Colonialism, indigenous elites and the transformation of cities in the Non-Western World: Ahmedabad (Western India), 1890-1947

Modern Asian Studies

Volumn 35, Issue 3, 2001, Pages 677-726

  Raychaudhuri, Siddhartha ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIALISM; CULTURAL RELATIONS; ELITE POLITICS; NINETEENTH CENTURY; TWENTIETH CENTURY; URBAN DEVELOPMENT;

INDIA;

EID: 0034933450     PISSN: 0026749X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X01003079     Document Type: Article

References (210)

1. Thus, for Anthony King, the transformation in Delhi between the early 19th and the mid 20th centuries was a process whereby the British colonial government installed, apparently at will, particular spatial and physical arrangements in the old city of Delhi and in the region immediately beyond it. For Narayani Gupta, this process had the additional impact of damaging the finely balanced social relationships and social structure of the city which had done so much to enhance the quality of social life there in earlier times. For Veena Oldenburg, the changes in late 19th century Lucknow represented a process by which the government, 'guided by a ruthless concern for the security and well-being of its own members and agents', drastically reorganized the physical space in the city. For Mariam Dossal, again, the changes in late 19th century Bombay were constituted by the drastic restructuring of the landscape, topography and everyday life of the people in the city through the active intervention by the colonial state. The ordinary residents of the city had hardly any voice in those developments. Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development (London, 1976); Narayani Gupta, Delhi Between Two Empires 1803-1931: Society, Government and Urban Growth (Delhi, 1981); Veena Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow (Princeton, 1984); Mariam Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Bombay, 1991).
2. Thus, for Anthony King, the transformation in Delhi between the early 19th and the mid 20th centuries was a process whereby the British colonial government installed, apparently at will, particular spatial and physical arrangements in the old city of Delhi and in the region immediately beyond it. For Narayani Gupta, this process had the additional impact of damaging the finely balanced social relationships and social structure of the city which had done so much to enhance the quality of social life there in earlier times. For Veena Oldenburg, the changes in late 19th century Lucknow represented a process by which the government, 'guided by a ruthless concern for the security and well-being of its own members and agents', drastically reorganized the physical space in the city. For Mariam Dossal, again, the changes in late 19th century Bombay were constituted by the drastic restructuring of the landscape, topography and everyday life of the people in the city through the active intervention by the colonial state. The ordinary residents of the city had hardly any voice in those developments. Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development (London, 1976); Narayani Gupta, Delhi Between Two Empires 1803-1931: Society, Government and Urban Growth (Delhi, 1981); Veena Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow (Princeton, 1984); Mariam Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Bombay, 1991).
3. Thus, for Anthony King, the transformation in Delhi between the early 19th and the mid 20th centuries was a process whereby the British colonial government installed, apparently at will, particular spatial and physical arrangements in the old city of Delhi and in the region immediately beyond it. For Narayani Gupta, this process had the additional impact of damaging the finely balanced social relationships and social structure of the city which had done so much to enhance the quality of social life there in earlier times. For Veena Oldenburg, the changes in late 19th century Lucknow represented a process by which the government, 'guided by a ruthless concern for the security and well-being of its own members and agents', drastically reorganized the physical space in the city. For Mariam Dossal, again, the changes in late 19th century Bombay were constituted by the drastic restructuring of the landscape, topography and everyday life of the people in the city through the active intervention by the colonial state. The ordinary residents of the city had hardly any voice in those developments. Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development (London, 1976); Narayani Gupta, Delhi Between Two Empires 1803-1931: Society, Government and Urban Growth (Delhi, 1981); Veena Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow (Princeton, 1984); Mariam Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Bombay, 1991).
4. Thus, for Anthony King, the transformation in Delhi between the early 19th and the mid 20th centuries was a process whereby the British colonial government installed, apparently at will, particular spatial and physical arrangements in the old city of Delhi and in the region immediately beyond it. For Narayani Gupta, this process had the additional impact of damaging the finely balanced social relationships and social structure of the city which had done so much to enhance the quality of social life there in earlier times. For Veena Oldenburg, the changes in late 19th century Lucknow represented a process by which the government, 'guided by a ruthless concern for the security and well-being of its own members and agents', drastically reorganized the physical space in the city. For Mariam Dossal, again, the changes in late 19th century Bombay were constituted by the drastic restructuring of the landscape, topography and everyday life of the people in the city through the active intervention by the colonial state. The ordinary residents of the city had hardly any voice in those developments. Anthony D. King, Colonial Urban Development (London, 1976); Narayani Gupta, Delhi Between Two Empires 1803-1931: Society, Government and Urban Growth (Delhi, 1981); Veena Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow (Princeton, 1984); Mariam Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities: The Planning of Bombay City, 1845-1875 (Bombay, 1991).
5. Though some works on South Asian cities examined the question of contestation and the attempts at political dominance in the cities by the indigenous elites, they kept the description of these contestations limited mostly to the sphere of electoral and representational politics. None of them took up the question of contestation by the indigenous elites (or, for that matter, by other social groups) in the field of spatial reorganization in the cities or dealt with the cities as lived and build environments. Examples of such works are, Kenneth Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley, 1968); C. A. Bayly, The Local Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920 (Oxford, 1975); Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism: Pressure Groups and Conflict of Interests in Calcutta City Politics, 1875-1939 (New Delhi, 1979); A.D.D. Gordon, Businessmen and Politics: Rising Nationalism and a Modernising Economy in Bombay, 1918-1933 (New Delhi, 1978); Douglas Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: the shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City. 1852-1928 (Berkeley, 1991).
6. Though some works on South Asian cities examined the question of contestation and the attempts at political dominance in the cities by the indigenous elites, they kept the description of these contestations limited mostly to the sphere of electoral and representational politics. None of them took up the question of contestation by the indigenous elites (or, for that matter, by other social groups) in the field of spatial reorganization in the cities or dealt with the cities as lived and build environments. Examples of such works are, Kenneth Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley, 1968); C. A. Bayly, The Local Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920 (Oxford, 1975); Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism: Pressure Groups and Conflict of Interests in Calcutta City Politics, 1875-1939 (New Delhi, 1979); A.D.D. Gordon, Businessmen and Politics: Rising Nationalism and a Modernising Economy in Bombay, 1918-1933 (New Delhi, 1978); Douglas Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: the shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City. 1852-1928 (Berkeley, 1991).
7. Though some works on South Asian cities examined the question of contestation and the attempts at political dominance in the cities by the indigenous elites, they kept the description of these contestations limited mostly to the sphere of electoral and representational politics. None of them took up the question of contestation by the indigenous elites (or, for that matter, by other social groups) in the field of spatial reorganization in the cities or dealt with the cities as lived and build environments. Examples of such works are, Kenneth Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley, 1968); C. A. Bayly, The Local Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920 (Oxford, 1975); Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism: Pressure Groups and Conflict of Interests in Calcutta City Politics, 1875-1939 (New Delhi, 1979); A.D.D. Gordon, Businessmen and Politics: Rising Nationalism and a Modernising Economy in Bombay, 1918-1933 (New Delhi, 1978); Douglas Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: the shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City. 1852-1928 (Berkeley, 1991).
8. Though some works on South Asian cities examined the question of contestation and the attempts at political dominance in the cities by the indigenous elites, they kept the description of these contestations limited mostly to the sphere of electoral and representational politics. None of them took up the question of contestation by the indigenous elites (or, for that matter, by other social groups) in the field of spatial reorganization in the cities or dealt with the cities as lived and build environments. Examples of such works are, Kenneth Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley, 1968); C. A. Bayly, The Local Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920 (Oxford, 1975); Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism: Pressure Groups and Conflict of Interests in Calcutta City Politics, 1875-1939 (New Delhi, 1979); A.D.D. Gordon, Businessmen and Politics: Rising Nationalism and a Modernising Economy in Bombay, 1918-1933 (New Delhi, 1978); Douglas Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: the shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City. 1852-1928 (Berkeley, 1991).
9. Though some works on South Asian cities examined the question of contestation and the attempts at political dominance in the cities by the indigenous elites, they kept the description of these contestations limited mostly to the sphere of electoral and representational politics. None of them took up the question of contestation by the indigenous elites (or, for that matter, by other social groups) in the field of spatial reorganization in the cities or dealt with the cities as lived and build environments. Examples of such works are, Kenneth Gillion, Ahmedabad: A Study in Indian Urban History (Berkeley, 1968); C. A. Bayly, The Local Roots of Indian Politics: Allahabad 1880-1920 (Oxford, 1975); Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism: Pressure Groups and Conflict of Interests in Calcutta City Politics, 1875-1939 (New Delhi, 1979); A.D.D. Gordon, Businessmen and Politics: Rising Nationalism and a Modernising Economy in Bombay, 1918-1933 (New Delhi, 1978); Douglas Haynes, Rhetoric and Ritual in Colonial India: the shaping of a Public Culture in Surat City. 1852-1928 (Berkeley, 1991).
10. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
11. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
12. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
13. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
14. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
15. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
16. In doing so, the article also seeks to make a contribution to the general question of the link between spatial reorganization in cities and the growth of social hierarchies and power structures there. This crucial issue has been rather ignored in European urban studies and has not been taken up at all in the South Asian urban context. In European urban studies, the works which have explored this question, either at the theoretical or empirical level or both, are Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 89-90; Anthony Giddens, Central Problem in Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradiction in Social Analysis (London, 1979), pp. 206-10; Linda W. Donley-Reid, 'A structuring structure: the Swahili house', in Susan Kent (ed.), Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space: An Interdisciplinary Cross- cultural Study (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 114-26; Roderick J. Lawrence, 'Public, collective and private space: a study or urban housing in Switzerland', in Kent, op. cit., pp. 73-91. In the South Asian context, though a number of works (particularly the ones which have emphasized the aspect of colonial domination) have studied the question of spatial transformation in cities in the colonial period, they have not linked the changes in the spatial sphere to developments in the economy and politics in the cities. Thus, though the works by King, Oldenburg and Dossal all saw the changes in the spatial organization as constituting one element in the establishment of domination by the colonial government, they did not, for example, point out the reasons why the government adopted one set of policies for one city and another set for the other; why the government implemented a particular policy at a particular point of time in a certain city; or what impact such changes in spatial organisation had on the economic and political organisation of the cities., King, op. cit.; Oldenburg, op. cit.; Dossal, op. cit.
17. M S Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, Vol. I (Bombay, 1938), pp. 90-2; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), Special Report on Ahmedabad City (Delhi, 1967), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Supplement, trans. S. N. Ali and C. N. Seddon (Baroda, 1928), pp. 5-34
18. M S Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, Vol. I (Bombay, 1938), pp. 90-2; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), Special Report on Ahmedabad City (Delhi, 1967), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Supplement, trans. S. N. Ali and C. N. Seddon (Baroda, 1928), pp. 5-34
19. M S Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, Vol. I (Bombay, 1938), pp. 90-2; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), Special Report on Ahmedabad City (Delhi, 1967), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Supplement, trans. S. N. Ali and C. N. Seddon (Baroda, 1928), pp. 5-34
20. M S Commissariat, A History of Gujarat, Vol. I (Bombay, 1938), pp. 90-2; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), Special Report on Ahmedabad City (Delhi, 1967), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Supplement, trans. S. N. Ali and C. N. Seddon (Baroda, 1928), pp. 5-34
21. Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat- i-Ahmadi, pp. 5-34. Please refer to Map 1.
22. Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Part X-A(i), pp. 2-6; Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, pp. 5-34. Please refer to Map 1.
23. Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 14, 29-30; Terry, Voyage to East India (1618), pp. 179- 80.
24. Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 14, 29-30; Terry, Voyage to East India (1618), pp. 179-80.
25. Ahmedabad's prosperity continued until about the middle of the 17th century. As Ahmedabad was suffering a period of decline in the early 18th century, the Maratha conquest of the city made matters worse for the city's economy. However, not everything came to a standstill., B. G. Gokhale, 'Capital Accumulation in XVIIth Century Western India', Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay, 1964-65, p. 60.
26. After taking over, the British administration tried to promote economic growth in the city by first reducing the duties on imports and exports from the city, and secondly by ensuring peace and security for the merchants. This policy soon had its desired effect but it was not to the extent the British administration had expected. It was only after 1830 that the Ahmedabad economy started to expand rapidly again. Letters from the Collector of Ahmedabad to the Government of Bombay, dated 29 August 1820, 22 August 1825 and 20 September 1825 in Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 159, Year 1820; Vol. 137, Year 1825; and vol. 117, Year 1825 respectively (Maharashtra State Archives, Bombay; hereafter abbreviated as MSA). Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 133, Year 1840, p. 155 (MSA).
27. According to this cosmography, the morphology of the city had to be designed so that the urban centre symbolized the universe and thereby could represent the centre of the world. Both the predominantly Hindu population of the city and its Islamic rulers wanted their capital city to be constructed in that way. But differences arose over the choice of the form through which their imagination could be translated into reality. What resulted however, was a peculiar combination of different modes of expression of the layout, inspired by both the Hindu and Islamic traditions, which was reflected in the cityscape of 'traditional' Ahmedabad. For a detailed treatment of this subject see Siddhartha Raychaudhuri, 'Indian Elites, Urban Space and the Restructuring of Ahmedabad City, 1890-1947' (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1997), pp. 16-24.
28. For a detailed treatment of this, see Ibid., pp. 24-5.
29. For more information on the 'pols', see Ibid., pp. 25-30.
30. The Nagarsheth provided an informal link between the city and the state when representative urban institutions were yet to develop in Ahmedabad. Ibid., pp. 25-30.
31. New items were added to the list of imports and exports from the city. A substantial expansion also took place in the trade of at least two commodities, namely, opium and cotton, through the city of Ahmedabad.
32. Earlier, Ahmedabad participated in the commercial network of north and western India mainly in its capacity as a centre for manufacturing cotton, silk and various other products. But with the extension of the railways and growth of the export trade, the city started to become more of an entrepot centre. James Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV (Bombay, 1879), pp. 99-101.
33. Examples of sectors which suffered decline included the local handloom weaving industry, the production of handspun cotton thread, calico-printing and the local handicrafts sector. For more details regarding the changes in the urban economy of Ahmedabad in the 19th century, see Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 133, Year 1840, p. 155 (MSA); Circuit Report of the Commissioner of the Northern Division, dated 20 July 1830, Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 12, Compilation 293, Year 1830; Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, pp. 54-5, 95, 99-100, 131-3, 140; J. Robertson, Western India: Reports addressed to the Chambers of Commerce of Manchester, Liverpool, Blackburn and Glasgow by Mackay Alexander (1853), p. 60; Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 47-8; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 33-7.
34. Examples of sectors which suffered decline included the local handloom weaving industry, the production of handspun cotton thread, calico-printing and the local handicrafts sector. For more details regarding the changes in the urban economy of Ahmedabad in the 19th century, see Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 133, Year 1840, p. 155 (MSA); Circuit Report of the Commissioner of the Northern Division, dated 20 July 1830, Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 12, Compilation 293, Year 1830; Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, pp. 54- 5, 95, 99-100, 131-3, 140; J. Robertson, Western India: Reports addressed to the Chambers of Commerce of Manchester, Liverpool, Blackburn and Glasgow by Mackay Alexander (1853), p. 60; Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 47-8; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 33-7.
35. Examples of sectors which suffered decline included the local handloom weaving industry, the production of handspun cotton thread, calico-printing and the local handicrafts sector. For more details regarding the changes in the urban economy of Ahmedabad in the 19th century, see Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 133, Year 1840, p. 155 (MSA); Circuit Report of the Commissioner of the Northern Division, dated 20 July 1830, Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 12, Compilation 293, Year 1830; Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, pp. 54- 5, 95, 99-100, 131-3, 140; J. Robertson, Western India: Reports addressed to the Chambers of Commerce of Manchester, Liverpool, Blackburn and Glasgow by Mackay Alexander (1853), p. 60; Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 47-8; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 33-7.
36. Examples of sectors which suffered decline included the local handloom weaving industry, the production of handspun cotton thread, calico-printing and the local handicrafts sector. For more details regarding the changes in the urban economy of Ahmedabad in the 19th century, see Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 133, Year 1840, p. 155 (MSA); Circuit Report of the Commissioner of the Northern Division, dated 20 July 1830, Government of Bombay, Revenue Dept., Vol. 12, Compilation 293, Year 1830; Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, pp. 54- 5, 95, 99-100, 131-3, 140; J. Robertson, Western India: Reports addressed to the Chambers of Commerce of Manchester, Liverpool, Blackburn and Glasgow by Mackay Alexander (1853), p. 60; Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 47-8; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 33-7.
37. Gillion, op. cit., p. 53.
38. The proportion of Muslims, for example, had started to fall in the late 18th century. The same trend continued in the 19th century. Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, pp. 293, 317-23.
39. The middle of the social pyramid broadened and the financial predominance of the Jains was invaded by Vaishnav Banias, the Patidars and some Parsis. The control of the traditional social organizations lessened. So also did the domination of the caste organizations. E. G. Fawcett, Report on the Collectorate of Ahmedabad, 1849, in Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government (Bombay, 1854), Vol. V, new series, p. 70; E. W. Hopkins, India Old and New (New York, 1902), pp. 179- 204.
40. The middle of the social pyramid broadened and the financial predominance of the Jains was invaded by Vaishnav Banias, the Patidars and some Parsis. The control of the traditional social organizations lessened. So also did the domination of the caste organizations. E. G. Fawcett, Report on the Collectorate of Ahmedabad, 1849, in Selections from the Records of the Bombay Government (Bombay, 1854), Vol. V, new series, p. 70; E. W. Hopkins, India Old and New (New York, 1902), pp. 179-204.
41. Campbell, Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol. IV, 317-23.
42. The textile industry in Ahmedabad owed its origins to the revival of business activities in the city during the first half of the igth century. Though Ahmedabad did not have any distinctive locational or natural advantages, the presence of a substantial amount of investible surplus and cheap surplus labour, the lesser grip of Europeans on the city's economy and the social and cultural milieu helped the development of the mill industry.
43. Makrand Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry: Genesis and Growth (Ahmedabad, 1982), pp. 51-2, 64-7, 67-75; Sujata Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: the Ahmedabad Textile Industry, 1918-1939 (Delhi, 1987), pp. 21-4.
44. Makrand Mehta, The Ahmedabad Cotton Textile Industry: Genesis and Growth (Ahmedabad, 1982), pp. 51-2, 64-7, 67-75; Sujata Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: the Ahmedabad Textile Industry, 1918-1939 (Delhi, 1987), pp. 21-4.
45. Mehta, op. cit., pp. 136-8; Patel, op. cit., pp. 32-5.
46. Mehta, op. cit., pp. 136-8; Patel, op. cit., pp. 32-5.
47. N. N. Desai, Directory of the Ahmedabad Mill Industry, 1891-1956 (Ahmedabad, 1957), p. 386;
48. Report of the Indian Tariff Board (Cotton Textile Industry Enquiry), vol. I, Report (Bombay, 1927), pp. 9-11, 21-7;
49. Report of the Indian Tariff Board regarding the grant of protection to the Cotton Textile Industry (Calcutta, 1932), pp. 14-25.
50. For more details regarding the emergence of these new social identities in Ahmedabad city, see Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 45-50.
51. The textile mills brought about a great increase in the population of the city both by providing opportunities for all within it and so checking any exodus, and by attracting many newcomers, workers for the mills, and traders and artisans to serve the expanding population. The population within municipal limits rose from 116,873 in 1872, to 144,451 in 1891, to 181,774 in 1901, to 213,727 in 1911, and to 274,007 in 1921. In 1872, the number of persons per square mile within the Ahmedabad city wall was 53,435, greater than in Bombay and double that in London. In the walled suburb of Saraspur it was 63,914 per square mile, and in the more crowded quarters of the main city it was even greater. By 1902 the density within the city limits was 60,000 per square mile and in the Kalupur ward it was 120,000. L. J. Sedgwick, Census of India, 1921, Vol. IX, Cities of the Bombay Presidency, Part I, Report (Poona, 1922), Part A, p. 3, 63; Dr Hewlett's report, Government of Bombay, General Department, vol. 78, Year 1875; vol. 66, Year 1903.
52. Between 1898 and 1902 the mean death rate in Ahmedabad was 81.52 per mille (1,000) of population. In 1903 the death rate declined to 60.26 but then went up again in 1905 to 63.43 per mille. It did not show any sign of abatement as it continued to remain at a high level at 57.22 in 1907 and 56.54 in 1909. The main causes were fever, plague, respiratory diseases, dysentry and diarrhoea. Significantly, most of these diseases are aggravated by the presence of insanitary conditions and pollution. Infant mortality in the city was also quite high. The death rate of infants under one year of age per 1,000 births was 552.32 in 1904, 802.99 in 1905, 725.79 in 1907 and 976.69 in 1908. Government of Bombay, Annual Report of the Sanitary Commissioner for the Government of Bombay, Year 1903 (Bombay, 1904), pp. 5-6; Year 1904 (Bombay, 1905), p. 6; Year 1905 (Bombay, 1906), p. 6; Year 1906 (Bombay, 1907), p. 5; Year 1907 (Bombay, 1908), p. 6; Year 1908 (Bombay, 1909), p. 7.
53. Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 120-6, 136-42. The first group included the head of the Nagarsheth family and other members of the older elite. The city people who were in favour of the restructuring of the urban morphology included new upcoming upper middle class individuals turned industrialists like Ranchhodlal Chhotalal, and new anglicized professional individuals such as L. M. Wadia and Ramanbhai Mahipatram Nilkanth. Of course, both the head of the Nagarsheth family and these upcoming ruling class people were allies of the government then and constituted, as we shall see later, the older elite of the city.
54. Already, by the late 19th century, the Municipality had been established in Ahmedabad as a powerful force in city matters. Significantly, the Ahmedabad Municipality at this time was largely composed of elected and nominated members of the older elites of the city mentioned earlier. The government's intervention through the institution of the Municipality involved the bringing of various areas, both inside the city and immediately outside it, under a regime of municipal laws and bye-laws by including those areas within municipal limits. The bye-laws were used to control the sanitary practices and building activities in those areas and thereby attempts were made by the government to ameliorate the problems of insanitary conditions and pollution there. For greater details, see Government of Bombay, Report on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure in the Bombay Presidency, Year 1899-1900 (Bombay, 1901), p. 1; Report of the Municipalities of the Northern Division, Government of Bombay, General Dept., Vol. 38, Year 1879; Government of Gujarat, Town Planning and Valuation Department, Ahmedabad Metropolitan Area, 2000 A.D. (Ahmedabad, 1968)), p. 111; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 53-4.
55. Already, by the late 19th century, the Municipality had been established in Ahmedabad as a powerful force in city matters. Significantly, the Ahmedabad Municipality at this time was largely composed of elected and nominated members of the older elites of the city mentioned earlier. The government's intervention through the institution of the Municipality involved the bringing of various areas, both inside the city and immediately outside it, under a regime of municipal laws and bye-laws by including those areas within municipal limits. The bye-laws were used to control the sanitary practices and building activities in those areas and thereby attempts were made by the government to ameliorate the problems of insanitary conditions and pollution there. For greater details, see Government of Bombay, Report on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure in the Bombay Presidency, Year 1899-1900 (Bombay, 1901), p. 1; Report of the Municipalities of the Northern Division, Government of Bombay, General Dept., Vol. 38, Year 1879; Government of Gujarat, Town Planning and Valuation Department, Ahmedabad Metropolitan Area, 2000 A.D. (Ahmedabad, 1968)), p. 111; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 53-4.
56. Already, by the late 19th century, the Municipality had been established in Ahmedabad as a powerful force in city matters. Significantly, the Ahmedabad Municipality at this time was largely composed of elected and nominated members of the older elites of the city mentioned earlier. The government's intervention through the institution of the Municipality involved the bringing of various areas, both inside the city and immediately outside it, under a regime of municipal laws and bye-laws by including those areas within municipal limits. The bye-laws were used to control the sanitary practices and building activities in those areas and thereby attempts were made by the government to ameliorate the problems of insanitary conditions and pollution there. For greater details, see Government of Bombay, Report on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure in the Bombay Presidency, Year 1899-1900 (Bombay, 1901), p. 1; Report of the Municipalities of the Northern Division, Government of Bombay, General Dept., Vol. 38, Year 1879; Government of Gujarat, Town Planning and Valuation Department, Ahmedabad Metropolitan Area, 2000 A.D. (Ahmedabad, 1968)), p. 111; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 53-4.
57. Already, by the late 19th century, the Municipality had been established in Ahmedabad as a powerful force in city matters. Significantly, the Ahmedabad Municipality at this time was largely composed of elected and nominated members of the older elites of the city mentioned earlier. The government's intervention through the institution of the Municipality involved the bringing of various areas, both inside the city and immediately outside it, under a regime of municipal laws and bye-laws by including those areas within municipal limits. The bye-laws were used to control the sanitary practices and building activities in those areas and thereby attempts were made by the government to ameliorate the problems of insanitary conditions and pollution there. For greater details, see Government of Bombay, Report on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure in the Bombay Presidency, Year 1899-1900 (Bombay, 1901), p. 1; Report of the Municipalities of the Northern Division, Government of Bombay, General Dept., Vol. 38, Year 1879; Government of Gujarat, Town Planning and Valuation Department, Ahmedabad Metropolitan Area, 2000 A.D. (Ahmedabad, 1968)), p. 111; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 53-4.
58. The 'improvement' was sought to be brought about through a number of water supply and drainage projects. For details see, Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 137-8, 139-40;
59. Government of Bombay, Report on Municipal Taxation and Expenditure in the Bombay Presidency, Year 1903-04 (Bombay, 1905), p. 2 ; Year 1904-05 (Bombay, 1906), p. 3; Year 1905-06 (Bombay, 1907), pp. 2-5. Significantly, these projects, apart from entailing taxation, also adversely affected certain social practices in the urban centre. Consequently, the implementation of the schemes met with severe opposition from large sections of the population.
60. For details of this process of reorganization, see Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 57-70. The colonial government intervened in Ahmedabad's morphology for a variety of reasons. Some of these reasons concerned the need of the government to generate more revenue for itself. Some others were more strategic and symbolic in nature. For a detailed evaluation of these reasons, refer to ibid., pp. 58-60 .
61. For details of this process of reorganization, see Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 57- 70. The colonial government intervened in Ahmedabad's morphology for a variety of reasons. Some of these reasons concerned the need of the government to generate more revenue for itself. Some others were more strategic and symbolic in nature. For a detailed evaluation of these reasons, refer to ibid., pp. 58-60 .
62. In this connection, see Gillion, Ahmedabad, pp. 135-42.
63. The Committee of Management was initially appointed for one year, i.e., from 11 May 1910 to 10 May 1911. But later its term was extended until 1915, The Praja Bandhu, 29 May 1910, pp. 1-2. The reasons that were put forward to justify the supersession of the municipal council, make it clear that the existing council was not adequately implementing the new programme of space management and economic rationalization that the government was seeking to impose on the city. For example, the various reasons cited included 'inability of the municipal council to agree upon an unobjectionable scheme of improvement resulting in the lapse of a government grant of Rs 50,000, neglect of sanitary needs and the absence of markets, except for a vegetable market, and a public slaughter-house, absence of provision for the drainage of the whole city, failure in duty to remove encroachments, a certain insanitary burial ground and the need to revise the Rules and Bye-laws, and so on'. The Praja Bandhu, 22 May 1910, p. 1.
64. So, Dahyabhai Dalsukhram of Lunsawada Moti pol had the verandah of his ancestral house demolished because it constituted an 'encroachment', as per the new bye-laws. Again, as a result of the new laws, Chamanlal Ramji's flour factory in Mandvi's pol was ordered to be closed down. The construction of an extension for the Otta of a Jain temple in Pada pol was also stopped. Bohra Hamjubhai Yussafalli was asked to close one of the outlets of his house in Raikhad as the existence of that opening was violating the new notions of 'public' and 'private' space being imposed in the city. The Ahmedabad Municipal Record (hereafter abbreviated as AMR), No. 112, 2nd quarter, 1913-14, pp. 14-15; No. 116, 2nd quarter, 1914-15, pp. 13- 15; No. 117, 3rd quarter, 1914-15, p. 10.
65. So, Dahyabhai Dalsukhram of Lunsawada Moti pol had the verandah of his ancestral house demolished because it constituted an 'encroachment', as per the new bye-laws. Again, as a result of the new laws, Chamanlal Ramji's flour factory in Mandvi's pol was ordered to be closed down. The construction of an extension for the Otta of a Jain temple in Pada pol was also stopped. Bohra Hamjubhai Yussafalli was asked to close one of the outlets of his house in Raikhad as the existence of that opening was violating the new notions of 'public' and 'private' space being imposed in the city. The Ahmedabad Municipal Record (hereafter abbreviated as AMR), No. 112, 2nd quarter, 1913-14, pp. 14-15; No. 116, 2nd quarter, 1914-15, pp. 13-15; No. 117, 3rd quarter, 1914-15, p. 10.
66. So, Dahyabhai Dalsukhram of Lunsawada Moti pol had the verandah of his ancestral house demolished because it constituted an 'encroachment', as per the new bye-laws. Again, as a result of the new laws, Chamanlal Ramji's flour factory in Mandvi's pol was ordered to be closed down. The construction of an extension for the Otta of a Jain temple in Pada pol was also stopped. Bohra Hamjubhai Yussafalli was asked to close one of the outlets of his house in Raikhad as the existence of that opening was violating the new notions of 'public' and 'private' space being imposed in the city. The Ahmedabad Municipal Record (hereafter abbreviated as AMR), No. 112, 2nd quarter, 1913-14, pp. 14-15; No. 116, 2nd quarter, 1914-15, pp. 13- 15; No. 117, 3rd quarter, 1914-15, p. 10.
67. The Chairman of the Committee stated the object of taking these suburban blocks within municipal control to be the regulation of building activities in those areas by specific bye-laws so that 'public health' there was not endangered by 'irregular' and 'insanitary' methods of construction. Government of Bombay, General Department, Vol. No. 132, Comp. No. 1090, Year 1911, pp. 335-9, 353-7.
68. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
69. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
70. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
71. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
72. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
73. It was decided that the water rate would be increased from 5% to 10% on the rental. In addition, the Committee decided in 1914 to levy a special sanitary cess at the annual rate of 2 annas per 1,000 gallons of water, registered by meter, on all buildings and lands within the municipal district which were connected to the municipal drainage system. Significantly enough, this new tax affected the mill industry of the city adversely. The Praja Bandhu, 27 Aug. 1911, pp. 1-2; 28 July 1912, pp. 1-2; 8 Sept. 1912, p. 3; 15 Sept. 1912, p. 3; Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 286, Year 1914, pp. 63-8, 100-07, 119-21; Comp. 256, Year 1914, pp. 137-9.
74. For a detailed account of these protests in Ahmedabad city against the various policies of the Committee of Management, see Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 75-8.
75. The term 'middle class' has a particular connotation in the Indian context. It represents a broad spectrum of people who cannot be classified as part of the working class or the upper classes such as large landowners or industrialists or businessmen. The broad spectrum of the middle class is divided into three main categories: the 'lower middle' class, the 'middle' and the 'upper middle' classes. The class of people who are depicted as the 'middle class' in modern western countries, such as Britain, would stand in the same category, economically and socially, with the 'upper middle' class in India.
76. D. Tripathi, The Dynamics of a Tradition: Kasturbhai Lalbhai and his Entrepreneurship (New Delhi, 1981), pp. 24-6. Another important member, Ambalal Sarabhai came from a Jain family and was the adopted son of Chimanlal Nagindas of the pedhi of Karamchand Premchand. (H. Spodek, 'The "Manchesterisation" of Ahmedabad', Economic Weekly, Vol. XVII, 13 March 1965, pp. 483-90).
77. D. Tripathi, The Dynamics of a Tradition: Kasturbhai Lalbhai and his Entrepreneurship (New Delhi, 1981), pp. 24-6. Another important member, Ambalal Sarabhai came from a Jain family and was the adopted son of Chimanlal Nagindas of the pedhi of Karamchand Premchand. (H. Spodek, 'The "Manchesterisation" of Ahmedabad', Economic Weekly, Vol. XVII, 13 March 1965, pp. 483-90).
78. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
79. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
80. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
81. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
82. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
83. D. N. Pathak and P. N. Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel: From Civic to National Leadership (Ahmedabad, 1980). Some of the other leaders of the new elite group, such as Shankarlal Banker, Bhulabhai Desai, Gulzarilal Nanda and G. V. Mavlankar, came from ordinary middle class backgrounds. (M. Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad (Ahmedabad, 1977), p. 1; Paresh Majumdar, An Anatomy of Peaceful Industrial Relations (Bombay, 1973), p. 76; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle (Ahmedabad, 1968), pp. 4, 8, 25-6; Erik Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Non-Violence (London, 1970), pp. 40, 68-9; Royal Commission of Labour in India, Evidence, Vol. I, Part II.
84. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931), p. 111.) A large number of their other members and the bulk of their supporters belonged to the middle or lower middle classes.
85. The Praja Bandhu, 24 Feb. 1916, pp. 1-2.
86. Ibid., 17 June 1917, pp. 1-2.
87. This is not to deny, however, the ideological reasons which led these individuals to oppose British rule. Instead, what is being stressed is that the anti-government stance was strategically deployed and used here by this section of the Indian elites. This was because the predominant mood among the city's populace around this time was one of defiance of the government. Adoption of such a stand by the new leaders helped them not only to gain the support of the general population but also to isolate those elites who were on the side of the government and had previously been entrenched in the Municipality. Certainly,
88. AMR, No. 127, 1st quarter, 1917-18, p. 76; Proceedings of the adjourned general meeting of the Ahmedabad Municipality held on 7 June 1917, AMR, No. 127, 1st quarter, 1917-18, pp. 74-82;
89. AMR, No. 127, 1st quarter, 1917-18, p. 76; Proceedings of the adjourned general meeting of the Ahmedabad Municipality held on 7 June 1917, AMR, No. 127, 1st quarter, 1917-18, pp. 74-82;
90. The Praja Bandhu, 10 March 1918, pp. 1-2.
91. So the minimum tax-paying qualification for enfranchisement was set at Rs 6 per annum for residents of the general areas of the city and Rs 8-8 for the areas covered by underground drainage. Previously the minimum qualification for this category had been much higher. The minimum qualification for house owners was brought down to an annual rental of Rs 80 (Proceedings of the special general meeting of the Ahmedabad Municipality held on 23 July 1918, AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 25-6).
92. The property-holding, tax and rent-paying sections and the salaried middle classes in the urban society were granted a special position in the Municipality by the creation of a General ward for them with a significant number of seats allocated to it on the Municipal Board. So members of these social groups voted twice, once as members of the General ward and again as residents of their respective local wards. Even within the General ward, a special position was granted to the salaried middle classes working at the mills and in the railways by allocating a particular number of seats to them. This is significant because a substantial section of these middle class people were members of the Patidar community to which Vallabhbhai himself belonged. Significantly again, the Muslim communities of the city were not granted any extra allocation of seats in this reorganization of franchise carried out by the indigenous elites. (AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 26-7, 28-32).
93. For more details, see Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 95-6.
94. In this connection, see AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 79-85; AMR, No. 154, 4th quarter, 1923-24, pp. 74-81.
95. In this connection, see AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 79-85; AMR, No. 154, 4th quarter, 1923-24, pp. 74-81.
96. Mulchand Shah (lawyer) was elected Chairman of the Managing Committee. Sheth Balabhai Damodardas (industrialist) and Nathubhai Shah (lawyer) were chosen as members. Vallabhbhai was elected Chairman of the Sanitary Committee and so also was R. S. Harilalbhai Chairman of the Schools Committee. Of the five members of the Schools Committee, three were Vallabhbhai's allies. They were Krishnalal Desai (lawyer), Phirozshaw Karanjawala (lawyer) and Girdharlal Uttamram (industrialist). (AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 79-85; AMR, No. 154, 4th quarter, 1923-24, pp. 74-81).
97. Mulchand Shah (lawyer) was elected Chairman of the Managing Committee. Sheth Balabhai Damodardas (industrialist) and Nathubhai Shah (lawyer) were chosen as members. Vallabhbhai was elected Chairman of the Sanitary Committee and so also was R. S. Harilalbhai Chairman of the Schools Committee. Of the five members of the Schools Committee, three were Vallabhbhai's allies. They were Krishnalal Desai (lawyer), Phirozshaw Karanjawala (lawyer) and Girdharlal Uttamram (industrialist). (AMR, No. 132, 2nd quarter, 1918-19, pp. 79-85; AMR, No. 154, 4th quarter, 1923-24, pp. 74-81).
98. AMR, No. 154, 4th quarter, 1923-24, pp. 74-81.
99. Many of their core members were elected to the Municipal Board from the different wards. Thus B. P. Thakore (middle class educationist) was elected from the Khadia ward, Kalidas Zaveri (pleader turned politician) from the Kalupur ward, Vallabhbhai from the Dariapur ward, Phirozshaw Karanjawala (lawyer) from Shahpur, G. V. Mavlankar (lawyer) from Jamalpur, G. K. Mavlankar (lawyer) from Pura 'A', Balmukund Girjashankar from Pura 'B', and Krishnalal Desai (lawyer) from the General ward (AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 152-6). The group acquired control of most of the important municipal Committees. Thus Nathubhai Shah was elected Chairman of the Managing Committee, Vallabhbhai of the Sanit- J ary Committee, and B. P. Thakore of the School Committee. It also captured the majority of the membership of the Managing, Sanitary, School, and Town Planning Committees. (AMR, No. 139, 1st quarter, 1920-21, pp. 27-31).
100. Many of their core members were elected to the Municipal Board from the different wards. Thus B. P. Thakore (middle class educationist) was elected from the Khadia ward, Kalidas Zaveri (pleader turned politician) from the Kalupur ward, Vallabhbhai from the Dariapur ward, Phirozshaw Karanjawala (lawyer) from Shahpur, G. V. Mavlankar (lawyer) from Jamalpur, G. K. Mavlankar (lawyer) from Pura 'A', Balmukund Girjashankar from Pura 'B', and Krishnalal Desai (lawyer) from the General ward (AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 152-6). The group acquired control of most of the important municipal Committees. Thus Nathubhai Shah was elected Chairman of the Managing Committee, Vallabhbhai of the Sanit- J ary Committee, and B. P. Thakore of the School Committee. It also captured the majority of the membership of the Managing, Sanitary, School, and Town Planning Committees. (AMR, No. 139, 1st quarter, 1920-21, pp. 27-31).
101. The City Wall scheme, which had its origins in a comprehensive plan prepared for Ahmedabad city, by A. E. Mirams, the Consulting Surveyor to the government of Bombay, in 1916, envisaged the demolition of the historic city wall of Ahmedabad and the construction of a ring road in its place, and also proposed the displacement of a substantial number of people from the area. The Relief Road scheme, first suggested by the Consulting Surveyor to government, A. E. Mirams, in his Report on the Ahmedabad City Wall Improvement scheme of 1919, in its turn, proposed the construction of an arterial road, 60 feet wide and about 6,000 feet long, starting from Saker Bazaar near the Ahmedabad railway station at the west end up to the Bhadar on the east. The scheme involved the acquisition of about 630 properties for the purpose of building the road, covering an area of 63,175 square yards, the displacement of approximately 5,000 people, and an expenditure budget of forty-one-and-half lakh rupees. (The Praja Bandhu, 18 Feb. 1923, p. 14; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp.323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5; AMR, No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-2, pp. 109-11, 121).
102. The City Wall scheme, which had its origins in a comprehensive plan prepared for Ahmedabad city, by A. E. Mirams, the Consulting Surveyor to the government of Bombay, in 1916, envisaged the demolition of the historic city wall of Ahmedabad and the construction of a ring road in its place, and also proposed the displacement of a substantial number of people from the area. The Relief Road scheme, first suggested by the Consulting Surveyor to government, A. E. Mirams, in his Report on the Ahmedabad City Wall Improvement scheme of 1919, in its turn, proposed the construction of an arterial road, 60 feet wide and about 6,000 feet long, starting from Saker Bazaar near the Ahmedabad railway station at the west end up to the Bhadar on the east. The scheme involved the acquisition of about 630 properties for the purpose of building the road, covering an area of 63,175 square yards, the displacement of approximately 5,000 people, and an expenditure budget of forty- one-and-half lakh rupees. (The Praja Bandhu, 18 Feb. 1923, p. 14; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp.323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5; AMR, No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-2, pp. 109-11, 121).
103. Government of Bombay, General Department, Comp. 742, Year 1921, pp. 99-102; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5; AMR, No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-2, pp. 109-11, 121. It may be pointed out in this context that the new city leaders opposed the implementation of the two schemes for two quite different sets of reasons. Whereas their opposition to the City Wall scheme stemmed from certain differences over the mode of its implementation, the Relief Road scheme was opposed because it would have affected a vital power base of the leaders in Ahmedabad.
104. AMR, No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 32-5.
105. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
106. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
107. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
108. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
109. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
110. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
111. It may be pointed out in this context that from around early 1921, the Indian leaders of Ahmedabad tried to free the primary schools of the Municipality from government control as part of their participation in the Non-Co-operation movement launched by the Indian National Congress under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi in August 1920. By late 1920, a large section of the new city leadership of Ahmedabad led by Vallabhbhai had joined, either directly or indirectly, the Gujarat Pradesh Congress. The joining of the Congress by the elite leaders was strategic, at least in part. The leaders reasoned that this was the best way by which they could harness the anti-government sentiment prevailing among the city's populace to their advantage and also seek redress for some of the grievances that they had against the government during this period. That the decision was strategic is further proved by the fact that the group chose to go for a limited non-co-operation with the government in the city. They did not, after all, resign en masse from the Municipal Board. Instead they decided to go for non-co-operation with the government so far as the control over the municipal primary schools was concerned. The choice of the field of education is significant. This is because by the early 20th century an expansion of education had become a primary social need in Ahmedabad city. The Indian elites tried to fulfil this social need through the use of the institution of the Municipality. The elites thought that this would earn them social prestige and moral authority among the city's population. But the problem for the elites was that the government was also involved in the enterprise. So the elites had to share the moral authority with the government. Of course they did not want this to happen. Thus what they needed to do in this situation was to free the schools from governmental control and to assume total jurisdiction over them so that the elites only could get the benefit of the social prestige acquired by virtue of fulfilling the need for education. The Non-Co-operation movement provided a very convenient opportunity in this context to carry out this scheme. The Praja Bandhu, 5 Sept. 1920, pp. 1-2; 3 Oct. 1920, p. 2; 21 Nov. 1920, p. 2. For details regarding the conflict between the elite leaders and the government over the control of municipal schools, see The Praja Bandhu, 6 Feb. 1921, pp. 2-3; 6 March 1921, p. 3; 1 Jan. 1922, p. 23; 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, pp. 127, 142-5, 169; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 101-6. After the supersession of the Municipal Board, the elite group led by Vallabhbhai tried to organize primary education for the children of Ahmedabad through the creation of alternative institutions such as the People's Primary Education Association. The Association schools soon proved to be immensely successful. The scheme of alternative 'national' education also made some progress in the field of higher education. Thus the Gujarat Vidyapith was founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1920 as the 'national university' for Gujarat and by 1923 it was well established. The Praja Bandhu, 12 Feb. 1922, pp. 1-2; July 1922, p. 17; 16 Dec. 1923, p. 1; Ahmedabad Municipality, Annual Administrative Report, 1921-22; Pathak and Sheth, op. cit., p. 205.
112. A number of the new city leaders led by Vallabhbhai Patel also strategically participated in this movement and mobilized the population against the schemes. The protesters criticized the plans not only on economic grounds, but also for the reason that the schemes were not compatible with the social and economic realities of Ahmedabad. The Praja Bandhu, 14 Jan. 1923, p. 3; 16 Sept. 1923, pp. 1-2; 23 Sept. 1923, pp. 1-2; 7 Oct. 1923, pp. 2-3; 14 Oct. 1923,pp. 2-3; for a detailed account of these protests see also Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 83-5.
113. A number of the new city leaders led by Vallabhbhai Patel also strategically participated in this movement and mobilized the population against the schemes. The protesters criticized the plans not only on economic grounds, but also for the reason that the schemes were not compatible with the social and economic realities of Ahmedabad. The Praja Bandhu, 14 Jan. 1923, p. 3; 16 Sept. 1923, pp. 1-2; 23 Sept. 1923, pp. 1-2; 7 Oct. 1923, pp. 2-3; 14 Oct. 1923,pp. 2-3; for a detailed account of these protests see also Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 83-5.
114. That the course of events took this turn, was partly the result of the government's lack of tact in bringing about the restructuration of the city. Partly, of course, it was the outcome of the intelligent manipulation of the situation by a section of the indigenous elites of Ahmedabad who strategically used the grievances generated among the city's populace (as a result of the various schemes for restructuring the city) to establish themselves politically in the urban centre. Of course one has to admit here that the Indian elite group could not have done that well for themselves if the government had not made the use of certain infrastructural facilities such as the resources of the municipal institution so crucial to the process of transformation in the city. The centrality of the municipal institution in the restructuring process and the structural characteristics (especially the elective nature of the Municipality) of the institution had left the scope for sections of the city's population to capture the Municipality and gain control of the process of restructuring. In the case of Ahmedabad it was the elite leaders headed by Vallabhbhai, who managed to achieve that by 1924.
115. The elite leaders had by now taken over the City Congress. In the elections they won 34 out of 38 non-Muslim seats (21 in Khadia, Dariapur, Raikhad Para-A and Para-B and 12 in Kalupur, Shahpur and Jamalpur wards). Out of the 10 Muslim seats six elected Muslim councillors were sympathetic towards them. Thus in the newly constituted house of 60 members (48 elected and 12 nominated the new Congress-based leaders achieved a comfortable majority. The Praja Bandhu, 3 Feb. 1924, pp. 1-2; 10 Feb. 1924, pp. 1-2.
116. Vallabhbhai was also elected Chairman of the Managing Committee. B. P. Thakore was chosen as a Vice-President and Chairman of the Schools Committee while Dr Kanuga was elected Chairman of the Sanitary Committee. The Praja Bandhu, 10 Feb. 1924, pp. 1-2; 17 Feb. 1924, p. 3.
117. Not surprisingly, the pursuance of their aims in some cases actually set them against various social groups (e.g., mill-owners, Patidars), both elite and subaltern, in and around Ahmedabad city.
118. Here the term 'modernist' transformation has been understood in the way Professor Anthony Giddens has defined it in his The Consequences of Modernity (Cambridge, 1996).
119. Please refer to Map 2.
120. Thus it was arranged that the Vageshwar and Bhou's pols would be joined by the removal of the built structure on survey number 124. A square open space would be opened up by the acquisition of survey numbers 277 and 278. The survey number 135 would be acquired in order to make a through passage from Saria's pol in Dhana Sutar's pol to Dhungota's pol. Details of the acquisition of the different survey numbers can be found in AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 61-6. See also AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 226-7; No. 140, 2nd quarter, 1920-21, pp. 17-18; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, p. 94; No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 109-11, 121; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
121. Thus it was arranged that the Vageshwar and Bhou's pols would be joined by the removal of the built structure on survey number 124. A square open space would be opened up by the acquisition of survey numbers 277 and 278. The survey number 135 would be acquired in order to make a through passage from Saria's pol in Dhana Sutar's pol to Dhungota's pol. Details of the acquisition of the different survey numbers can be found in AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 61-6. See also AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 226-7; No. 140, 2nd quarter, 1920-21, pp. 17-18; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, p. 94; No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 109-11, 121; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
122. Thus it was arranged that the Vageshwar and Bhou's pols would be joined by the removal of the built structure on survey number 124. A square open space would be opened up by the acquisition of survey numbers 277 and 278. The survey number 135 would be acquired in order to make a through passage from Saria's pol in Dhana Sutar's pol to Dhungota's pol. Details of the acquisition of the different survey numbers can be found in AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 61-6. See also AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 226-7; No. 140, 2nd quarter, 1920-21, pp. 17-18; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, p. 94; No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 109-11, 121; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
123. Thus it was arranged that the Vageshwar and Bhou's pols would be joined by the removal of the built structure on survey number 124. A square open space would be opened up by the acquisition of survey numbers 277 and 278. The survey number 135 would be acquired in order to make a through passage from Saria's pol in Dhana Sutar's pol to Dhungota's pol. Details of the acquisition of the different survey numbers can be found in AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 61-6. See also AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 226-7; No. 140, 2nd quarter, 1920-21, pp. 17-18; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, p. 94; No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 109-11, 121; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
124. Thus it was arranged that the Vageshwar and Bhou's pols would be joined by the removal of the built structure on survey number 124. A square open space would be opened up by the acquisition of survey numbers 277 and 278. The survey number 135 would be acquired in order to make a through passage from Saria's pol in Dhana Sutar's pol to Dhungota's pol. Details of the acquisition of the different survey numbers can be found in AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 61-6. See also AMR, No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 226-7; No. 140, 2nd quarter, 1920-21, pp. 17-18; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, p. 94; No. 143, 1st quarter, 1921-22, pp. 109-11, 121; Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
125. AMR, No. 128, 2nd quarter, 1917-18, pp. 41-4; No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918- 19, pp. 140-4, 157-83.
126. AMR, No. 128, 2nd quarter, 1917-18, pp. 41-4; No. 134, 4th quarter, 1918-19, pp. 140-4, 157-83.
127. The scheme received the sanction of the Government in June 1918 and the notice for its implementation was published in the same month next year. Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' Series), File no. 4482 I, p. 41.
128. AMR, No. 139, 1st quarter, 1920-21, pp. 15-16; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920- 21, pp. 63-5.
129. AMR, No. 139, 1st quarter, 1920-21, pp. 15-16; No. 142, 4th quarter, 1920-21, pp. 63-5.
130. Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' series), File no. 2061 I, pp. 3-4, 295-310.
131. The Praja Bandhu, 23 Nov. 1924, pp. 1-2; 14 Dec. 1924, pp. 10-12.
132. The Praja Bandhu, 23 Nov. 1924, pp. 1-2; 14 Dec. 1924, pp. 10-12.
133. The Praja Bandhu, 31 Aug. 1924, p. 2;
134. It is interesting to see that alter 1928, the elites reversed the decision they had adopted in 1924 regarding the Relief Road scheme. In June 1928 the Municipality approved of the Relief road scheme as outlined in Mirams' Report of 1923 on the basis of a 60 feet road alignment. The notification for the acquisition of lands was published in August 1928. The lands notified included provision for a 60 feet road and for plots to form frontages to the new road as well as for land for housing the displaced. The reversal of the previous decision was probably due to the fact that by 1928, the indigenous elites felt that they were well entrenched in the Municipality and they also realized that without the implementation of the Relief Road scheme it would be difficult to increase the demand for land in the newly town-planned areas. Increase in the demand for land in the town-planned areas was crucial for the success of the new spatial order that the elites were trying to bring about in the city. The later history of the Relief Road scheme was as follows. As a result of certain legal problems and public pressure the Municipality suggested to the government in 1930 to cancel the sanctioning of the scheme. Later, however, on the advice of the government, it was decided that the scheme would be revised. The revised scheme was accepted by the Municipality in 1933 and the final notification for the acquisitions was issued in May 1934. The acquisition of land for housing the displaced was dropped as being outside the provisions of the Municipal Boroughs Act of 1925. The work of acquisition was then started in August 1934 but was stopped subsequently because of the filing of suits by owners of land under the scheme. However, a representative suit among these was decided in January 1937 by the High Court in favour of the government and the Municipality and then the work of acquisition of land started again without impediment. Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 1086/28 I, pp. 323-35; File no. 1086/28 III, pp. 301-5.
135. Details of this conflict may be found in Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' Series), File no. 4482 I, pp. 191-333; and in Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 113-14.
136. An idea of the range of interests involved in the area proposed to be covered by the Ellis Bridge scheme can be had from studying the list of signatories to petitions submitted against the scheme to the government. See, for example, the petitions dated 12 July 1924 and 11 September 1926 in Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' Series), File no. 2061 I, pp. 256-7, and File no. 2061 IV, pp. 29-30, respectively. In the first case, most of the signatories were agriculturists. In the second one, the main signatories were mostly mill agents.
137. The scheme also received the sanction of the government in 1924. Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' Series), File no. 2061 I, pp. 295-6; The Praja Bandhu, 10 Feb. 1924, pp. 1-2; 17 Feb. 1924, p. 3.
138. The elite leadership had already done that before by organizing the Kheda Satyagraha. But now they took up some of the issues that immediately affected the peasantry on the outskirts of Ahmedabad city. It may be noted here that in drawing the peasantry to their side the elite leaders were immensely helped by the fact that Vallabhbhai Patel, their leading member, belonged to the same Patidar 'community' as the majority of the peasantry. Vallabhbhai enjoyed great respect and confidence among that community for his participation in the Kheda Satyagraha and other agitation concerning the Patidar community. See, The Praja Bandhu, 14 Dec. 1924, pp. 1-2.
139. The Kankaria scheme was declared in 1924. It received sanction in 1927 and the scheme came into force in 1934. The Maninagar scheme was declared in 1924. It was approved the next year and came into force in 1931. Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (Town Planning Department), Draft Revised Development Plan, 1975-1985 (Ahmedabad, 1975), Vol. I, pp. 152 A-B; AMR, No. 152, 2nd quarter, 1923- 24, pp. 18-19.
140. The Kankaria scheme was declared in 1924. It received sanction in 1927 and the scheme came into force in 1934. The Maninagar scheme was declared in 1924. It was approved the next year and came into force in 1931. Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (Town Planning Department), Draft Revised Development Plan, 1975- 1985 (Ahmedabad, 1975), Vol. I, pp. 152 A-B; AMR, No. 152, 2nd quarter, 1923-24, pp. 18-19.
141. Ibid.
142. One has to note in this context that the spatial organization in the old city did not remain static all throughout. Changes were introduced into this spatial organization as a result of the economic and social developments in the 19th and early 20th centuries. But the reorganization that took place then was never that drastic as the one which was carried out by the municipal regime, first under the colonial government, and then under the new indigenous elites.
143. The land within the second zone was stipulated to be of higher value than that in the first zone. The residential zone was again subdivided into minor zones defining the class of residence and density of population allowed in them. General Department ('General' Series), File no. 4482 I, pp. 44, 167.
144. The process of town planning brought about certain changes in the pattern and significance of streets in the urban morphology of Ahmedabad. In the traditional city the streets were mostly winding and curved and the narrower streets branched off from the main ones not necessary at right angles. The pattern of streets in such a situation could be seen as a series of enclosures arranged in a particular sequence in the overall network of accessibility and exclusion. The innermost or the most exclusive area in this network carried the highest status. This is evident from the fact that the innermost part of a pol carried the highest status. E.g., see Harish Doshi, Traditional Neighbourhood in a Modern City (New Delhi, 1974). Under the town planning schemes, the roads intersected each other mostly at right angles and smaller streets branched off from the main streets in such a way as to form a nearly rectangular grid. In this rectangular pattern, the space with the high-est value or status was the place where the two main streets intersected each other at right angles. In addition, the space near the main streets carried high values and the value diminished the further one went away from the main street. So the streets were not seen as forming a system of 'enclosures' but as providing the vital links between the spatial locations of the different segments of the general surplus appropriation system. The market-place occupied an important position, at least symbolically, in the new hierarchy; probably this explains why it was planned to be located at the junction of the two main roads under the Jamalpur town planning scheme. This makes sense if we take into account that the process of town planning was closely linked during this period with growing commercialization and rationalization of the economy. General Department ('General' Series), File no. 4482 I, p. 42.
145. General Department ('General' Series), File no. 4482 I, pp. 167-9.
146. This was made economically viable by the growth of co-operative housing initiated and patronized by the new indigenous elites of the city.
147. Please refer to Map 3. Before examining the altered urban landscape of Ahmedabad, two qualifications need to be made. First, the alteration did not take place immediately after the implementation of the town planning schemes. The schemes themselves took several years to be implemented and not all of them were implemented at the same time. So the city had to develop over a certain number of years according to the new spatial order before the full effects of the reorganization could be realized. It is estimated that the length of this 'intermediate' period was about ten to fifteen years. Secondly, it was only the new parts of the city (i.e., the areas outside the walls) that grew according to the new spatial order initially. The walled part was not much affected by the new perceptions of the use and organization of space until the late 1930s and 1940s. Within the new parts also, not all areas developed at the same pace. Thus, the altered urban organization was more visible in the newer parts of the city than in the older ones. One has to note in this context that the new part of the city occupied an area much larger than that covered by the walled part. In 1961, it was estimated that the walled part covered an area of 2.1 square miles or 5.5 square kms, while the area outside the walls measured 33.8 square miles or 87.5 square kms. So the new part was almost 15 times larger than the walled part. Please refer to Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Gujarat, Part X-A(i) (see fn. 4), p. 54.
148. Ibid., pp. 115-16.
149. Ibid.
150. Ibid. It is important to note here that in most cases the people who moved to the new residential localities belonged to the middle and upper middle classes though some came from the lower middle classes as well. As more and more land in the centre of the walled city was converted to commercial space, many lower middle class people were forced to shift from that part to the working class areas outside the walls, especially to Asarwa, Saraspur and Gomtipur. The lower and lower middle class people in other areas of the walled city, such as Kalupur, however, stayed where they used to live earlier. Kalupur, still today, remains a congested and underdeveloped area ot the city.
151. General Department ('General' Series), File no. 2061 I, pp. 3-4.
152. Procedural details as to how this could be done under the Town Planning Act could be had from Government of Bombay, General Department ('General' Series), File no. 2061 FV, pp. 33-9.
153. The network of communication channels included a bridge at Shahpur and a circular road running almost parallel to the river linking the Gujarat College area to the vicinity of the Gujarat Vidyapith. Ibid., pp. 35-8. That the Ellis Bridge scheme was biased towards developing the Vidyapith area as the new symbolic centre of the city is clear from some contemporary petitions directed against the scheme. For example, a petition from some of the landholders in that area noted that the 'Vidyapith which now lies entirely within the Local Board limits is avowedly an object of political reverence to the party in power in the Municipality. Keeping the development of the Gujarat College area in view the Ellis Bridge scheme proposes to open up the Vidyapith vicinity by the Shahpur bridge which alone absorbs more than half the costs of the scheme; and if the cost of the metalled roads, water and other facilities were taken it constituted an additional 20% of the cost of the scheme. All these were designed to facilitate the rapid development of the Gujarat Vidyapith vicinity'. The bias towards the Gujarat Vidyapith area was also reflected in the absence of a bridge near the Calico mill in the plan connecting the southern portion of plan area to the southern part of the city across the river. Again the landholders of the Ellis Bridge area pointed out at a meeting in 1925 that 'the scheme as proposed fails to offer equal facilities of migration to all the residents of Ahmedabad city, particularly those who live in the south of the Richey Road as it proposes to make no bridge'near the Calico mill. Such a bridge would have connected the southern area of the scheme directly with the Ahmedabad railway station, the mills and the important markets of Ahmedabad which alone attract about 80% of the vehicular traffic coming from the four important talukas of the district such as Viramgam, Sanand, Dholka and Dhandhuka, each containing very thriving centres of cotton ginning'. The bias was quite clear because, as one petitioner complained, there were vast areas of open lands within the Municipal limits and on their limits, but instead of implementing town planning schemes for those areas, the Municipality had gone for the Ellis Bridge area. Ibid., pp. 33-4.
154. The network of communication channels included a bridge at Shahpur and a circular road running almost parallel to the river linking the Gujarat College area to the vicinity of the Gujarat Vidyapith. Ibid., pp. 35-8. That the Ellis Bridge scheme was biased towards developing the Vidyapith area as the new symbolic centre of the city is clear from some contemporary petitions directed against the scheme. For example, a petition from some of the landholders in that area noted that the 'Vidyapith which now lies entirely within the Local Board limits is avowedly an object of political reverence to the party in power in the Municipality. Keeping the development of the Gujarat College area in view the Ellis Bridge scheme proposes to open up the Vidyapith vicinity by the Shahpur bridge which alone absorbs more than half the costs of the scheme; and if the cost of the metalled roads, water and other facilities were taken it constituted an additional 20% of the cost of the scheme. All these were designed to facilitate the rapid development of the Gujarat Vidyapith vicinity'. The bias towards the Gujarat Vidyapith area was also reflected in the absence of a bridge near the Calico mill in the plan connecting the southern portion of plan area to the southern part of the city across the river. Again the landholders of the Ellis Bridge area pointed out at a meeting in 1925 that 'the scheme as proposed fails to offer equal facilities of migration to all the residents of Ahmedabad city, particularly those who live in the south of the Richey Road as it proposes to make no bridge'near the Calico mill. Such a bridge would have connected the southern area of the scheme directly with the Ahmedabad railway station, the mills and the important markets of Ahmedabad which alone attract about 80% of the vehicular traffic coming from the four important talukas of the district such as Viramgam, Sanand, Dholka and Dhandhuka, each containing very thriving centres of cotton ginning'. The bias was quite clear because, as one petitioner complained, there were vast areas of open lands within the Municipal limits and on their limits, but instead of implementing town planning schemes for those areas, the Municipality had gone for the Ellis Bridge area. Ibid., pp. 33-4.
155. For reference, please see, Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? (New Delhi, 1986), and Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, 1993).
156. For reference, please see, Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse? (New Delhi, 1986), and Partha Chatterjee, The Nation and its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, 1993).
157. See in this context, Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Gujarat, Part X-A(i), pp. 191-2.
158. The growth of the mill industry is seen from the following figures. In 1922 the number of mills in the city was 56. By 1925 this number increased to 60; in 1928 it became 66; in 1932, 78; in 1934, 82; and in 1936, 84. N. N. Desai, Directoy of Ahmedabad Mill Industry (Ahmedabad: Ahmedabad Stockbrokers'Association, 1951), p. 386.
159. As has been pointed out earlier, education had emerged as one of the most important community needs in the city of Ahmedabad during the first half of the 20th century. Within the sphere of education, again, the demand for setting up institutions offering 'professional' courses had emerged as a major demand of the people of the city.
160. The Praja Bandhu, 3 April 1927, p. 2.
161. In the first elections, Acharya Anandshanker Dhruva was elected the President and Sheth Kasturbhai Lalbhai the Chairman of the governing body of the Society.
162. Thus the H.L. College of Commerce was started in June 1936 following a donation of Rs 60,000 made by Sheth Tribhuvandas Hargovinddas and Sheth Amritlal Hargovinddas. The S.L.D. Arts College was started in June 1937 with a donation of Rs two lakhs given by Sheths Chimanlal, Kasturbhai and Narottambhai. The necessity for a Science College was also felt around this time. But the efforts to provide one were interrupted by the Second World War and the 'Quit India' movement and bore fruit some years later when the Society received a munificent contribution of Rs seven lakhs from Sheth Navinchandra Mafatlal for the M.G. Science Institute which started functioning in June 1946. The Shri Lallubhai Motilal Pharmacy College was added in June 1947 and the Physical Research Laboratory came into'existence in 1950. G. V. Mavlankar, one of the leading members of the indigenous elite group and also an important organizer of the Society took great efforts to bring about the founding of the Gujarat University. He organized the purchase of 525 acres of agricultural land adjacent to the Society's lands for the University. He also inspired Sheth Kasturbhai Lalbhai to donate Rs 25 lakhs for an engineering college in Ahmedabad and Sheth Amritlal Hargovandas to donate Rs 5 lakhs for an agricultural college at Anand. The Society build as many as twelve hostels for the students studying at these colleges from public donations and grants from the government. Kasturbhai Lalbhai Papers, Reel no. R3362, Files 1 to 5 & Reel no. R3363, Files 5 to 8: Ahmedabad Education Society, 1941-50 (NMML, New Delhi).
163. Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Gujarat, Part X-A(i) (see fn. 4), p. 27.
164. Both these organizations were devised to work for the social, economic and psychological rehabilitation of young women 'irrespective of caste and community', ibid.; Government of Gujarat, Gujarat State Gazetteer, Ahmedabad District Gazetteer (Ahmedabad, 1984), pp. 774-80.
165. The increase in employment opportunities is evident from the tact that whereas in 1922 the number of hands employed by the mills was 52,571, the number in 1929 climbed to 58,837. Then the number showed a more or less steady increase. It became 69,562 in 1931; 80,705 in 1936; 75,517 in 1941; and 78,053 in 1945. N. N. Desai, Directory of Ahmedabad Mill Industry, p. 386; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Gujarat, Part X-A(i), pp. 154-64.
166. The increase in employment opportunities is evident from the tact that whereas in 1922 the number of hands employed by the mills was 52,571, the number in 1929 climbed to 58,837. Then the number showed a more or less steady increase. It became 69,562 in 1931; 80,705 in 1936; 75,517 in 1941; and 78,053 in 1945. N. N. Desai, Directory of Ahmedabad Mill Industry, p. 386; Census of India, 1961, Vol. V, Gujarat, Part X-A(i), pp. 154-64.
167. AMR, No. 169, 3rd quarter, 1927-28, pp. 52-94.
168. Pathak and Sheth, Sardar Valldbhbhai Patel, pp. 332-5, 379-80;
169. Howard Spodek, 'From Gandhi to Violence: Ahmedabad's 1985 Riots in Historical Perspective', Modern Asian Studies, 23, 4 (1989), pp. 774-5.
170. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather
171. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
172. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
173. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
174. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
175. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
176. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
177. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
178. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
179. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
180. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
181. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
182. The notion of 'social control' that has influenced this discussion needs some explanation. The concept was first popularized in American sociology by Edward A. Ross in his book Social Control, a Survey of the Foundations of Order (1901). According to Ross, a society has the responsibility to control the animal nature of 'Man'. 'Man''s tendency to pursue his self-interest to the point of war of all against all must be limited, he said, through learning or selection. Social institutions such as the family, marriage and religion were accorded the power to earn' out the limitation at the primary level, while professional associations were assigned this duty at the secondary level. Since Ross's formulation of the concept, the notion has had many vicissitudes. It was taken up and developed by Robert Park and the Chicago sociologists during the early years of the 20th century. Later, Edwin Lemert distinguished between the two types of social control, namely, the 'active' and the passive one and also pointed out the dynamic nature of the process. (Edwin Lemert, Human Deviance Social Problems, and Social Control (New Jersey, 1972).) Talcott Parsons denned the concept as a negative mechanism essential to society for repressing social deviance. (Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, 1951).) The concept went through a substantial reorientation in the writings of Michel Foucault. Without mentioning the term 'social control' directly, Foucault emphasized the more subtle and often hidden ways in which social control operates in modern-day societies through his analysis of the process of 'disciplining'. (Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. trans. From the French by Alan Sheridan (London, 1077); M. Foucault Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and other Writings 1972-1977. trans. From the French by Colin Gordon (Brighton, 1980); H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, Michel Foucault: Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics (Brighton, 1982); Gary Gutting (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Foucault (Cambridge, 1994). However many scholars missed the point that the process also involved a considerable degree of resistance and contestation as well. I use the notion of 'social control' here in a rather nuanced way with recognizing that contestation and negotiation form an integral part of the process. In this connection, see C. Ackroyd et al., The Technology of Political Control (London, 1980); Christopher Dandeker, Surveillance, Power and Modernity: Bureaucracy and Discipline from 1700 to the Present Day (Cambridge, 1904); J. Gibbs (ed.), Social Control: Views from the Social Sciences (London, 1982); A. Horwitz, The Logic of Social Control (New York, 1990); Gareth Stedman Jones, Languages of Class: Studies in English Harking Class History 1832-1982 (Cambridge, 1983); among others.
183. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
184. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
185. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
186. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
187. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
188. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
189. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
190. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
191. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
192. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
193. Royal Commission of Labour in India, Report of the Royal Commission of Labour in India (Calcutta, 1929); Evidence, Vol. I, Part I. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Written Evidence (London, 1931); Evidence, Vol. I, Part II. Bombay Presidency (including Sind). Oral Evidence (London, 1931); Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee 1937-38, Vol. I, Interim Report (Bombay, 1938); Report of the Textile Labour Enquiry Committee, Vol. II (Bombay, 1940); Shukla, Six Decades of Textile Labour Association, Ahmedabad; Mahadev Desai, A Righteous Struggle; Erikson, Gandhi's Truth. On the Origins of Militant Son-Violence; Patel, The Making of Industrial Relations: The Ahmedabad Textile Industry 1918-1939.
194. See in this connection, Satish Misra, Muslim Communities in Gujarat: Preliminary Studies in their History and Social Organisation (New York, 1964); Government of Bombay, Revenue Department ('28' Series), File no. 8276/28 I, pp. 9-21- 57-8, 65-7; File 8276/28 II, PP. 39-45, 57-8, 69, 105, 113-15, 131-9, 201, 205-7, 219, 233.
195. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, esp. pp. 1-6, 21-8, 55-63, 70-8, 79-82, 100-11, 174-8. elites had much less control over the economy, as the economy there was dominated by European business. Bv contrast, the Indian elites in Ahmedabad not only had near total control over the city's economy but were also much more united than their counterparts in Bombay or Calcutta. (See in this context, Sharada Dwevedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay, 1995), p. 157; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics, chs 4, 5 and 6; Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism, pp. 3-4, 72-3; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 245-7.) Madras proved to be an exception in this context, however. This was because despite the fact that it was a large coastal centre with powerful Anglo-Indian groups and a strong state interest, Indian groups there had begun by the late colonial period to have a significant agency in deciding the shaping of the city, both spatial and social.
196. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, esp. pp. 1-6, 21-8, 55-63, 70-8, 79- 82, 100-11, 174-8. elites had much less control over the economy, as the economy there was dominated by European business. Bv contrast, the Indian elites in Ahmedabad not only had near total control over the city's economy but were also much more united than their counterparts in Bombay or Calcutta. (See in this context, Sharada Dwevedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay, 1995), p. 157; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics, chs 4, 5 and 6; Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism, pp. 3-4, 72-3; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 245-7.) Madras proved to be an exception in this context, however. This was because despite the fact that it was a large coastal centre with powerful Anglo-Indian groups and a strong state interest, Indian groups there had begun by the late colonial period to have a significant agency in deciding the shaping of the city, both spatial and social.
197. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, esp. pp. 1-6, 21-8, 55-63, 70-8, 79- 82, 100-11, 174-8. elites had much less control over the economy, as the economy there was dominated by European business. Bv contrast, the Indian elites in Ahmedabad not only had near total control over the city's economy but were also much more united than their counterparts in Bombay or Calcutta. (See in this context, Sharada Dwevedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay, 1995), p. 157; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics, chs 4, 5 and 6; Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism, pp. 3-4, 72-3; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 245-7.) Madras proved to be an exception in this context, however. This was because despite the fact that it was a large coastal centre with powerful Anglo-Indian groups and a strong state interest, Indian groups there had begun by the late colonial period to have a significant agency in deciding the shaping of the city, both spatial and social.
198. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, esp. pp. 1-6, 21-8, 55-63, 70-8, 79- 82, 100-11, 174-8. elites had much less control over the economy, as the economy there was dominated by European business. Bv contrast, the Indian elites in Ahmedabad not only had near total control over the city's economy but were also much more united than their counterparts in Bombay or Calcutta. (See in this context, Sharada Dwevedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay, 1995), p. 157; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics, chs 4, 5 and 6; Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism, pp. 3-4, 72-3; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 245-7.) Madras proved to be an exception in this context, however. This was because despite the fact that it was a large coastal centre with powerful Anglo-Indian groups and a strong state interest, Indian groups there had begun by the late colonial period to have a significant agency in deciding the shaping of the city, both spatial and social.
199. Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity, esp. pp. 1-6, 21-8, 55-63, 70-8, 79- 82, 100-11, 174-8. elites had much less control over the economy, as the economy there was dominated by European business. Bv contrast, the Indian elites in Ahmedabad not only had near total control over the city's economy but were also much more united than their counterparts in Bombay or Calcutta. (See in this context, Sharada Dwevedi and Rahul Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within (Bombay, 1995), p. 157; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics, chs 4, 5 and 6; Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism, pp. 3-4, 72-3; and Raychaudhuri, op. cit., pp. 245-7.) Madras proved to be an exception in this context, however. This was because despite the fact that it was a large coastal centre with powerful Anglo-Indian groups and a strong state interest, Indian groups there had begun by the late colonial period to have a significant agency in deciding the shaping of the city, both spatial and social.
200. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
201. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
202. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
203. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
204. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
205. See in this context works such as Janet Abu-Lughod, Rabat: Urban Apartheid in Morocco (Princeton, 1980); Sukanta Chaudhuri (ed.), Calcutta: The Living City vol. II. The Present and Future (Calcutta, 1990); Dossal, Imperial Designs and Indian Realities; Dwevedi and Mehrotra, Bombay: The Cities Within; Gordon, Businessmen and Politics; King, Colonial Urban Development;
206. Thomas R. Metcalf, An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and Britain's Raj (Berkeley, 1989);
207. Oldenburg, The Making of Colonial Lucknow;
208. Rajat Ray, Urban Roots of Indian Nationalism;
209. Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Design in French Colonial Urbanism (Chicago, 1991);
210. Brenda Yeoh, Contesting Space: Power Relations and the Urban Built Environment in Colonial Singapore (Kuala Lumpur, 1996).