Women walking through plans: Technology, democracy, and gender identity

Technology and Culture

Volumn 41, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 485-514

  Bijker, Wiebe E ^a   Bijsterveld, Karin ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0034410253     PISSN: 0040165X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: None     Document Type: Article

References (165)

1. Anneke Swinkels-Franken, preface to the 1993 annual report of the VAC-Maastricht, 2. Unless otherwise noted, all translations are the authors'.
2. In our experience - teaching undergraduates, for example - this is always a difficult point. Often the social constructivist perspective on analyzing technology is erroneously interpreted as a kind of "conspiracy" explanation. On the constructivist research program, see, for example, W. E. Bijker, T. P. Hughes, and T. Pinch, eds., The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), and W. E. Bijker and J. Law, eds., Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
3. In our experience - teaching undergraduates, for example - this is always a difficult point. Often the social constructivist perspective on analyzing technology is erroneously interpreted as a kind of "conspiracy" explanation. On the constructivist research program, see, for example, W. E. Bijker, T. P. Hughes, and T. Pinch, eds., The Social Construction of Technological Systems: New Directions in the Sociology and History of Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1987), and W. E. Bijker and J. Law, eds., Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
4. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
5. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
6. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
7. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
8. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
9. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
10. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
11. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
12. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
13. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
14. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
15. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
16. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
17. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
18. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
19. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C.
20. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
21. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
22. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
23. The works of Dolores Hayden, grand dame of feminist housing studies, touch on public housing and private life, aspects of household technology, gender roles in the household and family, women architects, city planning, street security, politics, and the relation between communitarian socialism and feminism: see Seven American Utopias: The Architecture of Communitarian Socialism, 1790-1975 (Cambridge, Mass., 1976); The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes, Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass., 1981); Redesigning the American Dream: The Future of Housing, Work, and Family Life (New York, 1984); The Power of Place: Urban Landscapes as Public History (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The women architects of the feminist designers' collective MATRIX write in a more activist style, and their small book Making Space: Women and the Man-Made Environment (London, 1984) is a valuable combination of analysis and practical advice about both housing and urban planning issues. A similar role is played in Germany by the Feministische Organisation von Planerinnen und Architectinnen (FOPA), which has published a volume of case studies of social and ecological urban innovation projects: B. Karhoff, R. Ring, and H. Steinmaier, Frauen veränderen ihre Stadt: Selbstorganisierte Projekte der sozialen und ökologischen Stadterneuerung -Vom Frauenstadthaus bis zur Umplanung einer Groβsiedlung (Dortmund, 1993). See also S. Torre, ed., Women in American Architecture: A Historic and Contemporary Perspective (New York, 1977); E. Wilson, The Sphinx in the City (London, 1991); R. Gilroy and R. Woods, eds., Housing Women (London, 1994); C. H. Greed, Women and Planning: Creating Gendered Realities (London, 1994), which includes a comprehensive bibliography; and J. F. Sprague, More than Housing: Lifeboats for Women and Children (Boston, 1991). Because households in western societies are predominantly run by women, it is not surprising that the modern classics of women and technology studies deal extensively with household technologies: R. S. Cowan, More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the Microwave (New York, 1983); J. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), and "Feminist Theories of Technology," in Handbook of Science and Technology Studies, ed. Sheila Jasanoff et al. (Thousand Oaks, Calif., 1995); C. Cockburn and S. Ormrod, Gender and Technology in the Making (London, 1993). Francesca Bray's Technology and Gender: Fabrics of Power in Late Imperial China (Berkeley, Calif., 1997) is in a class by itself: one third of the book is dedicated to "the construction of Chinese social space," and Bray extends the perspective of social scientists such as Bourdieu, Giddens, Lefebvre, and Williams to "examine the relation between the structure of the house and the social and cultural fabrics that it wove, the processes by which this machine was modified and standardized in the course of the late imperial period, and the nature of its contribution to social reproduction" (57). Various studies of housing and planning have been written from a general women's emancipation perspective (as opposed to that of the "gender and technology" tradition): see W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle: Over het vrouwbeeld van de stichting Goed Wonen (Amsterdam, 1992), on Dutch public housing since 1946 and its implicitly gendered ideology; M. Renoù, Bouwen in haar perspectief: Vrouwen in verandering, consequenties voor de gebouwde omgeving (Amersfoort, 1988), on consequences of social change in the built environment; C. Jansen and M. Vulto, ̀Vrouwen in een nieuwbouwwijk: vastgebouwd?̀ (doktoraal leeronderzoek [master's thesis], Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, Geografisch Instituut, 1981), on the impact of town planning; and I. Rohde and S. Schuit, Onderweg: Een onderzoek naar veiligheid voor vrouwen op straat (Utrecht, 1987), on safety in the streets.
24. Typically this is done by describing an artifact's identity as viewed through the eyes of different relevant social groups. See, for example, Pinch and Bijker on the interpretative flexibility of the high-wheeled ordinary bicycle around 1870 and its identity as an "unsafe machine" for women cyclists and a "macho machine" for its users; "The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 399-441. For the background of this concept, and more detailed discussion of its implications, see Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The effect of showing the interpretative flexibility of a technology is to make it amenable to sociological analysis: had there been no interpretative flexibility, there would have been only one identity of the technology, and engineers would have been the only "readers" of its meaning.
25. Typically this is done by describing an artifact's identity as viewed through the eyes of different relevant social groups. See, for example, Pinch and Bijker on the interpretative flexibility of the high-wheeled ordinary bicycle around 1870 and its identity as an "unsafe machine" for women cyclists and a "macho machine" for its users; "The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 399-441. For the background of this concept, and more detailed discussion of its implications, see Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites and Bulbs: Toward a Theory of Sociotechnical Change (Cambridge, Mass., 1995). The effect of showing the interpretative flexibility of a technology is to make it amenable to sociological analysis: had there been no interpretative flexibility, there would have been only one identity of the technology, and engineers would have been the only "readers" of its meaning.
26. The hygienic movement in France was particularly strong in the period 1820-50, playing an active role in the 1848 revolution; see W. Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison, Wisc., 1987). In England, the cholera epidemic of 1831-32 spurred sanitary reformers such as Chadwick, Southwood Smith, and Farr to raise the political issue of the "condition of England"; see J. Eyler, Victorian Social Medicine: The Ideas and Methods of William Farr (Baltimore, 1979). In Germany, the physician Rudolf Virchow also saw disease as an attribute of society, not of individuals or social classes. An enlightenment ideal of the development of science and technology to support societal progress permeates his writings; see E. H. Ackerknecht, Rudolf Virchow. Arzt, Politiker, Anthropologe (Stuttgart, 1957). For the history of the hygienists in the Netherlands, see E. S. Houwaart, De hygiënisten: Artsen, staat en volksgezondheid in Nederland, 1840-1890 (Groningen, 1991).
27. The hygienic movement in France was particularly strong in the period 1820-50, playing an active role in the 1848 revolution; see W. Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison, Wisc., 1987). In England, the cholera epidemic of 1831-32 spurred sanitary reformers such as Chadwick, Southwood Smith, and Farr to raise the political issue of the "condition of England"; see J. Eyler, Victorian Social Medicine: The Ideas and Methods of William Farr (Baltimore, 1979). In Germany, the physician Rudolf Virchow also saw disease as an attribute of society, not of individuals or social classes. An enlightenment ideal of the development of science and technology to support societal progress permeates his writings; see E. H. Ackerknecht, Rudolf Virchow. Arzt, Politiker, Anthropologe (Stuttgart, 1957). For the history of the hygienists in the Netherlands, see E. S. Houwaart, De hygiënisten: Artsen, staat en volksgezondheid in Nederland, 1840-1890 (Groningen, 1991).
28. The hygienic movement in France was particularly strong in the period 1820-50, playing an active role in the 1848 revolution; see W. Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison, Wisc., 1987). In England, the cholera epidemic of 1831-32 spurred sanitary reformers such as Chadwick, Southwood Smith, and Farr to raise the political issue of the "condition of England"; see J. Eyler, Victorian Social Medicine: The Ideas and Methods of William Farr (Baltimore, 1979). In Germany, the physician Rudolf Virchow also saw disease as an attribute of society, not of individuals or social classes. An enlightenment ideal of the development of science and technology to support societal progress permeates his writings; see E. H. Ackerknecht, Rudolf Virchow. Arzt, Politiker, Anthropologe (Stuttgart, 1957). For the history of the hygienists in the Netherlands, see E. S. Houwaart, De hygiënisten: Artsen, staat en volksgezondheid in Nederland, 1840-1890 (Groningen, 1991).
29. The hygienic movement in France was particularly strong in the period 1820-50, playing an active role in the 1848 revolution; see W. Coleman, Death Is a Social Disease: Public Health and Political Economy in Early Industrial France (Madison, Wisc., 1987). In England, the cholera epidemic of 1831-32 spurred sanitary reformers such as Chadwick, Southwood Smith, and Farr to raise the political issue of the "condition of England"; see J. Eyler, Victorian Social Medicine: The Ideas and Methods of William Farr (Baltimore, 1979). In Germany, the physician Rudolf Virchow also saw disease as an attribute of society, not of individuals or social classes. An enlightenment ideal of the development of science and technology to support societal progress permeates his writings; see E. H. Ackerknecht, Rudolf Virchow. Arzt, Politiker, Anthropologe (Stuttgart, 1957). For the history of the hygienists in the Netherlands, see E. S. Houwaart, De hygiënisten: Artsen, staat en volksgezondheid in Nederland, 1840-1890 (Groningen, 1991).
30. Most hygienists were active members of public housing associations, since they considered the associations pioneers in "building healthy housing"; see Houwaart, 264. On the hygienists' role in town planning, see also K. Bosma, Ruimte voor een nieuwe tijd: vormgeving van de Nederlandse regio 1900-1945 (Rotterdam, 1993).
31. Most hygienists were active members of public housing associations, since they considered the associations pioneers in "building healthy housing"; see Houwaart, 264. On the hygienists' role in town planning, see also K. Bosma, Ruimte voor een nieuwe tijd: vormgeving van de Nederlandse regio 1900-1945 (Rotterdam, 1993).
32. Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution, 3. In the Netherlands the Bond van Sociaal-Democratische Vrouwenclubs (Association of Social-Democratic Women's Clubs) started around 1904 on a similar footing as the material feminists. Soon, however, they distanced themselves from ideas such as the collectivization of domestic work. See C. Hartveld, Moderne zakelijkheid: Efficiency in wonen en werken in Nederland, 1918-1940 (Amsterdam, 1994).
33. Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution, 3. In the Netherlands the Bond van Sociaal-Democratische Vrouwenclubs (Association of Social-Democratic Women's Clubs) started around 1904 on a similar footing as the material feminists. Soon, however, they distanced themselves from ideas such as the collectivization of domestic work. See C. Hartveld, Moderne zakelijkheid: Efficiency in wonen en werken in Nederland, 1918-1940 (Amsterdam, 1994).
34. Oud (1890-1963) was one of the founders of the de Stijl school and a prominent functionalist architect. Functionalism in the Netherlands is also known as Het Nieuwe Bouwen - literally, "the new architecture." See D. van Woerkom, A. de Groot, and M. Bock, eds., Het Nieuwe Bouwen: Voorgeschiedenis (Delft, 1982).
35. Oud argued that functional artifacts - automobiles, locomotives, steamships, men's dress, electronics, sanitary facilities, and the like - had an unintentional beauty. He thought the opposite true of architectural "ornament," which Oud characterized as an outward compensation for inner impotency and for a lack of energy and tension. J. J. P. Oud, "Over de toekomstige bouwkunst en hare achitectonische mogelijkheden," Bouwkundig Weekblad 42 (1921), 147-60.
36. See W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle (n. 3 above), and "Wie gut war 'Goed Wonen'?" in Tricks von Frau Antje: Einflussnahme von Frauen auf das, Planen und Bauen in den Niederlanden, ed. H. Fassbinder (Hamburg, 1994), 28-51.
37. See W. v. Moorsel, Contact en Controle (n. 3 above), and "Wie gut war 'Goed Wonen'?" in Tricks von Frau Antje: Einflussnahme von Frauen auf das, Planen und Bauen in den Niederlanden, ed. H. Fassbinder (Hamburg, 1994), 28-51.
38. For a brief overview, see W. Greter, "Woningplattegronden moeten aangepast worden aan huishoudens," PLAN: Tijdschrift voor ontwerp en omgeving 19, nos. 3 and 4 (1988), 52-56. For an insightful analysis of the role of norms in public housing, particularly with an emancipatory aim in mind, see J. ter Horst, K. Theunissen, and A. Vos, Normering in de woningbouw, in relatie tot veranderende woon-en leefvormen, report commissioned by the Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer (Ministry of Public Housing, Planning, and Environment) and the Emancipatieraad (national Emancipation Council) (Den Haag, 1987).
39. For a brief overview, see W. Greter, "Woningplattegronden moeten aangepast worden aan huishoudens," PLAN: Tijdschrift voor ontwerp en omgeving 19, nos. 3 and 4 (1988), 52-56. For an insightful analysis of the role of norms in public housing, particularly with an emancipatory aim in mind, see J. ter Horst, K. Theunissen, and A. Vos, Normering in de woningbouw, in relatie tot veranderende woon-en leefvormen, report commissioned by the Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer (Ministry of Public Housing, Planning, and Environment) and the Emancipatieraad (national Emancipation Council) (Den Haag, 1987).
40. The concept of "closure" derives from the sociology of scientific knowledge, and was introduced into technology studies by T. Pinch and W. Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 399-441. For a good introduction to the sociology of scientific knowledge, see H. M. Collins, Changing Order: Replication and Induction in Scientific Practice (London, 1985).
41. The concept of "closure" derives from the sociology of scientific knowledge, and was introduced into technology studies by T. Pinch and W. Bijker, "The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts: Or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology Might Benefit Each Other," Social Studies of Science 14 (1984): 399-441. For a good introduction to the sociology of scientific knowledge, see H. M. Collins, Changing Order: Replication and Induction in Scientific Practice (London, 1985).
42. Here we follow the analysis of the MATRIX group (n. 3 above).
43. A characterization of housing designs as female and male - for example, acccording to such dichotomies as functional/formal, flexible/fixed, holistic/one-dimensional, or social/profit-oriented - is more problematic. This essentialist approach creates more problems that it solves. See Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (n. 3 above).
44. The importance of public housing in the Netherlands, both with regard to its share of the housing market or in terms of its political weight, can hardly be overstated. In 1992 the so-called "social rental sector" made up 44 percent of all housing in the Netherlands, compared to 16 percent in West Germany, 17 percent in France, 24 percent in the United Kingdom, 17 percent in Denmark, and 7 percent in Belgium; see N. de Vreeze, Woningbouw, inspiratie en ambities: Kwalitatieve grondslagen van de sociale woningbouw in Nederland (Almere, 1993). Housing associations and municipalities ordered some 50 percent of all houses built between 1946 and 1972; see J. Nycolaas, Volkshuisvesting: Een bijdrage tot de geschiedenes van woningbouw en woningbouwbeleid (Nijmegen, 1974), 158. After 1945 public housing acquired a broader meaning than "housing for the poor": "The special situation of the postwar period was that housing shortages became a problem for much larger groups in society than before the war. This resulted in an unprecedentedly comprehensive approach by the national and municipal authorities to the housing problem"; Nycolaas, 148. In line with this political reality, Nycolaas, a town planning theorist, gives "public housing" a wide meaning: "Public housing is the process by which a state economy provides for its housing" (184). See also H. Priemus, Volkshuisvesting: Begrippen, problemen, beleid (Alphen aan de Rijn, 1978).
45. The importance of public housing in the Netherlands, both with regard to its share of the housing market or in terms of its political weight, can hardly be overstated. In 1992 the so-called "social rental sector" made up 44 percent of all housing in the Netherlands, compared to 16 percent in West Germany, 17 percent in France, 24 percent in the United Kingdom, 17 percent in Denmark, and 7 percent in Belgium; see N. de Vreeze, Woningbouw, inspiratie en ambities: Kwalitatieve grondslagen van de sociale woningbouw in Nederland (Almere, 1993). Housing associations and municipalities ordered some 50 percent of all houses built between 1946 and 1972; see J. Nycolaas, Volkshuisvesting: Een bijdrage tot de geschiedenes van woningbouw en woningbouwbeleid (Nijmegen, 1974), 158. After 1945 public housing acquired a broader meaning than "housing for the poor": "The special situation of the postwar period was that housing shortages became a problem for much larger groups in society than before the war. This resulted in an unprecedentedly comprehensive approach by the national and municipal authorities to the housing problem"; Nycolaas, 148. In line with this political reality, Nycolaas, a town planning theorist, gives "public housing" a wide meaning: "Public housing is the process by which a state economy provides for its housing" (184). See also H. Priemus, Volkshuisvesting: Begrippen, problemen, beleid (Alphen aan de Rijn, 1978).
46. The importance of public housing in the Netherlands, both with regard to its share of the housing market or in terms of its political weight, can hardly be overstated. In 1992 the so-called "social rental sector" made up 44 percent of all housing in the Netherlands, compared to 16 percent in West Germany, 17 percent in France, 24 percent in the United Kingdom, 17 percent in Denmark, and 7 percent in Belgium; see N. de Vreeze, Woningbouw, inspiratie en ambities: Kwalitatieve grondslagen van de sociale woningbouw in Nederland (Almere, 1993). Housing associations and municipalities ordered some 50 percent of all houses built between 1946 and 1972; see J. Nycolaas, Volkshuisvesting: Een bijdrage tot de geschiedenes van woningbouw en woningbouwbeleid (Nijmegen, 1974), 158. After 1945 public housing acquired a broader meaning than "housing for the poor": "The special situation of the postwar period was that housing shortages became a problem for much larger groups in society than before the war. This resulted in an unprecedentedly comprehensive approach by the national and municipal authorities to the housing problem"; Nycolaas, 148. In line with this political reality, Nycolaas, a town planning theorist, gives "public housing" a wide meaning: "Public housing is the process by which a state economy provides for its housing" (184). See also H. Priemus, Volkshuisvesting: Begrippen, problemen, beleid (Alphen aan de Rijn, 1978).
47. For a brief overview, see W. A. C. Zwanikken, Volkshuisvesting en samenleving: Sociologische beschouwingen over het vraagstuk van de huisvesting (Assen, 1957). The Public Housing Law (Woningwet) was intended to increase both the quantity and the quality of public housing in the Netherlands. Insufficient quantity of public housing remained an important political problem until the 1960s. In this article, however, we focus on the quality of public housing.
48. The present name of the Nederlands Instituut voor Volkshuisvesting en Stedebouw is the Nederlands Instituut voor Ruimtelijke Ordening en Volkshuisvesting (Netherlands Institute for Planning and Public Housing). See P. de Ruijter, Voor volkshuisvesting en stedebouw. Voorgeschiedenis, oprichting en programma van het Nederlands Instituut voor Volkshuisvesting en Stedebouw, 1850-1940 (Utrecht, 1987), for its history. See N. de Vreeze for more on the Nationale Woningraad.
49. Functionalists included the Bauhaus school in Germany, and such architects as Walter Gropius and Ludwig Mies van der Rohe; the Congrès Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne in France, with Le Corbusier; and, in the Netherlands, de Stijl, with J. J. P. Oud, Cornelis van Eesteren, and Gerrit Rietveld. De Stijl was at least as important a movement in art as it was in architecture.
50. See, for example, M. Bock, "De Stijl en de stad," in De Stijl: 1917-1931, ed. Mildred Friedman (Amsterdam, 1982), 197-206; B. Colenbrander, "J. J. P. Oud, Restrained and Careful," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen (n. 8 above), 154-169. Oud eventually distanced himself from de Stijl and established links with the Bauhaus, which was more exclusively an architects' movement; see H. Esser, "J. J. P. Oud," in De beginjaren van De Stijl, 1917-1922, ed. Carel Blotkamp et al. (Utrecht, 1982), 125-54. Oud was town architect in Rotterdam between 1918 and 1933 - his international reputation was established by his design for the public housing in the Kiefhoek quarter of Rotterdam between 1925 and 1929 - and he cooperated closely with the municipality in the reconstruction of the city after World War II.
51. See, for example, M. Bock, "De Stijl en de stad," in De Stijl: 1917-1931, ed. Mildred Friedman (Amsterdam, 1982), 197-206; B. Colenbrander, "J. J. P. Oud, Restrained and Careful," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen (n. 8 above), 154-169. Oud eventually distanced himself from de Stijl and established links with the Bauhaus, which was more exclusively an architects' movement; see H. Esser, "J. J. P. Oud," in De beginjaren van De Stijl, 1917-1922, ed. Carel Blotkamp et al. (Utrecht, 1982), 125-54. Oud was town architect in Rotterdam between 1918 and 1933 - his international reputation was established by his design for the public housing in the Kiefhoek quarter of Rotterdam between 1925 and 1929 - and he cooperated closely with the municipality in the reconstruction of the city after World War II.
52. See, for example, M. Bock, "De Stijl en de stad," in De Stijl: 1917-1931, ed. Mildred Friedman (Amsterdam, 1982), 197-206; B. Colenbrander, "J. J. P. Oud, Restrained and Careful," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen (n. 8 above), 154-169. Oud eventually distanced himself from de Stijl and established links with the Bauhaus, which was more exclusively an architects' movement; see H. Esser, "J. J. P. Oud," in De beginjaren van De Stijl, 1917-1922, ed. Carel Blotkamp et al. (Utrecht, 1982), 125-54. Oud was town architect in Rotterdam between 1918 and 1933 - his international reputation was established by his design for the public housing in the Kiefhoek quarter of Rotterdam between 1925 and 1929 - and he cooperated closely with the municipality in the reconstruction of the city after World War II.
53. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
54. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
55. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
56. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
57. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
58. This also suggests that if there was one place in the Netherlands where a VAC would find fertile soil, it was Rotterdam. The first VAC was indeed established there in 1946, but we have found no reference to it in the standard architectural histories and no specific reference to a connection between it and Oud in either the Oud archives or the VAC archives. See M. Bock, "What Was 'Nieuwe Bouwen,' and How New Was It?" and A. de Groot, "Rational and Functional Building, 1840-1920," in Van Woerkom, De Groot, and Bock, Het Nieuwe Bouwen; R. Dettingmeijer, "The Fight for a Well-Built City," T. Idsinga, "'Nieuwe Bouwen' in Rotterdam, 1940-1960: What Is Urban Living in an Open City?" and J. Schilt, "1947-1957: Ten Years of 'Opbouw,'" in Het Nieuwe Bouwen in Rotterdam 1920-1960, ed. Wim Beeren, Rob Dettingmeijer, Patricia Wardle, and Gerrit Burg (Delft, 1982).
59. S. Stage, "Home Economics: What's in a Name?" in Rethinking Home Economics: Women and the History of a Profession, ed. Sarah Stage and Virginia B. Vincenti (Ithaca, N.Y., 1997), 2.
60. The titles of Frederick's books are telling: for example, Household Engineering: Scientific Management in the Home (Chicago, 1920). For a more detailed account of Dutch developments, see Hartveld (n. 7 above). The home economists employed by American utilities in the 1920s and 1930s functioned very similarly to the VAC women: both can be seen as mediators between producers and consumers. On home economists in electric utilities, see C. M. Goldstein, "From Service to Sales: Home Economics in Light and Power, 1920-1940," Technology and Culture 38 (1997): 121-52, and R. R. Kline, "Agents of Modernity: Home Economists and Rural Electrification, 1925-1950," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 237-52. Thanks to one of our referees for calling our attention to this analogy.
61. The titles of Frederick's books are telling: for example, Household Engineering: Scientific Management in the Home (Chicago, 1920). For a more detailed account of Dutch developments, see Hartveld (n. 7 above). The home economists employed by American utilities in the 1920s and 1930s functioned very similarly to the VAC women: both can be seen as mediators between producers and consumers. On home economists in electric utilities, see C. M. Goldstein, "From Service to Sales: Home Economics in Light and Power, 1920-1940," Technology and Culture 38 (1997): 121-52, and R. R. Kline, "Agents of Modernity: Home Economists and Rural Electrification, 1925-1950," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 237-52. Thanks to one of our referees for calling our attention to this analogy.
62. The titles of Frederick's books are telling: for example, Household Engineering: Scientific Management in the Home (Chicago, 1920). For a more detailed account of Dutch developments, see Hartveld (n. 7 above). The home economists employed by American utilities in the 1920s and 1930s functioned very similarly to the VAC women: both can be seen as mediators between producers and consumers. On home economists in electric utilities, see C. M. Goldstein, "From Service to Sales: Home Economics in Light and Power, 1920-1940," Technology and Culture 38 (1997): 121-52, and R. R. Kline, "Agents of Modernity: Home Economists and Rural Electrification, 1925-1950," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 237-52. Thanks to one of our referees for calling our attention to this analogy.
63. The titles of Frederick's books are telling: for example, Household Engineering: Scientific Management in the Home (Chicago, 1920). For a more detailed account of Dutch developments, see Hartveld (n. 7 above). The home economists employed by American utilities in the 1920s and 1930s functioned very similarly to the VAC women: both can be seen as mediators between producers and consumers. On home economists in electric utilities, see C. M. Goldstein, "From Service to Sales: Home Economics in Light and Power, 1920-1940," Technology and Culture 38 (1997): 121-52, and R. R. Kline, "Agents of Modernity: Home Economists and Rural Electrification, 1925-1950," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 237-52. Thanks to one of our referees for calling our attention to this analogy.
64. The titles of Frederick's books are telling: for example, Household Engineering: Scientific Management in the Home (Chicago, 1920). For a more detailed account of Dutch developments, see Hartveld (n. 7 above). The home economists employed by American utilities in the 1920s and 1930s functioned very similarly to the VAC women: both can be seen as mediators between producers and consumers. On home economists in electric utilities, see C. M. Goldstein, "From Service to Sales: Home Economics in Light and Power, 1920-1940," Technology and Culture 38 (1997): 121-52, and R. R. Kline, "Agents of Modernity: Home Economists and Rural Electrification, 1925-1950," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 237-52. Thanks to one of our referees for calling our attention to this analogy.
65. C. Frederick, "Points in efficiency," Journal of Home Economics 6 (June 1914): 280 , quoted in Hartveld, 166. See also S. Stage, "Ellen Richards and the Social Significance of the Home Economics Movement," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 17-33.
66. C. Frederick, "Points in efficiency," Journal of Home Economics 6 (June 1914): 280 , quoted in Hartveld, 166. See also S. Stage, "Ellen Richards and the Social Significance of the Home Economics Movement," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 17-33.
67. C. Frederick, "Points in efficiency," Journal of Home Economics 6 (June 1914): 280 , quoted in Hartveld, 166. See also S. Stage, "Ellen Richards and the Social Significance of the Home Economics Movement," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 17-33.
68. C. Frederick, "Points in efficiency," Journal of Home Economics 6 (June 1914): 280 , quoted in Hartveld, 166. See also S. Stage, "Ellen Richards and the Social Significance of the Home Economics Movement," in Stage and Vincenti, Rethinking Home Economics, 17-33.
69. Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution (n. 3 above), 183.
70. Hayden, Redesigning the American Dream (n. 3 above).
71. See Hartveld.
72. Between 1908 and 1937, N. V. Philips Gloeilampenfabrieken created "Philipsdorp" ("Philips' Village"), with forty-two hundred houses. A company housing booklet explained how to keep a house clean both physically - "tea leaves should of course not be dropped in the kitchen sink but in the waste container" - and morally - "Philips houses have three bedrooms, so that boys and girls older than six can sleep separate." Philips considered the experience of the average worker's housewife insufficient and appointed female inspectors who visited houses, sometimes several times a day, to advise on housekeeping, budget management, pedagogical issues, and leisure activities. There is a striking parallel here with the Ford Motor Company's use of inspectors to check on the home life of immigrant workers as part of the five dollar day package after 1914. H. Lakmaker, "Een lief vogelnestje: Volkshuisvesting en de bouw van Philipsdorp," in Vrouwendomein: Woongeschiedenis van vrouwen in Nederland, ed. Maria Grever et al. (Amsterdam, 1986), 77-86.
73. J. J. P. Oud, "Huisvrouwen en architecten," i 10 (Internationale revue) 1 (1927): 44-48, 46.
74. Elsewhere we have traced in more detail the relationship between Oud and Erna Meyer, who was the most prominent spokesperson for these Stuttgart women. Their relationship is interesting because it foreshadowed both the attraction and the animosity now so typical of the relations between VAC women and male architects. K. Bijsterveld and W. E. Bijker, "'De vrees om louter verstandelijk te zijn' - Vrouwen, woningbouw en het functionalisme in de architectuur," Kennis en Methode 21, no. 4 (1997): 308-34.
75. See U. Jansz, Denken over seksen in de eerste feministische golf (Amsterdam, 1990), and Hartveld (n. 7 above).
76. See U. Jansz, Denken over seksen in de eerste feministische golf (Amsterdam, 1990), and Hartveld (n. 7 above).
77. Wajcman, Feminism Confronts Technology (n. 3 above), 114.
78. In 1948 the national government estimated war damage as follows: 82,000 houses destroyed, 40,000 seriously damaged, and 386,000 lightly damaged, out of a total of 2,200,000 houses in 1940. Additionally, 14,600 farms, 1,650 schools, 243 hospitals, and 700 bridges were destroyed or damaged. N. de Vreeze (n. 15 above), 250.
79. There are a few sources on early VAC history in the archives of the Stichting Landelijk Contact van de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw in Utrecht (National Association of Women's Advisory Committees on Housing, hereafter LCVAC archives): LCVAC, "Het ontstaan van de V.A.C.'s," n.d., Box "Corr. LC met VAC's e.a. instanties 1968-1974 + uitgezochte stukken voor jub. boek," 1; L. van Vianen-Ort, "Praatje gehouden op de jaarvergadering van de Woningbouwcorporaties in Zeeland te Kruiningen op 27 november 1971," Box "Allerlei uitgezochte stukken voor Jub. boek," 1; "Wat doet de VAC, gemeentelijk, provinciaal en landelijk en hoe is haar verhouding tot de vrouwenorganisaties: Voorbeeld van een lezing over de VAC voor vrouwenorganisaties (Alleen geschikt voor intern gebruik door VAC-leden)," 1976, 2. See also LCVAC, VAC-Map (Utrecht, 1994), 4, and
80. L. Hutjes, VAC: Vrouwen Advies Commissies voor de woningbouw in Nederland (Utrecht, 1987), 9.
81. The number of VACs rose as follows: 1946, 1; 1950, 3; 1955, 17; 1960, 45; 1965, 77; 1970, 110; 1975, 156; 1980, 184; 1985, 197; 1989, 247; 1994, 285. H. C. Meinsma, Bouwen aan kwaliteit . . . een kwestie van volhouden (Utrecht, 1990), and LCVAC, VAC-Map, 16.
82. The number of VACs rose as follows: 1946, 1; 1950, 3; 1955, 17; 1960, 45; 1965, 77; 1970, 110; 1975, 156; 1980, 184; 1985, 197; 1989, 247; 1994, 285. H. C. Meinsma, Bouwen aan kwaliteit . . . een kwestie van volhouden (Utrecht, 1990), and LCVAC, VAC-Map, 16.
83. Historians of Dutch society often employ this framework. "Pillarization" has been defined as "the extent to which people intentionally perform their social, cultural, and political activities within their own ideological circles"; J. C. H. Blom, "Onderzoek naar verzuiling in Nederland: Status questionis en wenselijke ontwikkeling," in "Broeders, sluit u aan": Aspekten van verzuiling in zeven Hollandse gemeenten, ed. J. C. H. Blom and C. J. Misset (Amsterdam, 1985), 17. For a recent discussion of the concept of pillarization, see P. de Rooy, "Zes studies over verzuiling," Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 110, no. 3 (1995): 380-92.
84. Historians of Dutch society often employ this framework. "Pillarization" has been defined as "the extent to which people intentionally perform their social, cultural, and political activities within their own ideological circles"; J. C. H. Blom, "Onderzoek naar verzuiling in Nederland: Status questionis en wenselijke ontwikkeling," in "Broeders, sluit u aan": Aspekten van verzuiling in zeven Hollandse gemeenten, ed. J. C. H. Blom and C. J. Misset (Amsterdam, 1985), 17. For a recent discussion of the concept of pillarization, see P. de Rooy, "Zes studies over verzuiling," Bijdragen en Mededelingen betreffende de Geschiedenis der Nederlanden 110, no. 3 (1995): 380-92.
85. LCVAC, VAC-Map, 16.
86. Meinsma, 68. It is difficult to get detailed information about the background of the early VAC women. We base our characterization on the present membership, on our reading of group portraits of early VACs, on interviews in VAC-Nieuws, and on an analysis of home address information (for the VACs in Rotterdam, Leiden, and Maastricht) that indicates that VAC women were living in the better neighborhoods.
87. N. Nicolai-Chaillet, "Vrouwen Advies Comissie te Rotterdam," Goed Wonen 13, no. 5 (1960): 148-49, 148.
88. Rotterdam municipal archives, Vrouwen Advies Commissie voor de woningbouw Rotterdam, box 2, "Verslag van de vergadering van de V.A.C.'s uit het gehele land, gehouden op 18 november 1954 in het Stadstimmerhuis, Rotterdam." At present, the funding provided by the local municipalities comes partly from public housing sources and partly from emancipation programs of the Ministry of Social Affairs; see Meinsma.
89. The early VAC advisories mirror the atmosphere of the 1950s - the postwar effort to rebuild the Netherlands while leaning heavily on the family as the cornerstone of society. High-quality housing would let women fulfill their heavy task of providing a family life in which fathers could read the evening newspaper quietly while the children played. W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse, "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 1962, LCVAC Archives, Archief 2, folder "Gedenkboek."
90. "Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw, Stichting Landelijk Contact van de VAC's, A. Febr. 1965," LCVAC archives, Archief 2, folder "Gedenkboek."
91. Their starting point, however, remained the women's experience, since, they argued, women still had most experience as residents. Indeed, the membership of all VACs is still exclusively female. Landelijk Contact van de Vrouwen Advies Commissies voor de Woningbouw, VAC Informatienummer 1979-1980 (Utrecht, 1979), 3.
92. Three elements of national politics converged here: an increasing attention to consumer involvement (as part of a general tendency to decentralize control to the local level), the need to give attention to emancipatory aspects,
93. They also published a booklet that promoted house decoration without ornaments to make small dwellings look more spacious; Rotterdam municipal archives, Vrouwen Advies Comissie, box 2, Eindelijk hebben we een huis! For the exhibitions, see box 1, "Het hoe en waarom van de tentoonstellingen die de V.A.C. houdt."
94. See Meinsma (n. 34 above), 137-38, 149-50. For an inventory of eighty-nine VAC "housing quality inquiries" from the period 1988-90, see Directoraat-Generaal van de Volkshuisvesting, Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer, Directie Onderzoek en Kwaliteitszorg, Eenvoudige oplossingen - grote verbeteringen: Woongeriefonderzoeken als ingang voor kwaliteitsverbetering van woningen (Den Haag, 1992). Two other reports summarize and analyze housing quality inquiries in 1991-92 and 1992-93: A. D. Kuijpers, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-woongeriefonderzoeken, vol. 1 (Utrecht, 1993), and M. D. Munneke, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-wongeriefonderzoeken,vol. 2 (Utrecht, 1994).
95. See Meinsma (n. 34 above), 137-38, 149-50. For an inventory of eighty-nine VAC "housing quality inquiries" from the period 1988-90, see Directoraat-Generaal van de Volkshuisvesting, Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer, Directie Onderzoek en Kwaliteitszorg, Eenvoudige oplossingen - grote verbeteringen: Woongeriefonderzoeken als ingang voor kwaliteitsverbetering van woningen (Den Haag, 1992). Two other reports summarize and analyze housing quality inquiries in 1991-92 and 1992-93: A. D. Kuijpers, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-woongeriefonderzoeken, vol. 1 (Utrecht, 1993), and M. D. Munneke, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-wongeriefonderzoeken,vol. 2 (Utrecht, 1994).
96. See Meinsma (n. 34 above), 137-38, 149-50. For an inventory of eighty-nine VAC "housing quality inquiries" from the period 1988-90, see Directoraat-Generaal van de Volkshuisvesting, Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer, Directie Onderzoek en Kwaliteitszorg, Eenvoudige oplossingen - grote verbeteringen: Woongeriefonderzoeken als ingang voor kwaliteitsverbetering van woningen (Den Haag, 1992). Two other reports summarize and analyze housing quality inquiries in 1991-92 and 1992-93: A. D. Kuijpers, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-woongeriefonderzoeken, vol. 1 (Utrecht, 1993), and M. D. Munneke, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-wongeriefonderzoeken,vol. 2 (Utrecht, 1994).
97. See Meinsma (n. 34 above), 137-38, 149-50. For an inventory of eighty-nine VAC "housing quality inquiries" from the period 1988-90, see Directoraat-Generaal van de Volkshuisvesting, Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer, Directie Onderzoek en Kwaliteitszorg, Eenvoudige oplossingen - grote verbeteringen: Woongeriefonderzoeken als ingang voor kwaliteitsverbetering van woningen (Den Haag, 1992). Two other reports summarize and analyze housing quality inquiries in 1991-92 and 1992-93: A. D. Kuijpers, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-woongeriefonderzoeken, vol. 1 (Utrecht, 1993), and M. D. Munneke, Wonen ruim bemeten: Ervaringen van bewoners met het gebruik van de woning en de woonomgeving op basis van VAC-wongeriefonderzoeken,vol. 2 (Utrecht, 1994).
98. A zoning plan (bestemmingsplan) specifies the permissable use of a piece of land - residential, commercial, industrial, etc. The determination or change of zoning plans is a long and difficult procedure with many political and bureaucratic snags. Their pervasive role in the Netherlands can be clearly seen when travelling through the country: it explains the clustering of activities, the sharp boundaries between village and farmland, the absence of isolated shops along country roads.
99. In a report to the Ministry of Housing, Planning and Environment, Van Eyck and Samson report that all their interviewees agreed that VACs do indeed have influence. Most of the discussion centered on how to enhance this influence. A. M. v. Eyck and L. Samson, Vrouwen Advies Commissies voor de woningbouw: De rol van de VAC's in het gedecentraliseerde volkshuisvestingsbeleid (Den Haag, 1991).
100. Rotterdam municipal archives, Vrouwen Advies Comissie, box 3, "Verslag excursie V.A.C. op 16-5-1958 naar Zuidwijk."
101. These examples come from a list of "items that are generally changed upon request by a VAC" compiled in a study of eleven architects by the VAC-Helmond; see Meinsma, 138. Suggestions that were less often followed included changing the kitchen layout, adding a porch between the kitchen and living areas and a door to the garden, removing a window in the front wall for privacy reasons, eliminating low window panes, and changing the location of a toilet door immediately next to the front door.
102. Emmy Galama, interview by authors, 13 June 1997. See also VAC-Terneuzen, Dertig jaar VAC Terneuzen (Terneuzen, 1995), 13-14.
103. Emmy Galama, interview by authors, 13 June 1997. See also VAC-Terneuzen, Dertig jaar VAC Terneuzen (Terneuzen, 1995), 13-14.
104. The "smallness" of these improvements is also relativized when the costs to realize them may be high. As one VAC reported: "[We] considered it better to swap the terrace door and the window. . . . During a meeting with the builder we were surprised to hear that this advice was followed, even though half of the floors were already finished"; "Onverwacht succes," VAC-Nteuws, July/August 1995, 10. Also, the complete change of the floor plan of a house hardly is a small revision; see "Woningplattegrond flink aangepast na VAC-advies," VAC-Nieuws, July/August 1995, 10.
105. The "smallness" of these improvements is also relativized when the costs to realize them may be high. As one VAC reported: "[We] considered it better to swap the terrace door and the window. . . . During a meeting with the builder we were surprised to hear that this advice was followed, even though half of the floors were already finished"; "Onverwacht succes," VAC-Nteuws, July/August 1995, 10. Also, the complete change of the floor plan of a house hardly is a small revision; see "Woningplattegrond flink aangepast na VAC-advies," VAC-Nieuws, July/August 1995, 10.
106. Directie Onderzoek en Kwaliteitszorg, Eenvoudige oplossingen - grote verbeteringen (n. 45 above), 3.
107. E. Heerma, Deputy Minister for Public Housing, to all mayors in the Netherlands, 27 July 1993. The body of the letter urges the municipalities to seek advice from their local VAC on a variety of housing-related issues, and the final sentence reads: "I would much appreciate if you would support the VACs' work financially."
108. The book measures quality according to six criteria: usefulness and effectiveness, accessibility, safety, health and comfort, durability, and ease of cleaning and maintenance. It is illustrated with numerous technical drawings. VAC, VAC-Kwaliteitswijzer: Integrale visie op de gebruikskwaliteit van woning en woonomgeving (Utrecht, 1997).
109. Since this house was defined outside the existing norm, it was quickly criticized for having too little space and too few doors and windows opening onto the outdoors.
110. The report by members of the women's studies group at the School of Architecture, Delft University of Technology, played an important role in starting this development; see Ter Horst, Theunissen, and Vos (n. 11 above).
111. This risk is recognized by the VAC women. Commenting on the ministry's support for the committees (cf. note 53), the VAC director remarked that "this was the only thing they ever did for emancipation, and even about this we were doubtful; but, well, being the token woman ("excuus Truus") did help us a bit further." Van der Krabben and Hilhorst interview (n. 43 above).
112. In our discussion of gender and power we take a different and more specific tack than is typical of gender studies. For a comprehensive discussion of these gender studies views, see W. Faulkner, "Gender in/of Technology" (paper presented at the International Symposium on Science, Technology and Society, Istanbul, 1999). The more general analyses relate power to masculinity and associated images of technology. See, for example, B. Easlea, Fathering the Unthinkable: Masculinity, Scientists, and the Nuclear Arms Race (London, 1983); S. Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986); D. F. Noble, A World Without Women: The Evolution of the Masculine Culture of Science (New York, 1991).
113. In our discussion of gender and power we take a different and more specific tack than is typical of gender studies. For a comprehensive discussion of these gender studies views, see W. Faulkner, "Gender in/of Technology" (paper presented at the International Symposium on Science, Technology and Society, Istanbul, 1999). The more general analyses relate power to masculinity and associated images of technology. See, for example, B. Easlea, Fathering the Unthinkable: Masculinity, Scientists, and the Nuclear Arms Race (London, 1983); S. Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986); D. F. Noble, A World Without Women: The Evolution of the Masculine Culture of Science (New York, 1991).
114. In our discussion of gender and power we take a different and more specific tack than is typical of gender studies. For a comprehensive discussion of these gender studies views, see W. Faulkner, "Gender in/of Technology" (paper presented at the International Symposium on Science, Technology and Society, Istanbul, 1999). The more general analyses relate power to masculinity and associated images of technology. See, for example, B. Easlea, Fathering the Unthinkable: Masculinity, Scientists, and the Nuclear Arms Race (London, 1983); S. Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986); D. F. Noble, A World Without Women: The Evolution of the Masculine Culture of Science (New York, 1991).
115. In our discussion of gender and power we take a different and more specific tack than is typical of gender studies. For a comprehensive discussion of these gender studies views, see W. Faulkner, "Gender in/of Technology" (paper presented at the International Symposium on Science, Technology and Society, Istanbul, 1999). The more general analyses relate power to masculinity and associated images of technology. See, for example, B. Easlea, Fathering the Unthinkable: Masculinity, Scientists, and the Nuclear Arms Race (London, 1983); S. Harding, The Science Question in Feminism (Ithaca, N.Y., 1986); D. F. Noble, A World Without Women: The Evolution of the Masculine Culture of Science (New York, 1991).
116. For an empirical basis for this critique and a fuller exposition of the alternative, constructivist conception of power that we employ here, see Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites and Bulbs (n. 4 above). The discussion of the obduracy of technology in the following pages is linked to this conception of power.
117. Other micropolitical strategies that have been identified in technology studies are the enrollment of new relevant social groups, redefining problems, rhetorical closure, and establishing obligatory points of passage.
118. A "technological frame" structures the interactions among members of a social group, and is similar to Kuhn's "paradigm." A high inclusion in a technological frame means that an actor interacts, acts, and thinks to a great degree in terms of that frame -the actor is quite central to that technological frame. A low inclusion means that an actor only employs the vocabulary, values, aims, techniques, and so forth of that frame to a limited extent - she or he is rather marginal. See Bijker, Of Bicycles, Bakelites and Bulbs.
119. Of course, a high inclusion is never complete, and actors are typically included in more than one technological frame at a time. Otherwise a high-included actor would never ask such a critical question, unconscious of a world outside her technological frame as she then would be.
120. Quoted by H. Klieverik, "De ongedefinieerde woning van architecte Hartsuyker," Woningraad, 9 November 1988, 12. The interesting question of whether the particular content (flexibility) of this housing technology was crucially influenced by Hartsuykers' being female - a question belonging to a genre with a long history in gender and technology studies - we cannot answer, at least not here and now. To attempt to do so would inevitably lead us into essentialist interpretations which we do not particularly like, as we mentioned previously.
121. J. v. Nederveen-Snellen, "Samenwerking van architect en huisvrouw," Bouw 12, no. 37 (1957), 903-19;
122. A. Kolk, "De stem van de vrouw," Industrieel Bouwen 2, no. 5 (1965), 26-27; LCVAC, Stencil no. 10, 13 February 1970, LCVAC Archives, Box "Allerlei uitgezochte stukken voor Jub. boek."
123. For example, on 6 and 7 March 1963 sixty VAC members attended a course by the Association of Electric Utilities in the Netherlands on "household appliances and their position and operation space"; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20.
124. Examples include H. Heesmans and G. Hendriks, Voor VACs bestemd! Cursus Bestemmingsplan, vol. 1, Cursusboek, and vol. 2, Opzoekboek (Utrecht, 1990); R. v. Eck and P. Haberer, VAC-Fundament: Basiscursusboek (Utrecht, 1992). For the history of the internal training program, see also Meinsma, 51.
125. Examples include H. Heesmans and G. Hendriks, Voor VACs bestemd! Cursus Bestemmingsplan, vol. 1, Cursusboek, and vol. 2, Opzoekboek (Utrecht, 1990); R. v. Eck and P. Haberer, VAC-Fundament: Basiscursusboek (Utrecht, 1992). For the history of the internal training program, see also Meinsma, 51.
126. Examples include H. Heesmans and G. Hendriks, Voor VACs bestemd! Cursus Bestemmingsplan, vol. 1, Cursusboek, and vol. 2, Opzoekboek (Utrecht, 1990); R. v. Eck and P. Haberer, VAC-Fundament: Basiscursusboek (Utrecht, 1992). For the history of the internal training program, see also Meinsma, 51.
127. Examples include H. Heesmans and G. Hendriks, Voor VACs bestemd! Cursus Bestemmingsplan, vol. 1, Cursusboek, and vol. 2, Opzoekboek (Utrecht, 1990); R. v. Eck and P. Haberer, VAC-Fundament: Basiscursusboek (Utrecht, 1992). For the history of the internal training program, see also Meinsma, 51.
128. L. van Vianen-Ort, "Praten over een witte vlek," VAC-Nieuws, August/September 1973, 2-5. See also "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 11.
129. L. van Vianen-Ort, "Praten over een witte vlek," VAC-Nieuws, August/September 1973, 2-5. See also "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 11.
130. These checklists were recently updated and integrated in a new handbook for VAC women: VAC, VAC-Kwaliteitswijzer (n. 54 above). This now contains in an integrated form general technical analyses and accompanying concrete checklists for three domains: the city, the building, the home.
131. Rotterdam municipal archives, Vrouwen Advies Comissie, Box 2, minutes of a meeting of VAC-Rotterdam, 15 December 1955, 4-5.
132. VAC-Amersfoort, "Van de V.A.C.'s," VAC-Nieuws, September/October 1972, 3.
133. We have already identified this distancing from being feminist as an effective element in the "double inclusion" strategy. We do not want to claim, however, that this was all conscious strategy. On the contrary, their reservations toward feminism were no doubt caused by their social background. The VAC women typically had connections to organizations for traditional housewives and rural women, which aimed at the personal development of individual women rather than at the political emancipation of women as a group. Ironically, a break with this background occurred when the national association received enough funding from the ministry of housing to begin a process of professionalization. This new professionalism, focusing on delivering "a good product" (comments and advice on plans), proved an effective strategy for reconciling the pacifying strategies of the bourgeois women with the political thrust of new feminism. This trend was strengthened in 1993 with the appointment of a new director with a background in "autonomous feminism" who had been an active member of Dolle Mina and Wij Vrouwen Eisen. Her appointment produced the reaction "hey, at last no doctor's wife!" Van der Krabben and Hilhorst interview (n. 43 above).
134. We have distilled these dichotomies mainly from the large number of reports about VAC projects in VAC-Nieuws: see, for example, "Zijn architecten en binnenhuisarchitecten vrouwenhaters?" VAC-Nieuws, September 1971, 6; H. P. C. Dorhout-van't Land, "VAC Zwolle officieel geïnstalleerd," VAC-Nieuws, February 1981, 13. In our interviews VAC women used these as well. See also Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20-21; "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen" (n. 40 above), 1-2; W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse to W. Nauta-Van der Windt, 4 October 1966, LCVAC archives, Folder "Correspondentie 1962-1968 met provincies/ Utrecht"; Stencil no. 10 (n. 64 above). The last dichotomy is interestingly ironic. In many situations, aesthetics and fashion are associated with femininity while functionality and efficiency are considered masculine values, as for example in the case of J. J. P. Oud. The VACs' playing these cards in opposite ways forms an important part of their strategy.
135. We have distilled these dichotomies mainly from the large number of reports about VAC projects in VAC-Nieuws: see, for example, "Zijn architecten en binnenhuisarchitecten vrouwenhaters?" VAC-Nieuws, September 1971, 6; H. P. C. Dorhout-van't Land, "VAC Zwolle officieel geïnstalleerd," VAC-Nieuws, February 1981, 13. In our interviews VAC women used these as well. See also Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20-21; "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen" (n. 40 above), 1-2; W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse to W. Nauta-Van der Windt, 4 October 1966, LCVAC archives, Folder "Correspondentie 1962-1968 met provincies/ Utrecht"; Stencil no. 10 (n. 64 above). The last dichotomy is interestingly ironic. In many situations, aesthetics and fashion are associated with femininity while functionality and efficiency are considered masculine values, as for example in the case of J. J. P. Oud. The VACs' playing these cards in opposite ways forms an important part of their strategy.
136. We have distilled these dichotomies mainly from the large number of reports about VAC projects in VAC-Nieuws: see, for example, "Zijn architecten en binnenhuisarchitecten vrouwenhaters?" VAC-Nieuws, September 1971, 6; H. P. C. Dorhout-van't Land, "VAC Zwolle officieel geïnstalleerd," VAC-Nieuws, February 1981, 13. In our interviews VAC women used these as well. See also Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20-21; "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen" (n. 40 above), 1-2; W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse to W. Nauta-Van der Windt, 4 October 1966, LCVAC archives, Folder "Correspondentie 1962-1968 met provincies/ Utrecht"; Stencil no. 10 (n. 64 above). The last dichotomy is interestingly ironic. In many situations, aesthetics and fashion are associated with femininity while functionality and efficiency are considered masculine values, as for example in the case of J. J. P. Oud. The VACs' playing these cards in opposite ways forms an important part of their strategy.
137. We have distilled these dichotomies mainly from the large number of reports about VAC projects in VAC-Nieuws: see, for example, "Zijn architecten en binnenhuisarchitecten vrouwenhaters?" VAC-Nieuws, September 1971, 6; H. P. C. Dorhout-van't Land, "VAC Zwolle officieel geïnstalleerd," VAC-Nieuws, February 1981, 13. In our interviews VAC women used these as well. See also Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20-21; "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen" (n. 40 above), 1-2; W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse to W. Nauta-Van der Windt, 4 October 1966, LCVAC archives, Folder "Correspondentie 1962-1968 met provincies/ Utrecht"; Stencil no. 10 (n. 64 above). The last dichotomy is interestingly ironic. In many situations, aesthetics and fashion are associated with femininity while functionality and efficiency are considered masculine values, as for example in the case of J. J. P. Oud. The VACs' playing these cards in opposite ways forms an important part of their strategy.
138. We have distilled these dichotomies mainly from the large number of reports about VAC projects in VAC-Nieuws: see, for example, "Zijn architecten en binnenhuisarchitecten vrouwenhaters?" VAC-Nieuws, September 1971, 6; H. P. C. Dorhout-van't Land, "VAC Zwolle officieel geïnstalleerd," VAC-Nieuws, February 1981, 13. In our interviews VAC women used these as well. See also Meinsma (n. 34 above), 20-21; "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen" (n. 40 above), 1-2; W. J. Groenewegen-Theunisse to W. Nauta-Van der Windt, 4 October 1966, LCVAC archives, Folder "Correspondentie 1962-1968 met provincies/ Utrecht"; Stencil no. 10 (n. 64 above). The last dichotomy is interestingly ironic. In many situations, aesthetics and fashion are associated with femininity while functionality and efficiency are considered masculine values, as for example in the case of J. J. P. Oud. The VACs' playing these cards in opposite ways forms an important part of their strategy.
139. A. M. v. Eyck and L. Samson (N. 47 above); VAC-Nieuws 1987, extra edition, "Uitreiking van de Eurowoningenprijs 1987." The VACs were recognized at the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, "Habitat 2," in Istanbul, 3-14 June 1996; see E. Galama, "'Best Practice' from The Women's Advisory Committees on Housing in the Netherlands," report by VAC-Terneuzen for the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, 1996, copy in authors' possession.
140. A. M. v. Eyck and L. Samson (N. 47 above); VAC-Nieuws 1987, extra edition, "Uitreiking van de Eurowoningenprijs 1987." The VACs were recognized at the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, "Habitat 2," in Istanbul, 3-14 June 1996; see E. Galama, "'Best Practice' from The Women's Advisory Committees on Housing in the Netherlands," report by VAC-Terneuzen for the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, 1996, copy in authors' possession.
141. A. M. v. Eyck and L. Samson (N. 47 above); VAC-Nieuws 1987, extra edition, "Uitreiking van de Eurowoningenprijs 1987." The VACs were recognized at the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, "Habitat 2," in Istanbul, 3-14 June 1996; see E. Galama, "'Best Practice' from The Women's Advisory Committees on Housing in the Netherlands," report by VAC-Terneuzen for the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, 1996, copy in authors' possession.
142. A. M. v. Eyck and L. Samson (N. 47 above); VAC-Nieuws 1987, extra edition, "Uitreiking van de Eurowoningenprijs 1987." The VACs were recognized at the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, "Habitat 2," in Istanbul, 3-14 June 1996; see E. Galama, "'Best Practice' from The Women's Advisory Committees on Housing in the Netherlands," report by VAC-Terneuzen for the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements, 1996, copy in authors' possession.
143. LCVAC, Jaarverslag 1974, 1, LCVAC archives; C. Burger, VAC-Dwingeloo, "Van de VAC's," VAC-Nieuws, August/September 1984, 17.
144. LCVAC, Jaarverslag 1974, 1, LCVAC archives; C. Burger, VAC-Dwingeloo, "Van de VAC's," VAC-Nieuws, August/September 1984, 17.
145. J. Weenink-v.d. Brakel, VAC-Helmond, "Reacties op verslagen," VAC-Nieuws, June 1986, 2-3.
146. "VAC's presenteerden zich aan de bouwwereld," VAC-Nieuws, January 1991, 5-9.
147. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
148. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
149. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
150. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
151. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
152. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
153. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
154. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
155. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
156. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
157. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
158. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
159. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
160. Some of these internal guidelines are: ask for funding only after having achieved results, and do not criticize others in public before having demonstrated an ability to do useful work; do not talk about "claiming" but about "bringing to notice"; start with praise and a low profile - first mention minor points, which break the ice; try to understand the way other parties think - for instance, consider the difficulties and constraints of architects; do not act pedantically; only utter positive criticism, do not act like negative action-groups; present advice as being practical; try to bring about improvements for women, but do not act as feminists; make use of informal occasions to get in touch with civil servants; give good advice, so as to be taken seriously; knowledge will impress commissioners and designers; meet commitments, although VAC work is volunteer work-it is hard to get a good reputation, but this reputation is easily lost if VAC women do their work too slowly or if their work is of poor quality; do not attribute success too pointedly to the VACs - architects do not like to be corrected, and continuing contacts with builders are more important than a public victory. See "Stemmen uit de praktijk van het wonen," 2; KoLk (n. 64 above), 26-27; Groenewegen-Theunisse to Nauta-Van der Windt; LCVAC, "Richtlijnen voor de Vrouwenadviescommissies voor de Woningbouw," 1966, LCVAC archives; "Wat doet de VAC" (n. 33 above), 10; Burger; Hutjes (n. 33 above), 17; Meinsma (n. 34 above), 132, 142; A. van Zoest, "In gesprek met . . . Anneke Piersma," VAC-Nieuws, September 1992, 9; LCVAC, VAC-Map (n. 33 above), 17. Some examples of aphorisms published in the VAC-Nieuws are: Raad is als sneeuw, hoe zachter ze valt, hoe beter ze pakt (Advice is like snow; the softer it is, the better it sticks), February 1980, 16; Streven naar het volmaakte, tevreden zijn met het bereikte (Aim at the perfect, be satisfied with the realized), August/September 1980, 28; "Gebruik zachte woorden, maar harde argumenten" (Use soft words, but hard arguments), February 1983, 16; De gestadige drop holt zelfs de hardste steen uit (A steady drop will make the hardest stone hollow), March 1983, 10; Compromis: een regeling die geen der partijen bevredigt (Compromise: an outcome which satisfies no party), April 1983, 16.
161. A. Lijphart, Verzuiling, pacificatie en kentering in de Nederlandse politick (Amsterdam, 1967).
162. Littie Diederen and Yvonne van der Elsen wrote a brochure for women in areas undergoing urban renewal, with suggestions "as to how women may become stronger to realize their goals [in housing]," but evidently they are not aware of the existence of something like a VAC in Amsterdam. L. Diederen and Y. v. d. Elsen, Zoiets maak je toch niet, ik zeg altijd, dat doen mannen... Ervaringen van vrouwen in de stadsvernieuwing (Amsterdam, 1983).
163. "Stemmen uit de praktijk" (n. 40 above), 2.
164. The phrase "trap of inclusion" was coined by Willem Halffman, "Technology Versus Democracy? The Failure of Constructivist Recipes for the Dilemmas of Environmental Determinism," 1996, copy in authors' possession.
165. See Fassbinder (n. 10 above).