Germany and the East

Europe - Asia Studies

Volumn 53, Issue 6, 2001, Pages 921-952

  Thompson, Wayne C ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

FOREIGN POLICY; GEOPOLITICS; INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS;

GERMANY;

EID: 0034776135     PISSN: 09668136     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/09668130120078568     Document Type: Article

References (176)

1. Hans-Peter Schwarz, 'Europe's Central Power. Germany on a Stabilization Course', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, p. 45. The author wishes to thank the Deutsch-Amerikanische Fulbright-Kommission for organising a three-week summer seminar on the subject of Deutschland und Mitteleuropa, 14 June-4 July 1998.
2. Hans-Peter Schwarz, 'Europe's Central Power. Germany on a Stabilization Course', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, p. 45. The author wishes to thank the Deutsch-Amerikanische Fulbright-Kommission for organising a three-week summer seminar on the subject of Deutschland und Mitteleuropa, 14 June-4 July 1998.
3. Fischer quotation in 'Planetarische Visionen', Der Spiegel, 8 November 1999, pp. 33-34; Schwarz, 'Europe's Central Power', p. 49.
4. Fischer quotation in 'Planetarische Visionen', Der Spiegel, 8 November 1999, pp. 33-34; Schwarz, 'Europe's Central Power', p. 49.
5. See Andrei S. Markovits & Simon Reich, The German Predicament. Memory and Power in the New Europe (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 2, 5-6; Günter Gillessen, 'Germany's Position in the Centre of Europe', in Arnulf Baring (ed.), Germany's New Position in Europe (Providence, RI, Berg, 1994), pp. 25, 31. Gillessen's chapter is a perceptive analysis of how Germany's central location in Europe historically presented more problems than advantages to Germany and why it no longer has the significance it once had.
6. See Andrei S. Markovits & Simon Reich, The German Predicament. Memory and Power in the New Europe (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 2, 5-6; Günter Gillessen, 'Germany's Position in the Centre of Europe', in Arnulf Baring (ed.), Germany's New Position in Europe (Providence, RI, Berg, 1994), pp. 25, 31. Gillessen's chapter is a perceptive analysis of how Germany's central location in Europe historically presented more problems than advantages to Germany and why it no longer has the significance it once had.
7. Zbigniew Brzezinski, The Grand Chessboard. American Primacy and its Geostrategic Imperatives (New York, Basic Books, 1997), p. 61.
8. Strategic Assessment 1999. Priorities for a Turbulent World (Washington, DC, National Defense University, 1999), pp. 76, 78. DOD quotation from Sean Kay, 'NATO Enlargement. Policy, Process, and Implications', in Andrew A. Michta, America's New Allies. Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in NATO (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1999), p. 157.
9. Strategic Assessment 1999. Priorities for a Turbulent World (Washington, DC, National Defense University, 1999), pp. 76, 78. DOD quotation from Sean Kay, 'NATO Enlargement. Policy, Process, and Implications', in Andrew A. Michta, America's New Allies. Poland, Hungary, and the Czech Republic in NATO (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1999), p. 157.
10. Steiner quotation in William Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', The Washington Post, 11 September 1999, p. A16; Gillessen, 'Germany's Position', p. 22; Hanns W. Maull, 'German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo: Still a "Civilian Power"?', German Politics, 9, 2, August 2000, pp. 17-20; Heinrich Vogel, 'Osteuropa - Ein Schwerpunkt deutscher Aussenpolitik', in Karl Kaiser & Joachim Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 3: Interessen und Strategien (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1996), pp. 170-171.
11. Steiner quotation in William Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', The Washington Post, 11 September 1999, p. A16; Gillessen, 'Germany's Position', p. 22; Hanns W. Maull, 'German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo: Still a "Civilian Power"?', German Politics, 9, 2, August 2000, pp. 17-20; Heinrich Vogel, 'Osteuropa - Ein Schwerpunkt deutscher Aussenpolitik', in Karl Kaiser & Joachim Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 3: Interessen und Strategien (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1996), pp. 170-171.
12. Steiner quotation in William Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', The Washington Post, 11 September 1999, p. A16; Gillessen, 'Germany's Position', p. 22; Hanns W. Maull, 'German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo: Still a "Civilian Power"?', German Politics, 9, 2, August 2000, pp. 17-20; Heinrich Vogel, 'Osteuropa - Ein Schwerpunkt deutscher Aussenpolitik', in Karl Kaiser & Joachim Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 3: Interessen und Strategien (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1996), pp. 170-171.
13. Steiner quotation in William Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', The Washington Post, 11 September 1999, p. A16; Gillessen, 'Germany's Position', p. 22; Hanns W. Maull, 'German Foreign Policy, Post-Kosovo: Still a "Civilian Power"?', German Politics, 9, 2, August 2000, pp. 17-20; Heinrich Vogel, 'Osteuropa - Ein Schwerpunkt deutscher Aussenpolitik', in Karl Kaiser & Joachim Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 3: Interessen und Strategien (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1996), pp. 170-171.
14. Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 12.
15. Ann L. Phillips, Power and Influence after the Cold War. Germany in East-Central Europe (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), pp. 6-13, 55, 105.
16. Vogel, 'Osteuropa', p. 170.
17. Discussion with Steiner in Prague.
18. Discussion with Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998. See Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Rebuilding a House Divided. A Memoir by the Architect of Germany's Reunification (New York, Broadway Books, 1998), especially pp. 1-12, 284-295. A year later in Moscow when the final settlement on Germany was signed, the GDR's last prime minister, Lothar de Maizière, reminded Gorbachev of his warning to Honecker. The embattled Soviet leader 'laughed somewhat bitterly and said with resignation, "Yes, but do you know whether we have all come much too late?"'. Philip Zelikow & Condoleezza Rice, Germany Unified and Europe Transformed (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 370.
19. Discussion with Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998. See Hans-Dietrich Genscher, Rebuilding a House Divided. A Memoir by the Architect of Germany's Reunification (New York, Broadway Books, 1998), especially pp. 1-12, 284-295. A year later in Moscow when the final settlement on Germany was signed, the GDR's last prime minister, Lothar de Maizière, reminded Gorbachev of his warning to Honecker. The embattled Soviet leader 'laughed somewhat bitterly and said with resignation, "Yes, but do you know whether we have all come much too late?"'. Philip Zelikow & Condoleezza Rice, Germany Unified and Europe Transformed (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 370.
20. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
21. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
22. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
23. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
24. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
25. For all aspects of these crucial Allied and German negotiations with Moscow see Angela E. Stent, Russia and Germany Reborn. Unification, the Soviet Collapse, and the New Europe (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1999), especially pp. 144-149. See also Heinrich Bortfeldt, Washington Bonn Berlin. Die USA und die deutsche Einheit (Bonn, Bouvier, 1993); Mikhail Gorbachev, Memoirs (New York, Doubleday, 1995), pp. 516-534; George Bush & Brent Snowcroft, A World Transformed (New York, Alfred A. Knopf, 1998), pp. 182-204; Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (New York, HarperCollins, 1993), pp. 789-815; James A. Baker, III, The Politics of Diplomacy. Revolution, War & Peace, 1989-1992 (New York, G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1995), pp. 158-176, 230-259.
26. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 144-148. See also Zelikow & Rice, Germany Unified, p. 369, for the indispensable importance of Gorbachev's renunciation of conflict and class struggle in ending the Cold War. They argue that Gorbachev 'never intended to destroy Soviet power in Europe. He only wanted to place it on a different and more legitimate foundation'.
27. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 144-148. See also Zelikow & Rice, Germany Unified, p. 369, for the indispensable importance of Gorbachev's renunciation of conflict and class struggle in ending the Cold War. They argue that Gorbachev 'never intended to destroy Soviet power in Europe. He only wanted to place it on a different and more legitimate foundation'.
28. See Stent, Russia and Germany, chapters 4-7; also Celeste A. Wallander, Mortal Friends, Best Enemies. German-Russian Cooperation after the Cold War (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1999).
29. See Stent, Russia and Germany, chapters 4-7; also Celeste A. Wallander, Mortal Friends, Best Enemies. German-Russian Cooperation after the Cold War (Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1999).
30. Wayne C. Thompson, Western Europe 2000 (Harpers Ferry, WVA, Stryker-Post, 2000), p. 66. For the treaties see Bronislaw Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, p. 21, and Sarah Meiklejohn Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy since 1989: the Challenges of Independence', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 33, 1, March 2000, p. 11.
31. Wayne C. Thompson, Western Europe 2000 (Harpers Ferry, WVA, Stryker-Post, 2000), p. 66. For the treaties see Bronislaw Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, p. 21, and Sarah Meiklejohn Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy since 1989: the Challenges of Independence', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 33, 1, March 2000, p. 11.
32. Wayne C. Thompson, Western Europe 2000 (Harpers Ferry, WVA, Stryker-Post, 2000), p. 66. For the treaties see Bronislaw Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, p. 21, and Sarah Meiklejohn Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy since 1989: the Challenges of Independence', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 33, 1, March 2000, p. 11.
33. Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 3, 11. Heinrich Vogel argues that the fact that Germany is itself a state in transformation, with all the financial and human costs that that entails, is lost on those people who think that Berlin has secret dreams of dominating not only the East but all of Europe. 'Osteuropa', p. 171.
34. Bogdan Goralczyk et al. (eds), In Pursuit of Europe. Transformations of Post-Communist States 1989-1994 (Warsaw, Institute of Political Studies, 1995), pp. 6-7; Sabrina Ramet, 'Eastern Europe's Painful Transition', Current History, 1996, p. 101.
35. Bogdan Goralczyk et al. (eds), In Pursuit of Europe. Transformations of Post-Communist States 1989-1994 (Warsaw, Institute of Political Studies, 1995), pp. 6-7; Sabrina Ramet, 'Eastern Europe's Painful Transition', Current History, 1996, p. 101.
36. Alison Mahr & John Nagle, 'Resurrection of the Successor Parties and Democratization in East-Central Europe', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 28, 4, 1995, pp. 394-395, 398, 405-407; Ann L. Phillips, 'Socialism with a New Face? The PDS in Search of Reform', East European Politics and Society, 8, 3, 1994, p. 497. See Gerhard Hirscher (ed.), Kommunistische und postkommunistische Parteien in Osteuropa. Ausgewählte Fallstudien (Munich, Hanns-Seidel Stiftung, 2000).
37. Alison Mahr & John Nagle, 'Resurrection of the Successor Parties and Democratization in East-Central Europe', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 28, 4, 1995, pp. 394-395, 398, 405-407; Ann L. Phillips, 'Socialism with a New Face? The PDS in Search of Reform', East European Politics and Society, 8, 3, 1994, p. 497. See Gerhard Hirscher (ed.), Kommunistische und postkommunistische Parteien in Osteuropa. Ausgewählte Fallstudien (Munich, Hanns-Seidel Stiftung, 2000).
38. Alison Mahr & John Nagle, 'Resurrection of the Successor Parties and Democratization in East-Central Europe', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 28, 4, 1995, pp. 394-395, 398, 405-407; Ann L. Phillips, 'Socialism with a New Face? The PDS in Search of Reform', East European Politics and Society, 8, 3, 1994, p. 497. See Gerhard Hirscher (ed.), Kommunistische und postkommunistische Parteien in Osteuropa. Ausgewählte Fallstudien (Munich, Hanns-Seidel Stiftung, 2000).
39. Only 3.7% of Germany's exports are produced in eastern Germany. This is distressing because exporting is the fastest growing segment of the German economy. See 'So nah und doch so fern', Berliner Morgenpost, 8 June 1999.
40. Heinrich Bortfeldt, 'Antworten', in Uwe Backes & Eckhard Jesse, Extremismus & Demokratie (Baden-Baden, Nomos, 1995), p. 89; Lawrence McFalls, 'Political Culture, Partisan Strategies, and the PDS: Prospects for an East German Party', German Politics and Society, 13, 1, 1995, pp. 52, 54.
41. Heinrich Bortfeldt, 'Antworten', in Uwe Backes & Eckhard Jesse, Extremismus & Demokratie (Baden-Baden, Nomos, 1995), p. 89; Lawrence McFalls, 'Political Culture, Partisan Strategies, and the PDS: Prospects for an East German Party', German Politics and Society, 13, 1, 1995, pp. 52, 54.
42. Meeting with Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998.
43. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
44. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
45. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
46. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
47. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
48. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
49. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
50. Peter J. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa. Between Europe and Germany (Providence, RI, Berghahn Books, 1997), p. 7. Polish Foreign Minister Bronislaw Geremek explained that the claim of Central European identity was primarily to distinguish themselves from eastern Slavs, on the one hand, and the Balkan peoples, on the other. Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 23; Stent, Russia and Germany, p. 211. James Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', Current History, November 1995, p. 383; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 1-3 and quote on p. 22. The first Schröder quotation is from Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe', the second from 'Schröder sichert Polen Hilfe für schnellen EU-Beitritt zu', Berliner Zeitung, 28 April 2000. Gary L. Geipel, 'Germany and the Burden of Choice', Current History, November 1995, pp. 376-377, argues that history-conscious German leaders would prefer to route their economic and political engagement through Brussels rather than facing accusations of trying to recreate an empire in the East, even though the outcome of massive German influence is the same.
51. Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 125-128, 180-181, 185.
52. Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe'. In 1997 and 1998 more foreigners actually left Germany than entered. The number of asylum seekers decreased from 438 000 in 1992 to 95 000 in 1998. ' Stimmen mit Stimmung', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, p. 27.
53. Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns Its Gaze to Eastern Europe'. In 1997 and 1998 more foreigners actually left Germany than entered. The number of asylum seekers decreased from 438 000 in 1992 to 95 000 in 1998. ' Stimmen mit Stimmung', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, p. 27.
54. Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 169-174, 179-180; Katzenstein (ed), Mitteleuropa, pp. 22-26; Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', p. 384; Horst Kühler & Samuel Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 16-17.
55. Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 169-174, 179-180; Katzenstein (ed), Mitteleuropa, pp. 22-26; Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', p. 384; Horst Kühler & Samuel Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 16-17.
56. Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 169-174, 179-180; Katzenstein (ed), Mitteleuropa, pp. 22-26; Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', p. 384; Horst Kühler & Samuel Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 16-17.
57. Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 169-174, 179-180; Katzenstein (ed), Mitteleuropa, pp. 22-26; Kurth, 'Germany and the Reemergence of Mitteleuropa', p. 384; Horst Kühler & Samuel Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation in Central and Eastern Europe', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 16-17.
58. Meeting with Süssmuth in Bundestag, Bonn, 17 June 1998.
59. Elizabeth Pond, The Rebirth of Europe (Washington DC, Brookings Institution Press, 1999), pp. 65-72, 108-109, 129-138; Rühe quote on p. 65.
60. Mary N. Hampton, 'German Security at the Crossroads', in Mary N. Hampton & Christian Søe, Between Bonn and Berlin. German Politics Adrift? (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), pp. 243-244. Quotation from Kay, 'NATO Enlargement', pp. 149-150.
61. Mary N. Hampton, 'German Security at the Crossroads', in Mary N. Hampton & Christian Søe, Between Bonn and Berlin. German Politics Adrift? (Lanham, MD, Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), pp. 243-244. Quotation from Kay, 'NATO Enlargement', pp. 149-150.
62. Discussion with Wolfgang Ischinger of the German Foreign Office, Königswinter, 19 June 1998.
63. Kay, 'NATO Enlargement', pp. 153, 156-158. Kay reports that in a 1996 opinion poll 61% of German respondents believed NATO enlargement would benefit European security, but one year later that dropped to only 38%; 23% felt that NATO should not be influenced by Russian concerns over enlargement. See Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245, for German input on text of charter.
64. Kay, 'NATO Enlargement', pp. 153, 156-158. Kay reports that in a 1996 opinion poll 61% of German respondents believed NATO enlargement would benefit European security, but one year later that dropped to only 38%; 23% felt that NATO should not be influenced by Russian concerns over enlargement. See Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245, for German input on text of charter.
65. Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 7-8, 10; Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 25.
66. Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 7-8, 10; Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', p. 25.
67. Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998. Poll results in Manik Hinchey, 'The World of Post-Communism; Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary', in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 109.
68. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. See his chapter on Poland, 'Die Deutsch-Polnische Interessengemeinschaft', in Kaiser & Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik. Vol. 3, pp. 143-148. In his view, that identity of interests between the two countries is 'to create an open Europe based on the Euro-Atlantic idea of human rights'.
69. Byrt in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; 'Special Issue: Poland The Years After', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 33, 1, March 2000, pp. 89, 150. Fischer and Schröder visits in 'Im Schatten einer Geste', Der Spiegel, 11 December 2000, pp. 200-202. Schröder's hosts presented him with a Polish newsreel from 1970 deleting former Chancellor Willy Brandt's electrifying kneeling at the monument to the Warsaw ghetto. Not until years later did the Polish public learn about that historic gesture.
70. Byrt in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; 'Special Issue: Poland The Years After', Communist and Post-Communist Studies, 33, 1, March 2000, pp. 89, 150. Fischer and Schröder visits in 'Im Schatten einer Geste', Der Spiegel, 11 December 2000, pp. 200-202. Schröder's hosts presented him with a Polish newsreel from 1970 deleting former Chancellor Willy Brandt's electrifying kneeling at the monument to the Warsaw ghetto. Not until years later did the Polish public learn about that historic gesture.
71. Poll figures on 'sympathy' from Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', pp. 23-24; quotation on p. 23; 1996 poll results in Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 97. See also Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 111-115; Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245.
72. Poll figures on 'sympathy' from Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', pp. 23-24; quotation on p. 23; 1996 poll results in Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 97. See also Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 111-115; Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245.
73. Poll figures on 'sympathy' from Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', pp. 23-24; quotation on p. 23; 1996 poll results in Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 97. See also Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 111-115; Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245.
74. Poll figures on 'sympathy' from Geremek, 'Poland's Geostrategic Opportunity', pp. 23-24; quotation on p. 23; 1996 poll results in Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 97. See also Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 111-115; Hampton, 'German Security', p. 245.
75. Norbert Baas, 'The Weimar Triangle', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 26-30; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 92-93. For 2001 meeting see 'Dreiergipfel: Polen wird bald in der EU sein', Berliner Zeitung, 28 February 2001, and 'Poland Promised Swift EU Accession', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 28 February 2001. Germany has concluded a thick net of treaties and agreements with Ukraine; see 'Flügelmacht Europas oder "kranker Mann am Dnipro"?', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 January 2001.
76. Norbert Baas, 'The Weimar Triangle', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 26-30; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 92-93. For 2001 meeting see 'Dreiergipfel: Polen wird bald in der EU sein', Berliner Zeitung, 28 February 2001, and 'Poland Promised Swift EU Accession', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 28 February 2001. Germany has concluded a thick net of treaties and agreements with Ukraine; see 'Flügelmacht Europas oder "kranker Mann am Dnipro"?', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 January 2001.
77. Norbert Baas, 'The Weimar Triangle', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 26-30; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 92-93. For 2001 meeting see 'Dreiergipfel: Polen wird bald in der EU sein', Berliner Zeitung, 28 February 2001, and 'Poland Promised Swift EU Accession', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 28 February 2001. Germany has concluded a thick net of treaties and agreements with Ukraine; see 'Flügelmacht Europas oder "kranker Mann am Dnipro"?', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 January 2001.
78. Norbert Baas, 'The Weimar Triangle', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 26-30; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 92-93. For 2001 meeting see 'Dreiergipfel: Polen wird bald in der EU sein', Berliner Zeitung, 28 February 2001, and 'Poland Promised Swift EU Accession', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 28 February 2001. Germany has concluded a thick net of treaties and agreements with Ukraine; see 'Flügelmacht Europas oder "kranker Mann am Dnipro"?', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 January 2001.
79. Norbert Baas, 'The Weimar Triangle', Transatlantic Internationale Politik, 2000, 1, pp. 26-30; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 92-93. For 2001 meeting see 'Dreiergipfel: Polen wird bald in der EU sein', Berliner Zeitung, 28 February 2001, and 'Poland Promised Swift EU Accession', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 28 February 2001. Germany has concluded a thick net of treaties and agreements with Ukraine; see 'Flügelmacht Europas oder "kranker Mann am Dnipro"?', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 15 January 2001.
80. For a discussion of the tensions around the university see 'Toleranz ist anstrengend', Der Spiegel, 5 February 2001. In 1994 the Polish government also donated a spacious palace surrounded by 120 hectares of park and nature reserve at Natolin, in the southern part of Warsaw, to serve as the second campus of the College of Europe, an elite graduate-level institution for European studies based since 1948 in Bruges, Belgium.
81. 'Polen: Raketenabwehrsystem muss "NATO-System" sein', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 23 February 2001.
82. Michta, America 's New Allies, pp. 40-45, 62-63; Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 30-31. On admission of Baltic states see Peter Finn, 'Poland, Russia Spar Over Collision of Interests', Washington Post, 20 April 2000, p. 28. Zbigniew Brzezinski, 'NATO: the Dilemmas of Expansion', The National Interest, No. 53, Fall 1998, argues that NATO security enables Poles to seek reconciliation with Russia and other former enemies. Security is a precondition for reconciliation. Unlike in the Czech Republic and Hungary, NATO enjoys overwhelming popular and parliamentary support in Poland.
83. Michta, America 's New Allies, pp. 40-45, 62-63; Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 30-31. On admission of Baltic states see Peter Finn, 'Poland, Russia Spar Over Collision of Interests', Washington Post, 20 April 2000, p. 28. Zbigniew Brzezinski, 'NATO: the Dilemmas of Expansion', The National Interest, No. 53, Fall 1998, argues that NATO security enables Poles to seek reconciliation with Russia and other former enemies. Security is a precondition for reconciliation. Unlike in the Czech Republic and Hungary, NATO enjoys overwhelming popular and parliamentary support in Poland.
84. Michta, America 's New Allies, pp. 40-45, 62-63; Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 30-31. On admission of Baltic states see Peter Finn, 'Poland, Russia Spar Over Collision of Interests', Washington Post, 20 April 2000, p. 28. Zbigniew Brzezinski, 'NATO: the Dilemmas of Expansion', The National Interest, No. 53, Fall 1998, argues that NATO security enables Poles to seek reconciliation with Russia and other former enemies. Security is a precondition for reconciliation. Unlike in the Czech Republic and Hungary, NATO enjoys overwhelming popular and parliamentary support in Poland.
85. Michta, America 's New Allies, pp. 40-45, 62-63; Terry, 'Poland's Foreign Policy', pp. 30-31. On admission of Baltic states see Peter Finn, 'Poland, Russia Spar Over Collision of Interests', Washington Post, 20 April 2000, p. 28. Zbigniew Brzezinski, 'NATO: the Dilemmas of Expansion', The National Interest, No. 53, Fall 1998, argues that NATO security enables Poles to seek reconciliation with Russia and other former enemies. Security is a precondition for reconciliation. Unlike in the Czech Republic and Hungary, NATO enjoys overwhelming popular and parliamentary support in Poland.
86. 'Wirtschaft will schnellen Zuzug von Osteuropäern', Berliner Zeitung, 16 February 2001; 'EU-Osterweiterung - Angstmache aus dem Kanzleramt', Der Spiegel, 2 January 2001; 'Die Angst vor einem Zustrom von Arbeitskräften ist unbegründet', Die Welt, 20 February 2001.
87. 'Wirtschaft will schnellen Zuzug von Osteuropäern', Berliner Zeitung, 16 February 2001; 'EU-Osterweiterung - Angstmache aus dem Kanzleramt', Der Spiegel, 2 January 2001; 'Die Angst vor einem Zustrom von Arbeitskräften ist unbegründet', Die Welt, 20 February 2001.
88. 'Wirtschaft will schnellen Zuzug von Osteuropäern', Berliner Zeitung, 16 February 2001; 'EU-Osterweiterung - Angstmache aus dem Kanzleramt', Der Spiegel, 2 January 2001; 'Die Angst vor einem Zustrom von Arbeitskräften ist unbegründet', Die Welt, 20 February 2001.
89. Carl Graf Hohenthal, Economics correspondent of the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, in Bonn, 16 June 1998. For the 'safe third state' issue see
90. Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 79-81.
91. Hinchey, 'World of Post-Communism', p. 110; 'Schlesische Ansprüche', Focus, 4 March 2000, p. 304; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 81-100; Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 87.
92. Hinchey, 'World of Post-Communism', p. 110; 'Schlesische Ansprüche', Focus, 4 March 2000, p. 304; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 81-100; Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 87.
93. Hinchey, 'World of Post-Communism', p. 110; 'Schlesische Ansprüche', Focus, 4 March 2000, p. 304; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 81-100; Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 87.
94. Hinchey, 'World of Post-Communism', p. 110; 'Schlesische Ansprüche', Focus, 4 March 2000, p. 304; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 81-100; Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 87.
95. Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 66, 105.
96. Discussion with Biedenkopf in Dresden, 30 June 1998. For Central European perspectives on German political and economic relations with Poland see the chapters by Janusz Stefanowicz and Josef Misala in Tamás Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe Until 2000, Trends in World Economy No. 75 (Budapest, Institute for World Economics, 1994).
97. David Turnock, 'Regional Development', in Patrick Heenan & Monique Lamontagne (eds), The Central and Eastern Europe Handbook (London, Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1999), pp. 189-190; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 188-190.
98. David Turnock, 'Regional Development', in Patrick Heenan & Monique Lamontagne (eds), The Central and Eastern Europe Handbook (London, Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1999), pp. 189-190; Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 188-190.
99. German unification poll results in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 116; references to Germanisation of economy on pp. 176, 181. Czech politicians were unconditionally in favour of German unification. See Lubos Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', Transitions, November 1998, p. 29. 1995 poll in Karel Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versöhnungserklärung', Osteuropa, October/November 1997, p. 977. 1996 results in Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, p. 33; reference to 'kalter Anschluss' on p. 190. For Central European views on Germany's political and economic relationship with the Czech and Slovak Republics see the chapters by Vladimir Handl, Bozena Titerova and Jozef Cernák in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
100. German unification poll results in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 116; references to Germanisation of economy on pp. 176, 181. Czech politicians were unconditionally in favour of German unification. See Lubos Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', Transitions, November 1998, p. 29. 1995 poll in Karel Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versöhnungserklärung', Osteuropa, October/November 1997, p. 977. 1996 results in Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, p. 33; reference to 'kalter Anschluss' on p. 190. For Central European views on Germany's political and economic relationship with the Czech and Slovak Republics see the chapters by Vladimir Handl, Bozena Titerova and Jozef Cernák in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
101. German unification poll results in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 116; references to Germanisation of economy on pp. 176, 181. Czech politicians were unconditionally in favour of German unification. See Lubos Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', Transitions, November 1998, p. 29. 1995 poll in Karel Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versöhnungserklärung', Osteuropa, October/November 1997, p. 977. 1996 results in Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, p. 33; reference to 'kalter Anschluss' on p. 190. For Central European views on Germany's political and economic relationship with the Czech and Slovak Republics see the chapters by Vladimir Handl, Bozena Titerova and Jozef Cernák in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
102. German unification poll results in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 116; references to Germanisation of economy on pp. 176, 181. Czech politicians were unconditionally in favour of German unification. See Lubos Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', Transitions, November 1998, p. 29. 1995 poll in Karel Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versöhnungserklärung', Osteuropa, October/November 1997, p. 977. 1996 results in Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, p. 33; reference to 'kalter Anschluss' on p. 190. For Central European views on Germany's political and economic relationship with the Czech and Slovak Republics see the chapters by Vladimir Handl, Bozena Titerova and Jozef Cernák in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
103. German unification poll results in Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, p. 116; references to Germanisation of economy on pp. 176, 181. Czech politicians were unconditionally in favour of German unification. See Lubos Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', Transitions, November 1998, p. 29. 1995 poll in Karel Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen und die Versöhnungserklärung', Osteuropa, October/November 1997, p. 977. 1996 results in Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, p. 33; reference to 'kalter Anschluss' on p. 190. For Central European views on Germany's political and economic relationship with the Czech and Slovak Republics see the chapters by Vladimir Handl, Bozena Titerova and Jozef Cernák in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
104. Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 88.
105. Poll on justice of expulsion in Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen', p. 979. In the same poll (p. 980) over 80% contended the Sudeten Germans still wanted to get their property back. See also Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 186-187; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', pp. 29-31; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 66, 181.
106. Poll on justice of expulsion in Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen', p. 979. In the same poll (p. 980) over 80% contended the Sudeten Germans still wanted to get their property back. See also Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 186-187; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', pp. 29-31; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 66, 181.
107. Poll on justice of expulsion in Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen', p. 979. In the same poll (p. 980) over 80% contended the Sudeten Germans still wanted to get their property back. See also Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 186-187; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', pp. 29-31; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 66, 181.
108. Poll on justice of expulsion in Vodička, 'Tschechisch-deutsche Beziehungen', p. 979. In the same poll (p. 980) over 80% contended the Sudeten Germans still wanted to get their property back. See also Katzenstein (ed.), Mitteleuropa, pp. 186-187; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', pp. 29-31; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 66, 181.
109. Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118. Rhodes notes that Czech public support for the EU weakened in the course of the 1990s; see Matthew Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise and Europe', Problems of Post-Communism, 47, 2, March/April 2000, pp. 59-60. Michael Steiner, 'Deutschland und Tschechien 1998', Mezenarodni Politika, June 1998; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', p. 31.
110. Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118. Rhodes notes that Czech public support for the EU weakened in the course of the 1990s; see Matthew Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise and Europe', Problems of Post-Communism, 47, 2, March/April 2000, pp. 59-60. Michael Steiner, 'Deutschland und Tschechien 1998', Mezenarodni Politika, June 1998; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', p. 31.
111. Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118. Rhodes notes that Czech public support for the EU weakened in the course of the 1990s; see Matthew Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise and Europe', Problems of Post-Communism, 47, 2, March/April 2000, pp. 59-60. Michael Steiner, 'Deutschland und Tschechien 1998', Mezenarodni Politika, June 1998; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', p. 31.
112. Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118. Rhodes notes that Czech public support for the EU weakened in the course of the 1990s; see Matthew Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise and Europe', Problems of Post-Communism, 47, 2, March/April 2000, pp. 59-60. Michael Steiner, 'Deutschland und Tschechien 1998', Mezenarodni Politika, June 1998; Palata, 'Unsettled Scores', p. 31.
113. Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise', pp. 58-59, 62. See also Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118.
114. Rhodes, 'Czech Malaise', pp. 58-59, 62. See also Michta, America's New Allies, pp. 116-118.
115. Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 61-62, 107.
116. Ibid., pp. 86-89.
117. Markovits & Reich, The German Predicament, pp. 117-119.
118. Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 103; Margit Bessenyey Williams, 'Exporting the Democratic Deficit. Hungary's Experience with EU Integration', Problems of Post-Communism, 48, 1, January/ February 2001, p. 28.
119. Phillips, Power and Influence, p. 103; Margit Bessenyey Williams, 'Exporting the Democratic Deficit. Hungary's Experience with EU Integration', Problems of Post-Communism, 48, 1, January/ February 2001, p. 28.
120. Discussion with Ambassador Peter Balazs in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 102-104; László Csaba, 'Between Transition and EU Accession: Hungary at the Millennium', Europe-Asia Studies, 52, 5, July 2000, p. 810. For other Central European perspectives on German-Hungarian political and economic relations see the chapters by László Kiss and András Inotai in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
121. Discussion with Ambassador Peter Balazs in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 102-104; László Csaba, 'Between Transition and EU Accession: Hungary at the Millennium', Europe-Asia Studies, 52, 5, July 2000, p. 810. For other Central European perspectives on German-Hungarian political and economic relations see the chapters by László Kiss and András Inotai in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
122. Discussion with Ambassador Peter Balazs in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 102-104; László Csaba, 'Between Transition and EU Accession: Hungary at the Millennium', Europe-Asia Studies, 52, 5, July 2000, p. 810. For other Central European perspectives on German-Hungarian political and economic relations see the chapters by László Kiss and András Inotai in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
123. Discussion with Ambassador Peter Balazs in Königswinter, 19 June 1998; Phillips, Power and Influence, pp. 102-104; László Csaba, 'Between Transition and EU Accession: Hungary at the Millennium', Europe-Asia Studies, 52, 5, July 2000, p. 810. For other Central European perspectives on German-Hungarian political and economic relations see the chapters by László Kiss and András Inotai in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
124. Karl Kaiser & Joachim Krause, 'Deutsche Politik gegenüber dem Balkan', in Kaiser & Krause, Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 3, pp. 187-188.
125. Ibid., pp. 177-178, 181.
126. Ibid., pp. 175-177; Michael Thumann, 'Between Ambition and Paralysis: Germany's Balkan Policy, 1991-1994', CEPS Paper No. 59, 1994, pp. 17-31; Gillessen, 'Germany', pp. 23-24. For Germany's subsequent relations with independent Slovenia see the chapters by Mitja Mocnik, Joze Mencinger and Neven Borak in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
127. Ibid., pp. 175-177; Michael Thumann, 'Between Ambition and Paralysis: Germany's Balkan Policy, 1991-1994', CEPS Paper No. 59, 1994, pp. 17-31; Gillessen, 'Germany', pp. 23-24. For Germany's subsequent relations with independent Slovenia see the chapters by Mitja Mocnik, Joze Mencinger and Neven Borak in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
128. Ibid., pp. 175-177; Michael Thumann, 'Between Ambition and Paralysis: Germany's Balkan Policy, 1991-1994', CEPS Paper No. 59, 1994, pp. 17-31; Gillessen, 'Germany', pp. 23-24. For Germany's subsequent relations with independent Slovenia see the chapters by Mitja Mocnik, Joze Mencinger and Neven Borak in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
129. Ibid., pp. 175-177; Michael Thumann, 'Between Ambition and Paralysis: Germany's Balkan Policy, 1991-1994', CEPS Paper No. 59, 1994, pp. 17-31; Gillessen, 'Germany', pp. 23-24. For Germany's subsequent relations with independent Slovenia see the chapters by Mitja Mocnik, Joze Mencinger and Neven Borak in Szemlér (ed.), Relations Between Germany and East Central Europe.
130. Thumann, 'Between Ambition', pp. 33-34; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4. For an informative comprehensive analysis of the refugee problem in the Balkans see Tatjana Pire, 'The European Union and the Refugee Crisis', in Dieter Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers. New Frontiers. The Challenge of Kosovo and its Implications for the European Union (Bern, Peter Lang, 2001), pp. 135-158.
131. Thumann, 'Between Ambition', pp. 33-34; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4. For an informative comprehensive analysis of the refugee problem in the Balkans see Tatjana Pire, 'The European Union and the Refugee Crisis', in Dieter Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers. New Frontiers. The Challenge of Kosovo and its Implications for the European Union (Bern, Peter Lang, 2001), pp. 135-158.
132. Thumann, 'Between Ambition', pp. 33-34; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4. For an informative comprehensive analysis of the refugee problem in the Balkans see Tatjana Pire, 'The European Union and the Refugee Crisis', in Dieter Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers. New Frontiers. The Challenge of Kosovo and its Implications for the European Union (Bern, Peter Lang, 2001), pp. 135-158.
133. Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
134. Kosovo polling data in Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', pp. 8-10; Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
135. Kosovo polling data in Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', pp. 8-10; Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
136. Die grosse Solidaritätsshow', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, pp. 44-52; Kühler & Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation', pp. 19-20; Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 160-161, 165-166; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4.
137. Die grosse Solidaritätsshow', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, pp. 44-52; Kühler & Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation', pp. 19-20; Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 160-161, 165-166; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4.
138. Die grosse Solidaritätsshow', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, pp. 44-52; Kühler & Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation', pp. 19-20; Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 160-161, 165-166; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4.
139. Die grosse Solidaritätsshow', Der Spiegel, 20 March 2000, pp. 44-52; Kühler & Fankhauser, 'Germany and the Transformation', pp. 19-20; Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 160-161, 165-166; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', p. 4.
140. Ibid., p. 7.
141. Joseph Fitchett, 'German Army Smoothly Makes Room in the Ranks for Former Foes', International Herald Tribune, 11 February 2000. For all aspects of the merger see Dale R. Herspring, Requiem for an Army. The Demise of the East German Military (Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 1998). Polling data from Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
142. Joseph Fitchett, 'German Army Smoothly Makes Room in the Ranks for Former Foes', International Herald Tribune, 11 February 2000. For all aspects of the merger see Dale R. Herspring, Requiem for an Army. The Demise of the East German Military (Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 1998). Polling data from Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
143. Joseph Fitchett, 'German Army Smoothly Makes Room in the Ranks for Former Foes', International Herald Tribune, 11 February 2000. For all aspects of the merger see Dale R. Herspring, Requiem for an Army. The Demise of the East German Military (Lanham, Rowman & Littlefield, 1998). Polling data from Thompson, Western Europe 2000, p. 79.
144. 'Europa-Truppe nur bedingt einsatzbereit' and 'Verdeckte Gegner', Der Spiegel, 13 and 27 November 2000.
145. For all aspects of the pact see Juan Diego Ramirez-Cárdenas Diaz, 'The Stability Pact', in Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 176, 183-184; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', pp. 1, 5.
146. For all aspects of the pact see Juan Diego Ramirez-Cárdenas Diaz, 'The Stability Pact', in Mahncke (ed.), Old Frontiers, pp. 176, 183-184; Maull, 'German Foreign Policy', pp. 1, 5.
147. Gennady M. Fedorov, Kaliningrad Alternatives Today, Discussion Paper, Center for European Integration Studies, University of Bonn, 2000, pp. 6, 9-10. Fedorov is Head of the Department of Economic Geography, Kaliningrad State University.
148. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 168-171; Herwig Gödeke, 'Das Programm für die Sonderwirtschaftszone Kaliningrad 1998-2005', Osteuropa, November/December 1998, pp. 1110-1116; 'In a Russian Region Apart, Corruption is King', New York Times, 5 April 2000; Fedorov, Kaliningrad, pp. 5, 8-10, 19-20.
149. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 168-171; Herwig Gödeke, 'Das Programm für die Sonderwirtschaftszone Kaliningrad 1998-2005', Osteuropa, November/December 1998, pp. 1110-1116; 'In a Russian Region Apart, Corruption is King', New York Times, 5 April 2000; Fedorov, Kaliningrad, pp. 5, 8-10, 19-20.
150. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 168-171; Herwig Gödeke, 'Das Programm für die Sonderwirtschaftszone Kaliningrad 1998-2005', Osteuropa, November/December 1998, pp. 1110-1116; 'In a Russian Region Apart, Corruption is King', New York Times, 5 April 2000; Fedorov, Kaliningrad, pp. 5, 8-10, 19-20.
151. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 168-171; Herwig Gödeke, 'Das Programm für die Sonderwirtschaftszone Kaliningrad 1998-2005', Osteuropa, November/December 1998, pp. 1110-1116; 'In a Russian Region Apart, Corruption is King', New York Times, 5 April 2000; Fedorov, Kaliningrad, pp. 5, 8-10, 19-20.
152. Fedorov, Kaliningrad, p. 10.
153. Markus Wehner, 'Kaliningrad als Testfall', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 16 February 2001; Barry James, 'Nuclear Arms in a Russian Enclave? EU Questions Kremlin', International Herald Tribune, 16 February 2001.
154. Markus Wehner, 'Kaliningrad als Testfall', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 16 February 2001; Barry James, 'Nuclear Arms in a Russian Enclave? EU Questions Kremlin', International Herald Tribune, 16 February 2001.
155. Discussions with Friedbert Pflüger in Bonn, 19 June 1998, and Hans-Dietrich Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998; Wayne C. Thompson, 'The Baltic States', The Central and Eastern European Handbook (London, Fitzroy Dearborn, 1999), pp. 1-27.
156. Discussions with Friedbert Pflüger in Bonn, 19 June 1998, and Hans-Dietrich Genscher in Halle, 25 June 1998; Wayne C. Thompson, 'The Baltic States', The Central and Eastern European Handbook (London, Fitzroy Dearborn, 1999), pp. 1-27.
157. Fred Coleman, 'The Kaliningrad Scenario', World Policy Journal, Fall 1997.
158. Horst Bacia, 'Putin's Russia Still Trying to Come to Terms with NATO', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 21 February 2001.
159. Alexander Chepurenko, 'Russia's Image of Germany: Premise for Russia's Policy on Germany?', Aussenpolitik, 1997, 11, pp. 124-125; Helmut Hubel, 'Die schwierige Partnerschaft mit Russland', in Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, vol. 3, p. 138.
160. Alexander Chepurenko, 'Russia's Image of Germany: Premise for Russia's Policy on Germany?', Aussenpolitik, 1997, 11, pp. 124-125; Helmut Hubel, 'Die schwierige Partnerschaft mit Russland', in Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, vol. 3, p. 138.
161. 'Putin's Russia Still Trying to Come to Terms with NATO', Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, English edition, 21 February 2001.
162. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 152, 159, 183, 185-187, 203-212; 'Planetarische Visionen', p. 35. For the fact that Central Europeans look to Germany rather than Russia see Gerhard Wettig, 'NATO, Russia and European Security after the Cold War', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, pp. 19-20.
163. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 152, 159, 183, 185-187, 203-212; 'Planetarische Visionen', p. 35. For the fact that Central Europeans look to Germany rather than Russia see Gerhard Wettig, 'NATO, Russia and European Security after the Cold War', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, pp. 19-20.
164. Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 152, 159, 183, 185-187, 203-212; 'Planetarische Visionen', p. 35. For the fact that Central Europeans look to Germany rather than Russia see Gerhard Wettig, 'NATO, Russia and European Security after the Cold War', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, pp. 19-20.
165. Helmut Kohl, 'German Security Policy on the Threshold to the 21st Century', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, p. 9. Michael Stürmer wrote: 'Germany's Central and Eastern European neighbourhood cannot thrive without the prior stabilisation of the Russian reforms', 'Deutsche Interessen', Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 1 (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1994), p. 58. Germany rejected the role of middleman between Russia and the United States, as far as America's National Missile Defence is concerned: 'Berlin does not lie between Moscow and Washington' (Fischer), Gisbert Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung der deutsch-russischen Bezeihungen', Berliner Zeitung, 14 February 2001.
166. Helmut Kohl, 'German Security Policy on the Threshold to the 21st Century', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, p. 9. Michael Stürmer wrote: 'Germany's Central and Eastern European neighbourhood cannot thrive without the prior stabilisation of the Russian reforms', 'Deutsche Interessen', Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 1 (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1994), p. 58. Germany rejected the role of middleman between Russia and the United States, as far as America's National Missile Defence is concerned: 'Berlin does not lie between Moscow and Washington' (Fischer), Gisbert Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung der deutsch-russischen Bezeihungen', Berliner Zeitung, 14 February 2001.
167. Helmut Kohl, 'German Security Policy on the Threshold to the 21st Century', Aussenpolitik, 1998, 1, p. 9. Michael Stürmer wrote: 'Germany's Central and Eastern European neighbourhood cannot thrive without the prior stabilisation of the Russian reforms', 'Deutsche Interessen', Deutschlands neue Aussenpolitik, Vol. 1 (Munich, Oldenbourg, 1994), p. 58. Germany rejected the role of middleman between Russia and the United States, as far as America's National Missile Defence is concerned: 'Berlin does not lie between Moscow and Washington' (Fischer), Gisbert Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung der deutsch-russischen Bezeihungen', Berliner Zeitung, 14 February 2001.
168. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
169. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
170. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
171. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
172. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
173. Wallander, Mortal Friends, pp. 167-173; Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 180-181. Between 8000 and 12 000 Eastern European organised crime groups are active in the world, most from Russia. 'Amerika, nein danke', Focus, 31 January 2000, p. 271. Putin quote in Mrozek, 'Putin lobt Entwicklung'. Pflüger in Bonn, 18 June 1998. The 1922 Treaty of Rapallo forged new ties between Germany and the Soviet Union, then diplomatic pariahs in Europe. It aroused fears of a European condominium. See Stent, Russia and Germany, pp. 174, 182, and Kohl, 'German Security Policy', p. 10.
174. 'Zackige Begegnung', Der Spiegel, 12 February 2001, p. 22.
175. Drozdiak, 'Germany Turns its Gaze to Eastern Europe'.
176. Steiner, 'Deutschland und Tschechien 1998'.