 (1890), 268], the claim that women's mental capability was weaker than men [vol. 15 (1890): 376-383], and that women had smaller brains than men [vol. 16 (1891): 643].
155. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 160; vol. 4 (1879): 256; vol. 8 (1883): 573; and vol. 11 (1886): 486. Articles that criticized women's situation appeared, arguing that women, like men, are intelligent. Emphasizing the significance of the role of mother in society, of educating women, and of teaching them their rights, these articles pushed forward the idea of equality between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 [1882], 279; vol. 8 [1883], 7, 52, 53, 358, 469, 641, 548, 585). Writers and contributors also debated woman's role outside her home, and her rights. Abu Khatir and Salim Shakra exchanged ideas on women's right to education (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 634, 676, 739). Another commentator, Wadeh al-Khouri, praised women's situation in England, France, and the U.S., indicating that they had the mental capability to perform important social functions if they were given opportunities similar to men. A Najeeb Antonios criticizes him for going too far in imputing rights to women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 170, 232). Shibli Shummayal, in his essay on "Are men and women equal?"enumerated the physiological differences between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 355-360, 401). Yaqub Sarruf used the word "feminist" in his eulogy of Miriam Nimir Macarios (1860-1887), an activist for women's rights [vol. 12 (1887): 435]. Other articles on women covered topics like "high esteem of women under the Pharaohs" [vol. 12 (1887): 677], 'women and elections," [vol. 13 (1888): 624], a discussion of a book on women's rights in Islam by the first inspector of Arabic science from the Ministry of Education [vol. 15 (1890), 268], the claim that women's mental capability was weaker than men [vol. 15 (1890): 376-383], and that women had smaller brains than men [vol. 16 (1891): 643].
156. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 160; vol. 4 (1879): 256; vol. 8 (1883): 573; and vol. 11 (1886): 486. Articles that criticized women's situation appeared, arguing that women, like men, are intelligent. Emphasizing the significance of the role of mother in society, of educating women, and of teaching them their rights, these articles pushed forward the idea of equality between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 [1882], 279; vol. 8 [1883], 7, 52, 53, 358, 469, 641, 548, 585). Writers and contributors also debated woman's role outside her home, and her rights. Abu Khatir and Salim Shakra exchanged ideas on women's right to education (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 634, 676, 739). Another commentator, Wadeh al-Khouri, praised women's situation in England, France, and the U.S., indicating that they had the mental capability to perform important social functions if they were given opportunities similar to men. A Najeeb Antonios criticizes him for going too far in imputing rights to women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 170, 232). Shibli Shummayal, in his essay on "Are men and women equal?"enumerated the physiological differences between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 355-360, 401). Yaqub Sarruf used the word "feminist" in his eulogy of Miriam Nimir Macarios (1860-1887), an activist for women's rights [vol. 12 (1887): 435]. Other articles on women covered topics like "high esteem of women under the Pharaohs" [vol. 12
157. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 160; vol. 4 (1879): 256; vol. 8 (1883): 573; and vol. 11 (1886): 486. Articles that criticized women's situation appeared, arguing that women, like men, are intelligent. Emphasizing the significance of the role of mother in society, of educating women, and of teaching them their rights, these articles pushed forward the idea of equality between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 [1882], 279; vol. 8 [1883], 7, 52, 53, 358, 469, 641, 548, 585). Writers and contributors also debated woman's role outside her home, and her rights. Abu Khatir and Salim Shakra exchanged ideas on women's right to education (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 634, 676, 739). Another commentator, Wadeh al-Khouri, praised women's situation in England, France, and the U.S., indicating that they had the mental capability to perform important social functions if they were given opportunities similar to men. A Najeeb Antonios criticizes him for going too far in imputing rights to women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 170, 232). Shibli Shummayal, in his essay on "Are men and women equal?"enumerated the physiological differences between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 355-360, 401). Yaqub Sarruf used the word "feminist" in his eulogy of Miriam Nimir Macarios (1860-1887), an activist for women's rights [vol. 12 (1887): 435]. Other articles on women covered topics like "high esteem of women under the Pharaohs" [vol. 12 (1887): 677], 'women and elections," [vol. 13 (1888): 624], a discussion of a book on women's rights in Islam by the first inspector of Arabic science from the Ministry of Education [vol. 15 (1890), 268], the claim that women's mental capability was weaker than men [vol. 15 (1890): 376-383], and that women had smaller brains than men [vol. 16 (1891): 643].
158. al-Muqtataf, vol. 1 (1876): 160; vol. 4 (1879): 256; vol. 8 (1883): 573; and vol. 11 (1886): 486. Articles that criticized women's situation appeared, arguing that women, like men, are intelligent. Emphasizing the significance of the role of mother in society, of educating women, and of teaching them their rights, these articles pushed forward the idea of equality between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 7 [1882], 279; vol. 8 [1883], 7, 52, 53, 358, 469, 641, 548, 585). Writers and contributors also debated woman's role outside her home, and her rights. Abu Khatir and Salim Shakra exchanged ideas on women's right to education (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 634, 676, 739). Another commentator, Wadeh al-Khouri, praised women's situation in England, France, and the U.S., indicating that they had the mental capability to perform important social functions if they were given opportunities similar to men. A Najeeb Antonios criticizes him for going too far in imputing rights to women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 170, 232). Shibli Shummayal, in his essay on "Are men and women equal?"enumerated the physiological differences between men and women (al-Muqtataf, vol. 11 [1886]: 355-360, 401). Yaqub Sarruf used the word "feminist" in his eulogy of Miriam Nimir Macarios (1860-1887), an activist for women's rights [vol. 12 (1887): 435]. Other articles on women covered topics like "high esteem of women under the Pharaohs" [vol. 12 (1887): 677], 'women and elections," [vol. 13 (1888): 624], a discussion of a book on women's rights in Islam by the first inspector of Arabic science from the Ministry of Education [vol. 15 (1890), 268], the claim that women's mental capability was weaker than men [vol. 15 (1890): 376-383], and that women had smaller brains than men [vol. 16 (1891): 643].
159. The Englishman, said Cromer, "will scrupulously abstain from interference in religious matters. He will be eager to explain that proselytism forms no part of his political programme." Evelyn Baring Cromer, Modern Egypt (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1908), vol. 2,141.
160. Cromer, 135.
161. Ibid., 163.
162. Ibid., 139, 155.
163. Ibid., 157.
164. While France was espousing the cause of their bondholders in Egypt and the protection of the Suez Canal, England was more anxious to protect its interests in Egypt because eighty-nine percent of all shipping through the Canal was British and the Canal had strategic importance as the artery to India and the other colonies of the Far East. See Afaf Lutfi Al-Sayyid, Egypt and Cromer: A Study in Anglo-Egyptian Relations (New York: Praeger, 1968), 1-2.
165. It is noteworthy that "before the occupation was decided upon Gladstone mentioned the rights 'of the foreign bondholders' as on a par with those of the Sultan, the Khedive, and the people of Egypt." See H. C. G. Matthew, The Gladstone Diaries (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), vol. 10, 1xxii.
166. Wilfrid S. Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (N.Y.: Howard Fertig, 1967 [1895]), 9. Al-Muqtataf (mo, vol. 5: 154) viewed British occupation as beneficial for Egypt. Most of the Syrian émigrés were dedicated to the Westernization process and had a strong influence on the climate of opinion in Egypt. See Jack A. Crabbs, The Writing of History in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cairo: The American University Press, 1984), 185-186; Jamal Mohammad Ahmed, The Intellectual Origins of Egyptian Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 30-31.
167. Wilfrid S. Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (N.Y.: Howard Fertig, 1967 [1895]), 9. Al-Muqtataf (mo, vol. 5: 154) viewed British occupation as beneficial for Egypt. Most of the Syrian émigrés were dedicated to the Westernization process and had a strong influence on the climate of opinion in Egypt. See Jack A. Crabbs, The Writing of History in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cairo: The American University Press, 1984), 185-186; Jamal Mohammad Ahmed, The Intellectual Origins of Egyptian Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 30-31.
168. Wilfrid S. Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (N.Y.: Howard Fertig, 1967 [1895]), 9. Al-Muqtataf (mo, vol. 5: 154) viewed British occupation as beneficial for Egypt. Most of the Syrian émigrés were dedicated to the Westernization process and had a strong influence on the climate of opinion in Egypt. See Jack A. Crabbs, The Writing of History in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cairo: The American University Press, 1984), 185-186; Jamal Mohammad Ahmed, The Intellectual Origins of Egyptian Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 30-31.
169. Wilfrid S. Blunt, Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt (N.Y.: Howard Fertig, 1967 [1895]), 9. Al-Muqtataf (mo, vol. 5: 154) viewed British occupation as beneficial for Egypt. Most of the Syrian émigrés were dedicated to the Westernization process and had a strong influence on the climate of opinion in Egypt. See Jack A. Crabbs, The Writing of History in Nineteenth-Century Egypt (Cairo: The American University Press, 1984), 185-186; Jamal Mohammad Ahmed, The Intellectual Origins of Egyptian Nationalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960), 30-31.
170. Charles Wendell, The Evolution of the Egyptian National Image: From its Origins to Ahmad Lulfi al-Sayyid (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), 202.
171. This is in a sharp contrast to the cultural policies, pursued by the states in Egypt, Iran, and Syria in the post 1950s period. The state's suppression of the pluralistic environment not only channeled oppositional politics through religion but also politicized culture production. The state provided a favorable context for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. See Mansoor Moaddel, Class, Politics, and Ideology in the Iranian Revolution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); "The Social Bases and the Discursive Context of the Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism: The Cases of Iran and Syria," Sociological Inquiry (1996), 330-355.
172. This is in a sharp contrast to the cultural policies, pursued by the states in Egypt, Iran, and Syria in the post 1950s period. The state's suppression of the pluralistic environment not only channeled oppositional politics through religion but also politicized culture production. The state provided a favorable context for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism. See Mansoor Moaddel, Class, Politics, and Ideology in the Iranian Revolution (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993); "The Social Bases and the Discursive Context of the Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism: The Cases of Iran and Syria," Sociological Inquiry (1996), 330-355.
173. Ahmed, Intellectual Origins, 51-52.
174. The spread of mission Christianity in the Islamic world was made possible by European Powers and by the protective measures they obtained for the Christians and Jews living in Ottoman territories. See Edward William Lane, An Account of the Manners and Customs of Modern Egyptians (London: John Murray, 1871), vol. 1, 136-137; and Stanley Lane-Poole, The Life of the Right Honourable Stratford Canning (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1888).
175. The spread of mission Christianity in the Islamic world was made possible by European Powers and by the protective measures they obtained for the Christians and Jews living in Ottoman territories. See Edward William Lane, An Account of the Manners and Customs of Modern Egyptians (London: John Murray, 1871), vol. 1, 136-137; and Stanley Lane-Poole, The Life of the Right Honourable Stratford Canning (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1888).
176. Hourani, 39-40, 53. Muhammad Ali's tolerance of religious diversity also aided the missionaries. When Europeans interceded with him for a woman who had been condemned for apostasy, "he exhorted her to recant; but finding her resolute, reproved her for her folly, and sent her home, commanding that no injury should be done to her." See Lane, 137. Sultan Abd al-Mijid's decree on religious liberty also favored religious pluralism.
177. Charles R. Watson, In the Valley of the Nile: A Survey of the Missionary Movement in Egypt (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1908), 208; and Andrew Watson, The American Mission in Egypt: 1854-1896 (Pittsburgh: United Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1898), 361. See also Susan Sachs, "American Headstones Tugging at Egypt's Memory," The New York Times (Wednesday, November 8, 2000), A4.
178. Charles R. Watson, In the Valley of the Nile: A Survey of the Missionary Movement in Egypt (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1908), 208; and Andrew Watson, The American Mission in Egypt: 1854-1896 (Pittsburgh: United Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1898), 361. See also Susan Sachs, "American Headstones Tugging at Egypt's Memory," The New York Times (Wednesday, November 8, 2000), A4.
179. Charles R. Watson, In the Valley of the Nile: A Survey of the Missionary Movement in Egypt (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1908), 208; and Andrew Watson, The American Mission in Egypt: 1854-1896 (Pittsburgh: United Presbyterian Board of Publication, 1898), 361. See also Susan Sachs, "American Headstones Tugging at Egypt's Memory," The New York Times (Wednesday, November 8, 2000), A4.
180. Charles Watson, In the Valley of the Nile, 78.
181. Ibid., 87.
182. Ibid., 92.
183. Watson, The American Mission, 52-53.
184. Ibid., 436.
185. Ibid.
186. Watson, In the Valley of the Nile, 122-223.
187. Ibid., 193-195.
188. Charles R. Watson, Egypt and the Christian Crusade (New York: United Presbyterian Church of North America, 1907), appendix 4, 274-275. According to Samir Raafat, an Egyptian historian, "back then. a let of people found. American evangelical system as a way out of the dogma of their own churches. American education was more liberal. It was co-educational It was new and modern" (cited in New York Times, November 8, 2000, A4.)
189. Charles R. Watson, Egypt and the Christian Crusade (New York: United Presbyterian Church of North America, 1907), appendix 4, 274-275. According to Samir Raafat, an Egyptian historian, "back then. a let of people found. American evangelical system as a way out of the dogma of their own churches. American education was more liberal. It was co-educational It was new and modern" (cited in New York Times, November 8, 2000, A4.)
190. Crabbs, 69.
191. Enayat, Hamid, Sayri Dar Andisheh-ye Arab [An Overview of Arabic Thought] (Tehran, Iran, 1977), 29-30; and Hourani, 74-75.
192. Enayat, Hamid, Sayri Dar Andisheh-ye Arab [An Overview of Arabic Thought] (Tehran, Iran, 1977), 29-30; and Hourani, 74-75.
193. Hourani, 75.
194. Tahtawi and students in the School of Languages translated over 1,000 books into Turkish and Arabic. Personally, he listed twenty-eight works of various kinds, which he wrote, translated, or edited. See Crabbs, 72-74.
195. F. Guizot, The History of Civilization, vol. 1-3, trans. William Hazlitt (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1890), first lecture, 24.
196. This was an Arabic periodical published in Paris between March and October 1884, under the political directorship of al-Afghani and the editorial of Muhammad Abduh. The Journal was predominantly anti-British, containing about forty articles on British hegemony, government, deception, and the manner in which Great Britain dealt with other nations. There were also over twenty articles on Islam and Islamic civilization.
197. "Madi al-Umma wa Hadirouha wa Ilaaju ilaliha," (The Past and Present of the Umma and the Treatment of its Malady), al-Urwa al-wuthqa, 45-60.
198. "al-Wahdat al-Islami-yah" (Islamic Unity), al-Urwa al-wuthqa, 130-140.
199. "al-Qada wa al-Qadar" (Predestination), al-Urwa al-wuthqa, 102-117.
200. "Answer of Jamal ad-Din to Renan," cited in Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani" (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 183.
201. Ibid.
202. Ibid., 187.
203. Cited in Keddie, An Islamic Response to Imperialism: Political and Religious Writings of Sayyid Jamal ad-Din "al-Afghani" (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1968), 105.
204. Ibid., 73.
205. Ibid., 37-38.
206. Abduh tried to convince Jamal ud-Din to stop attempting to obtain rights from the colonial powers. He proposed to him that they should go to a place where it would be possible to educate people. See Hourani, 258. Abduh believed that the elimination of external constraints was not enough for building a just Islamic government. Al-Afghani did not accept his suggestion, considering his friend discouraging and not helpful (mouthabbit). See Al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906), 453-475.
207. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
208. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
209. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
210. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
211. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
212. Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt: A Study of the Modern Reform Movement Inaugurated by Muhammad 'Abduh (New York: Russell and Russell, 1933), 55, 64; Cromer, 179-181; al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 413, 462; Hourani, 158-159; Enayat, Sayri, 120-123. In a self-description of the objects of his career, Abduh indicated that "I later abandoned this question of political authority for fate to determine and for the hand of God to settle, for I realized that in such matters nations reap the fruits of what has been planted and cultivated over a long period of years, and that it is this planting with which we must now concern ourselves, with God's help." Cited in Malcolm Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid Rida (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 109.
213. Abduh admired Herbert Spencer, whom he visited in Britain, and translated his Education from a French version into Arabic. He read Rousseau's Emile, Tolstoy's novels and his didactic writings, Strauss's Life of Jesus, and the works of Renan. He had some contact with European thinkers, wrote to Tolstoy on the occasion of the latter's excommunication from the Russian Church, and traveled to Europe, whenever he could, to renew his soul, as he said, and because it revived his hopes about the future of the Muslim world. See Adams, 67;
214. al-Manar, vol. 8 (1906): 66;
215. Hourani, 135.
216. Hourani, 148; Bryan Tuner, Weber and Islam (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974), 147; Adams.
217. Hourani, 148; Bryan Tuner, Weber and Islam (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1974), 147; Adams.
218. The Quran, Surah II, verse 252.
219. Al-Manar, vol. 8 (February 10, 1906), 921-930;
220. see also Adams, 141-142.
221. Hourani, 139-140; Adams, 97-99; Cromer, 180-181.
222. Hourani, 139-140; Adams, 97-99; Cromer, 180-181.
223. Hourani, 139-140; Adams, 97-99; Cromer, 180-181.
224. Kerr, 59, 111.
225. Ibid., 107.
226. See Adams, 86-88; and Hourani, 144.
227. See Adams, 86-88; and Hourani, 144.
228. Cited in Adams, 89-90. See also Donald M. Reid, The Odyssey of Farah Antun: A Syrian Christian's Quest for Secularism (Chicago: Bibliotheca Islamica, 1975), 80-90.
229. In Hourani's apt assertion, "it is significant that both his controversies were concerned, not with the truth or falsity of Islam, but with its being compatible with the supposed requirements of the modern mild; and in the process, it may be that Abduh's view of Islam was itself affected by his view of what the modern mind needs." See Hourani, 144; and Reid, 85-86.
230. Hourani, 162. Al-Muqtataf mentioned the controversy about the relationship between Christianity and religion. See al-Muqtataf, vol. 15 (1891): 353-365, 425-432, 497-503.
231. For example, a commentator stated that the idea of the roundness of the earth could be found in al-Ghazali's works (see al-Muqtataf, vol. 1: 217). Riaz Pasha, the education minister, joined in the debate, arguing that the notion of the earth's stability was contrary to both religion and science. And, a certain Amin Shameal established an affinity between Darwin's evolutionary theory and Ibn Khaldun's theory of social evolution and dynastic changes (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 145-146). Rashid Rida also advocated the idea that Darwinism did not contradict the Quran (al-Manar, vol. 8 [1906]: 920).
232. For example, a commentator stated that the idea of the roundness of the earth could be found in al-Ghazali's works (see al-Muqtataf, vol. 1: 217). Riaz Pasha, the education minister, joined in the debate, arguing that the notion of the earth's stability was contrary to both religion and science. And, a certain Amin Shameal established an affinity between Darwin's evolutionary theory and Ibn Khaldun's theory of social evolution and dynastic changes (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 145-146). Rashid Rida also advocated the idea that Darwinism did not contradict the Quran (al-Manar, vol. 8 [1906]: 920).
233. For example, a commentator stated that the idea of the roundness of the earth could be found in al-Ghazali's works (see al-Muqtataf, vol. 1: 217). Riaz Pasha, the education minister, joined in the debate, arguing that the notion of the earth's stability was contrary to both religion and science. And, a certain Amin Shameal established an affinity between Darwin's evolutionary theory and Ibn Khaldun's theory of social evolution and dynastic changes (al-Muqtataf, vol. 10 [1885]: 145-146). Rashid Rida also advocated the idea that Darwinism did not contradict the Quran (al-Manar, vol. 8 [1906]: 920).
234. Cited in Adams, 244.
235. Hourani, 162.
236. See for example Farid Wajdi, "Islam and Civilization," in Mansoor Moaddel and Kamran Talattof, editors. Contemporary Debates in Islam: An Anthology of Islamic Modernism and Fundamentalism (New York: Saint Martin's Press, 2000).
237. In a reverse direction, there is a parallel argument in the works of the forerunners of Islamic fundamentalism. They, too, tended to d sregard the diversity of views in the Muslim scholarly tradition. Their discourse was formulated primarily in reaction to modern Western ideologies. While people like Wajdi attempted to establish the identity of Islam with civilization, for the fundamentalists there is a disjunction between Islam and Western civilization.
238. Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 127-143.
239. Beth Baron, The Women's Awakening in Egypt: Culture, Society, and the Press (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992), 14-16.
240. Adams, 22.
241. Qasim Amin, The Liberation of Women, trans. Samiha Sidhom Peterson (Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 1992), 8-9.
242. Ibid., 50.
243. Ibid., 7.
244. Ibid.
245. Ibid., 42, 45.
246. Ibid., 76.
247. Ibid., 78-79.
248. Ibid., 83.
249. Ibid., 85.
250. Ibid., 101.
251. Cited in Hourani, 168.
252. See Zeine Zaine, The Emergence of Arab Nationalism (Delmar, N.Y.: Carvan books, 1973).
253. George Antonius, The Arab Awakening: The Story of the Arab National Movement (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1961), 95.
254. See Sylvia G. Haim, editor, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 42. For a more detailed analysis of political influence in the writings of Kawakibi and others, see Elie Kedourie, "The Politics of Political Literature: Kawakabi, Azouri and Jung," Middle Eastern Studies, 8/2 (May 1972): 227-240.
255. See Sylvia G. Haim, editor, Arab Nationalism: An Anthology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 42. For a more detailed analysis of political influence in the writings of Kawakibi and others, see Elie Kedourie, "The Politics of Political Literature: Kawakabi, Azouri and Jung," Middle Eastern Studies, 8/2 (May 1972): 227-240.
256. Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London: Oxford University Press), 39.
257. Cited in Ahmed, Intellectual Origins, 118.
258. Adams, 259-268; Ahmed, Intellectual Origins, 117-119; Hourani, 185-188; Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought, 62-68.
259. Adams, 259-268; Ahmed, Intellectual Origins, 117-119; Hourani, 185-188; Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought, 62-68.
260. John Foran, Fragile Resistance: Social Transformation in Iran from 1500 to the Revolution (Boulder: Westview Press, 1993).
261. William M. Floor, "The Merchants in Qajar Iran," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft 126 (1976): 124-125.
262. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 94-99; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran: Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 71-72; D. P. Costello, "The Murder of Griboedov," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 8 (1958): 55-89, "A Note on 'The Diplomatic Activity of A. S. Griboyedov' by S.V. Shostakovich,'" Slavic and East European Review, no. 40 (1962): 235-244, "Griboedov in Persia in 1820: Two Diplomatic Notes," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 5 (1954): 81-92.
263. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 94-99; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran: Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 71-72; D. P. Costello, "The Murder of Griboedov," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 8 (1958): 55-89, "A Note on 'The Diplomatic Activity of A. S. Griboyedov' by S.V. Shostakovich,'" Slavic and East European Review, no. 40 (1962): 235-244, "Griboedov in Persia in 1820: Two Diplomatic Notes," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 5 (1954): 81-92.
264. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 94-99; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran: Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 71-72; D. P. Costello, "The Murder of Griboedov," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 8 (1958): 55-89, "A Note on 'The Diplomatic Activity of A. S. Griboyedov' by S.V. Shostakovich,'" Slavic and East European Review, no. 40 (1962): 235-244, "Griboedov in Persia in 1820: Two Diplomatic Notes," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 5 (1954): 81-92.
265. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 94-99; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran: Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 71-72; D. P. Costello, "The Murder of Griboedov," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 8 (1958): 55-89, "A Note on 'The Diplomatic Activity of A. S. Griboyedov' by S.V. Shostakovich,'" Slavic and East European Review, no. 40 (1962): 235-244, "Griboedov in Persia in 1820: Two Diplomatic Notes," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 5 (1954): 81-92.
266. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Modern Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1969), 94-99; Ervand Abrahamian, Iran: Between Two Revolutions (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 71-72; D. P. Costello, "The Murder of Griboedov," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 8 (1958): 55-89, "A Note on 'The Diplomatic Activity of A. S. Griboyedov' by S.V. Shostakovich,'" Slavic and East European Review, no. 40 (1962): 235-244, "Griboedov in Persia in 1820: Two Diplomatic Notes," Oxford Slavonic Papers, vol. 5 (1954): 81-92.
267. Julius D. Richter, A History of Protestant Missions in the Near East (New York: Fleming H. Revell Company. 1910), 294-303.
268. "Second Annual Report," Woman's Work for Woman (January 1873): 9.
269. Woman's Work for Woman, 10/12 (December 1880): 22.
270. Richter, A History of Protestant, 304.
271. Ibid., 317.
272. Cited in Abrahamian, Iran, 72; Samuel Greene Wheeler Benjamin, Persia and the Persians (Boston: Ticknor and Company, 1887), 113, 342, 379.
273. Cited in Abrahamian, Iran, 72; Samuel Greene Wheeler Benjamin, Persia and the Persians (Boston: Ticknor and Company, 1887), 113, 342, 379.
274. Richter, A History of Protestant, 304.
275. "Persia: Extracts From Mrs. Coan's Letter," Woman's Work for Woman, II (Sept. 1872): 175.
276. Woman's Work for Woman, IV (March 1874): 93.
277. Fereydoun Adamiyat, Amir Kabir va Iran (Tehran, Iran: Amir Kabir Publications, 1334/1955), 192-193.
278. Helen Easton Hoffman, "Are Persians Worth While," Woman's Work: A Foreign Missions Magazine, 38/12 (December 1923), 271.
279. Abdul-Hadi Hairi, Shi'ism and Constitutionalsm in Iran (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1977), 12.
280. Adami'yat, Amir Kabir, 146-158; Mongol Bayat, Iran's First Revolution: Shi'ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 36; and Fereydoun Adami'yat, Andisheh-yey Taraqi va Hukoumat-i Qanun: The Sipahsalar Era (Tehran, Iran: Kharasmi Publications, 1351/ 1972), 15.
281. Adami'yat, Amir Kabir, 146-158; Mongol Bayat, Iran's First Revolution: Shi'ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 36; and Fereydoun Adami'yat, Andisheh-yey Taraqi va Hukoumat-i Qanun: The Sipahsalar Era (Tehran, Iran: Kharasmi Publications, 1351/ 1972), 15.
282. Adami'yat, Amir Kabir, 146-158; Mongol Bayat, Iran's First Revolution: Shi'ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 36; and Fereydoun Adami'yat, Andisheh-yey Taraqi va Hukoumat-i Qanun: The Sipahsalar Era (Tehran, Iran: Kharasmi Publications, 1351/ 1972), 15.
283. Adamiyat, Andisheh, 18-20; Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, 36-37.
284. Adamiyat, Andisheh, 18-20; Bayat, Iran's First Revolution, 36-37.
285. Adami'yat, Andisheh, 21-22.
286. Ibid., 17, 53-75.
287. Ibid., 82-90.
288. Ibid., 92-118.
289. Cited in Hadi Hairi, Shi'ism and Constitutionalism in Iran (Leiden, Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1977), 26.
290. Bayat, 37; Mirza Muhammad Khan Majd ul-Mulk, Risala-ye Majdi-yya (Tehran: National Bank of Iran, 1321/1942 [1870]).
291. Adami'yat, Andisheh, 172-189.
292. Cited in Algar, 173.
293. The number of these papers reached its peak in 1907 when a total of ninety papers were published. Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909 (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1910), 127; Hairi, 152-154.
294. For more information on the causes of the Constitutional Revolution, see Janet Afary, The Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 1906-1911: Grassroots Democracy, Social Democracy, and the Origin of Feminism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996); Bayat; and Foran.
295. Browne, "The Fundamental Laws of December 30, 1906," 362-371.
296. Browne, 148.
297. See Browne, "The Supplementary Fundamental Laws of October 7, 1907," in The Persian Revolution, 372-384.
298. V. A. Martin, "The Anti-Constitutionalist Arguments of Shaikh Fazlallah Nuri," Middle Eastern Studies, 22 (1986), 191-192.
299. Shaikh Fazlullah Nuri, Tazkirah al-Ghafil wa Irshad al-Jahil (A reminder for the negligent and a guidance for the ignorant, no publisher, 1908), 7-9.
300. Mihdi Malikzadeh, Tarikh-i Inqilab-i Mashrutiyat-i Iran (The History of The Constitutional Revolution in Iran, Tehran, Iran: Ilmi Publications, 1358/1979), vol. 4, 872-873; Hairi, Shi'ism, 199.
301. Hairi, Shi'ism, 73-76.
302. Hairi, Shi'ism, 81; See also Nazim ul-Islam Kirmani, Tarikhi Bidari-ye Iranian (The History of the Awakening of Iranian) (Tehran: Ibn Sina Publications, 1324/ 1945).
303. Hairi, Shi'ism, 81; See also Nazim ul-Islam Kirmani, Tarikhi Bidari-ye Iranian (The History of the Awakening of Iranian) (Tehran: Ibn Sina Publications, 1324/ 1945).
304. Adami'yat, Ideolozhi-ye, 193.
305. Mirza Muhammad Hussein Na'ini, Tanbih al-umma wa Tanzih al-millah (The Admonition of the Ulame and the Enlightenment of the Nation) (Bagdad, 1909), 1-6.
306. Na'ini, 47; for a more detailed analysis of Na'ini's views, see Hairi, chapters 3-6.
307. Ahmad argued that those in India who tended to sapport Islamic modernism were mostly the westernized elite. See Ahmad, Islamic Modernism, 264.
308. Wuthnow, Communities of Discourse, 1-22, 481, 530-531.