Globalization and the erosion of class compromise in contemporary Australia

Politics and Society

Volumn 28, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 93-118

  Lambert, Rob ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0034420981     PISSN: 00323292     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/0032329200028001005     Document Type: Article

References (100)

1. Dereck Sicklen, National Industry Policy: The Key to Jobs Growth and Industry Structure (Sydney: Australian Economic Analysis Pty Ltd., 1993). Sicklen points out that Australia's trade-weighted average tariff of less than 5 percent means that the country has created one of the lowest import protection regimes in the world. Tariff reductions since 1987 exceeded those required by GATT by 50 percent, a rate of reduction unmatched by Australia's trading partners.
2. These are the sentiments expressed by Alfred Deakin, one of the founding fathers of the Australian federal state. Quoted in Michael Pusey, Economic Rationalism in Canberra: A Nation Building State Changes Its Mind (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 1.
3. Robert Lambert, "Global Dance, Corporate Restructuring and Asian Labour Standards," in Jeremy Waddington, ed., Globalisation and Labour Resistance (London: Mansell, 1999). This chapter analyses this process.
4. Webster and Adler, "Toward a Class Compromise in South Africa's 'Double Transition': Bargained Liberalisation and the Consolidation of Democracy," Politics, & Society 27, no. 3 (1999): 347-85.
5. The Australian (22 April 1993).
6. Eric Olin Wright, Working Class Power, Capitalist Class Interest and Class Compromise, unpublished paper, 1997.
7. Paul Kelly, The End of Certainty: The Story of the 1980s (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1992), 2.
8. Pusey, Economic Rationalism, 1.
9. The first quote is from Russel Ward, The Australia Legend (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1958). The second is from a speech by Deakin when he introduced the arbitration bill in 1903 as prime minister. Quoted in Kelly, The End of Uncertainty, 7.
10. The first quote is from Russel Ward, The Australia Legend (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1958). The second is from a speech by Deakin when he introduced the arbitration bill in 1903 as prime minister. Quoted in Kelly, The End of Uncertainty, 7.
11. Ross Garnaut, Australia Proctectionism (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1987), 6.
12. John Rickard, H. B. Higgins, A Rebel Judge (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1984), 173-75.
13. Kelly, The End of Certainty, 9.
14. F. H. Gruen, "How Bad Is Australia's Economic Performance and Why?" Discussion Paper No. 127, Center for Economic Policy Research, Australia National University (1985), 4.
15. Ward, The Australian Legend, 16.
16. See the work of influential war historian Charles Bean, The Official History of Australia in the War of 1914-1918, vol. 1 (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1937). Passage quoted in Janeen Baxter, Micheal Emmison, and John Western, Class Analysis and Contemporary Australia (Melbourne: Macmillan, 1991), 15.
17. See the work of influential war historian Charles Bean, The Official History of Australia in the War of 1914-1918, vol. 1 (Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1937). Passage quoted in Janeen Baxter, Micheal Emmison, and John Western, Class Analysis and Contemporary Australia (Melbourne: Macmillan, 1991), 15.
18. Baxter et al., Class Analysis, 15.
19. Pusey, Economic Rationalism, 2.
20. Ibid., see pt. 2.
21. The Australian Financial Review (27 July 1995).
22. Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and Training (ACIRRT), Australia at Work: Just Managing? (Sydney: Prentice Hall, 1999); Peter Ewer, Ian Hampson, Chris Lloyd, John Rainford, Stephen Rix, and Meg Smith, Politics and the Accord (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1991); John Mathews, Tools of Change: New Technology the Democratisation of Work (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1989).
23. Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and Training (ACIRRT), Australia at Work: Just Managing? (Sydney: Prentice Hall, 1999); Peter Ewer, Ian Hampson, Chris Lloyd, John Rainford, Stephen Rix, and Meg Smith, Politics and the Accord (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1991); John Mathews, Tools of Change: New Technology the Democratisation of Work (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1989).
24. Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and Training (ACIRRT), Australia at Work: Just Managing? (Sydney: Prentice Hall, 1999); Peter Ewer, Ian Hampson, Chris Lloyd, John Rainford, Stephen Rix, and Meg Smith, Politics and the Accord (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1991); John Mathews, Tools of Change: New Technology the Democratisation of Work (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1989).
25. Mathews, ibid., 2.
26. Mathews, ibid., 33-39, where he draws on the thesis of Kern and Schumamn, "Work and Social Character: Old and New Contours," Economic and Industrial Democracy 5 (1984): 51-71; Piore and Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984); Arndt Sorge and Wolfgang Streek, "Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case for an Extended Perspective," in Hyman and Street, eds., New Technology and Industrial Relations (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
27. Mathews, ibid., 33-39, where he draws on the thesis of Kern and Schumamn, "Work and Social Character: Old and New Contours," Economic and Industrial Democracy 5 (1984): 51-71; Piore and Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984); Arndt Sorge and Wolfgang Streek, "Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case for an Extended Perspective," in Hyman and Street, eds., New Technology and Industrial Relations (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
28. Mathews, ibid., 33-39, where he draws on the thesis of Kern and Schumamn, "Work and Social Character: Old and New Contours," Economic and Industrial Democracy 5 (1984): 51-71; Piore and Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984); Arndt Sorge and Wolfgang Streek, "Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case for an Extended Perspective," in Hyman and Street, eds., New Technology and Industrial Relations (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
29. Mathews, ibid., 33-39, where he draws on the thesis of Kern and Schumamn, "Work and Social Character: Old and New Contours," Economic and Industrial Democracy 5 (1984): 51-71; Piore and Sabel, The Second Industrial Divide: Possibilities for Prosperity (New York: Basic Books, 1984); Arndt Sorge and Wolfgang Streek, "Industrial Relations and Technical Change: The Case for an Extended Perspective," in Hyman and Street, eds., New Technology and Industrial Relations (Oxford, UK: Basil Blackwell, 1988).
30. Mathews, ibid., 172.
31. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 22; Ewer, Politics and the Accord 16.
32. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 22; Ewer, Politics and the Accord 16.
33. Max Ogden, International Best Practice: A Critical Guide (Sydney: Pluto Press, 1993), 11.
34. Australia Reconstructed: A Report by the Mission Members to the ACTU and the TDC to Western Europe (Canberra: Government Publishing Service 1987).
35. Ogden gives content to best-practice unionism through listing a range of substantive issues that unions should engage in. These include involvement in the folowing areas: the development of astrategic business plan; participative management through joint consultative committees; skills-based career path pay system; commitment to education and training; work redesign, work flexibility, and an openness to new technologies; constructive industrial relations; commitment to customer service; the development of an innovative culture; benchmarking and the development of key performance indicators; and commitment to occupational health and safety. Ogden, International Best Practice, 32-34.
36. Ogden, ibid., ix.
37. For an account of the dominance of liberal market ideology in key state bureaucracies and their impact on the new Labor government, see Pusey, Economic Rationalism in Canberra. Paul Kelly, The End of Certainty, is an insightful journalistic account of how the new Labor ministers, particularly the treasurer, Paul Keating, were won over to the new economic thinking.
38. For an account of the dominance of liberal market ideology in key state bureaucracies and their impact on the new Labor government, see Pusey, Economic Rationalism in Canberra. Paul Kelly, The End of Certainty, is an insightful journalistic account of how the new Labor ministers, particularly the treasurer, Paul Keating, were won over to the new economic thinking.
39. Kelly, ibid., 20.
40. Edward Davis, "The 1987 ACTU Congress: Reconstructing Australia?" Journal of Industrial Relations 30, no. 1 (1988): 122. Some have argued that the process was set up so as to minimize debate. Davis noted, "It is worthy to mention that the key points of his address were projected onto a large screen situated behind and above those on the hall's stage. Use of such equipment was without precedent at the Congress. Though it may have aided Creighton and subsequent, similarly prepared speakers to make their points, it may well have served to deter debate and discussion" (120). Humphrey McQueen, "Beyond Safe Pastures," Australian Society (October 1987), commented, "The back of the stage was dominated by a triple screen upon which flashed multi-coloured graphs; many delegates were bemused by the high tech look, and even more by the deals which had sewn up most of the executive positions" (30).
41. Davis, ibid., 122.
42. Davis, ibid., 122. Kerr's letter was published in The Australian, 11 September 1987.
43. Davis, ibid., 123.
44. Australia Reconstructed, xiii.
45. John McCollow, "Trade Unions and Social Change," Social Alternatives 10, no. 1 (1991): 3.
46. Interview, 10 August 1999, Perth, Western Australia.
47. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
48. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
49. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
50. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
51. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
52. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
53. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
54. The work of Mathews, Tools of Change; Age of Democracy: The Politics of Post-Fordism (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1989), provided the clearest intellectual rationale for the new strategy. Mathews argued that unions could contribute positively to the transition to a new production paradigm, which would create scope for a degree of democratic control over the work environment. See also John Mathews, "The New Production Systems Debate," Labour and Industry 2, no. 2 (1989): 194-246 and "The Democratization of Capital," Economic and Industrial Democracy 10, no. 2 (1989): 165-93. Other interventions that viewed the Australia Reconstructed agenda positively are Geoff Dow, "Facing the Future: Union Strategy Reconstructed," Australian Left Review 104 (1988): 10-17; Arthur Shulman, "Australia Reconstructed: Strategic Advantages for Stakeholders," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 167-73; Edward Davis, "Australia Reconstructed: An Ambitious Report," Prometheus 6, no. 1 (1988): 150-57. The few exceptions to this laudatory vein of writing are Don Rawson, "Swedish Wage Policy and Australia: Three Years after Australia Reconstructed," Australian Journal of Political Science 26 (1991): 95-110; Herb Thompson, "The Philosophy of Australia Reconstructed," Journal of Australian Political Economics 23 (1990): 89-96. Humphrey McQueen wrote a short article in Australian Society (1987), where he noted, "While the ACTU is recapturing the initiative with its plans for reconstructing Australia, many employers have established as their agenda the demolition of the entire union movement. One danger is that the ACTU's positive strategy could deflect its attention from the need to preserve its very existence" (30). The history of the 1990s proved these comments to be insightful.
55. Interviews with Keith Peckham, 10 August 1999, and John Gandini, past president of the Trades and Labour Council of Western Australia, 5 August 1999.
56. Eric Olin Wright, Working Class Power, Capitalist Class Interests, and Class Compromise, 6.
57. Ewer, Politics and the Accord, 29.
58. Ibid., 32.
59. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 136.
60. Ibid., 138.
61. Ibid., 148
62. Ibid., 149.
63. Ibid., 139.
64. Ibid., 140.
65. This diagram and those that follow are drawn from Australia at Work, 139. The table is drawn from the work of Iain Campbell, "Casual Employment, Labour Regulation and Australian Trade Unions," Journal of Industrial Relations 38, no. 4 (December 1996): 571-99.
66. This diagram and those that follow are drawn from Australia at Work, 139. The table is drawn from the work of Iain Campbell, "Casual Employment, Labour Regulation and Australian Trade Unions," Journal of Industrial Relations 38, no. 4 (December 1996): 571-99.
67. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 140. ACIRRT drew on OECD data. OECD, Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1996), 8.
68. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 140. ACIRRT drew on OECD data. OECD, Employment Outlook (Paris: OECD, 1996), 8.
69. Ibid., 101.
70. The results of Bass's research were reported in The West Australian (23 September 1996).
71. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 103.
72. The West Australian (8 September 1997).
73. The Australian Financial Review (28 August 1998).
74. Wright, Working Class Power, 3.
75. There is a need for research on the question of how union involvement in workplace change has contributed to union membership decline. Over the past decade, I have attended numerous union meetings of workplace delegates where anger, frustration, and bitterness against the union role in promoting these changes dominated discussion. I therefore hypothesize that the new strategy has contributed to the decline. Obviously, downsizing and outsourcing cut into membership, as did the offshoring and rationalization of Australian manufacturing that followed deregulation and global engagement.
76. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 59. The table was compiled from Australian Bureau of Statistics, Trade Union Members, Australia, Cat. No. 6325.0, ABS (Canberra, 1996).
77. David Peetz, Unions in a Contrary World: The Future of the Australian Trade Union Movement (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press 1998) 7.
78. Ibid., 1.
79. Wright, Working Class Power, 8.
80. Webster and Adler, "Towards Class Compromise," 358.
81. International Labour Organisation Conventions 87 and 98 establish essential criteria for the evaluation of national industrial relations systems.
82. Lambert, "Global Dance."
83. The case study revealed that Australian workers did eventually match China's unit costs of production through downsizing, reconfiguring, and speeding up the assembly line. The changes came at a price, however. The incidence of repetitive strain syndrome increased so dramatically that the company has now established a special medical unit to deal with the problem.
84. The West Australian (29 April 1997).
85. This is the essential thrust of Kelly's argument in The Age of Uncertainty.
86. ACIRRT, Australia at Work, 21.
87. Labor movement intellectuals from Australia, who were influential in the shift toward best-practice unionism, have worked with key unions in South Africa such as the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa (NUMSA). Hence, a high-road strategic approach is being adopted in many workplaces. However, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) leadership continues to review its strategic options and is searching for new responses to globalization. This involves rethinking trade union internationalism.
88. An international research project on the globalization of whitegoods, which includes the Sociology of Work Project (SWOP) at Witwatersrand University, has already found that South African-based whitegoods manufacturers are moving parts of the production process out of South Africa and into neighboring territories where unions are weak and wages low.
89. The Australian (18 July 1997).
90. Rob Lambert, "The Waterfront War: The Australian Dockworkers Struggle," South African Labour Bulletin 22, no. 4 (1998): 82-88.
91. The Australian Financial Review (9 April 1998).
92. As yet, there has been no research conducted that analyzes the social character of nonunion participants on the picket lines. As a participant, I observed diversity. I spoke to farmers, lawyers, teachers, as well as traditional blue-and white-collar workers. There was also a significant gender and age mix. Their comments indicated anger that such actions could take place in Australia, perhaps indicating that Australian identity for some is still tied to a sense of fairness. Of course, these observations on the line are no substitute for research that might be revealing on these issues.
93. John McCollow, "Trade Unions and Social Change," Social Alternatives 10, no. 1 (1991): 4, where he notes, "A weakness of a number of critiques of the ACTU position - one which the ACTU leadership makes much - is the failure to provide a detailed alternative."
94. In his book, Workers in a Lean World (London: Verso, 1997), Kim Moody introduced the concept of global social movement unionism as an alternative to what he termed business unionism. The book raises critical issues and provides some valuable insights into how Japanese production concepts have been globalized. However, his concept of global social movement unionism requires refinement. Furthermore, his examples of the potential of this new form are unconvincing.
95. In this early phase, even the use of the term new model is somewhat overstating the case. Choices are being made out of the demands of the struggles currently being fought in Australia. In the midst of these pitched battles, union leaders have spoken of the absolute necessity of international solidarity. They have argued for unions to be linked across national boundaries, joined in a common struggle. More than that, as is shown in this section of the paper, decisions have been taken to advance these links. The relationship between theory and practice is complex. In the late 1980s, Australian union leaders were less conscious of the notion of best-practice unionism than of the need to make what they perceived to be necessary strategic choices.
96. The Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), together with the Australian unions, played a key role in building this over the past decade. Despite early opposition from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) and certain International Trade Secretariats (ITS) such as the International Metal Federation (IMF) and the International Union of Food Workers (IUF), in particular, the initiative survived. More recently, these efforts have been recognized by the ICFTU, IMF, IUF, and other ITS.
97. The ITF has regional organizers located across the globe. These organizers operate out of a global consciousness and have been a key factor in successful global campaigning.
98. In 1995, the Western Australian government withdrew a bill hostile to unionism on learning of plans by COSATU to refuse to unload ships from Western Australia. For a brief account of this action, see Rob Lambert, International Labour Reports, Journal of the International Centre for Trade Union Rights, London 3, no. 2 (1996): 6-7.
99. There is, of course, the ITF model. The IMF has attempted to create world works councils that focus on linking workers from particular multinational companies. SIGTUR is presently proposing an exchange of union organizers and/or delegates in the maritime sector.
100. We have learned that workers are willing to act when they understand a situation and the nature of the attack on workers in a distant land. Much depends on local leadership. International solidarity action has the effect of keeping national movement relatively independent of national compromises. National governments are always opposed to international solidarity action.