Patriotism is not enough

British Journal of Political Science

Volumn 30, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 413-432

  Canovan, Margaret ^a  

^a KEELE UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

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EID: 0034401549     PISSN: 00071234     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S000712340000017X     Document Type: Article

References (116)

1. Jürgen Habermas, 'D-Mark Nationalism', Die Zeit, 30 March 1990, translated in R. T. Gray and S. Wilke, eds, German Unification and Its Discontents: Documents from the Peaceful Revolution (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996), pp. 186-205, at p. 198.
2. Jürgen Habermas, 'D-Mark Nationalism', Die Zeit, 30 March 1990, translated in R. T. Gray and S. Wilke, eds, German Unification and Its Discontents: Documents from the Peaceful Revolution (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1996), pp. 186-205, at p. 198.
3. See, for example, Martha Nussbaum's 'Patriotism and Cosmopolitanism', printed with sixteen responses in Martha C. Nussbaum et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 1996), pp. 2-17.
4. Charles Taylor, 'Cross-purposes: The Liberal Communitarian Debate', in Nancy L. Rosenblum, ed., Liberalism and the Moral Life (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 164-78;
5. Alasdair MacIntyre, 'Is Patriotism a Virtue?' (Lawrence: The E. H. Lindley Memorial Lecture, University of Kansas, 1984).
6. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Neil MacCormick, 'Is Nationalism Philosophically Credible?' in William Twining, ed., Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991), pp. 8-19; Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, 'National Self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61.
7. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Neil MacCormick, 'Is Nationalism Philosophically Credible?' in William Twining, ed., Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991), pp. 8-19; Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, 'National Self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61.
8. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Neil MacCormick, 'Is Nationalism Philosophically Credible?' in William Twining, ed., Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991), pp. 8-19; Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, 'National Self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61.
9. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1993); Neil MacCormick, 'Is Nationalism Philosophically Credible?' in William Twining, ed., Issues of Self-Determination (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1991), pp. 8-19; Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, 'National Self-determination', Journal of Philosophy, 87 (1990), 439-61.
10. This point is made in many of the replies in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
11. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514. The essay is incorporated as Appendix II in Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). Cf. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', pp. 30-7 at p. 36, and Charles Taylor, 'Why Democracy Needs Patriotism', pp. 119-21 at p. 121, both in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
12. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514. The essay is incorporated as Appendix II in Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). Cf. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', pp. 30-7 at p. 36, and Charles Taylor, 'Why Democracy Needs Patriotism', pp. 119-21 at p. 121, both in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
13. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514. The essay is incorporated as Appendix II in Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). Cf. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', pp. 30-7 at p. 36, and Charles Taylor, 'Why Democracy Needs Patriotism', pp. 119-21 at p. 121, both in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
14. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514. The essay is incorporated as Appendix II in Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). Cf. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', pp. 30-7 at p. 36, and Charles Taylor, 'Why Democracy Needs Patriotism', pp. 119-21 at p. 121, both in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
15. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514. The essay is incorporated as Appendix II in Jürgen Habermas, Between Facts and Norms: Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law and Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996). Cf. Benjamin R. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', pp. 30-7 at p. 36, and Charles Taylor, 'Why Democracy Needs Patriotism', pp. 119-21 at p. 121, both in Nussbaum, For Love of Country.
16. Maurizio Viroli, For Love of Country: An Essay on Patriotism and Nationalism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), p. 15.
17. Cf. Attracta Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', Philosophy and Social Criticism, 22 (1996), 1-18;
18. Stephen Nathanson, Patriotism, Morality, and Peace (Lanham, NY: Rowman and Littlefield, 1993);
19. Mary G. Dietz, 'Patriotism', in Terence Ball, James Farr and Russell L. Hanson, eds, Political Innovation and Conceptual Change (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 177-93.
20. One of the earliest examples was Schaar, 'The Case for Patriotism', in John H. Schaar, Legitimacy in the Modern State (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 1981), pp. 285-311.
21. A sharp contrast between 'patriotism' and 'nationalism' has more rhetorical impact than the more defensible claim (made, for example, by Stephen Nathanson) that there are liberal and illiberal versions of both. Nathanson, Patriotism, Morality, and Peace, pp. 185-6.
22. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', pp. 500, 507.
23. According to Attracta Ingram, 'constitutional patriotism … is part of the idea that the creation of political community is a morally transformative act in which human beings develop relationships as citizens that tie them together independently of their prior associational ties to family, religion and the like' (Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2). Cf. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 121; Schaar, 'The Case for Patriotism', pp. 290-1; Dietz, 'Patriotism', p. 189.
24. According to Attracta Ingram, 'constitutional patriotism … is part of the idea that the creation of political community is a morally transformative act in which human beings develop relationships as citizens that tie them together independently of their prior associational ties to family, religion and the like' (Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2). Cf. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 121; Schaar, 'The Case for Patriotism', pp. 290-1; Dietz, 'Patriotism', p. 189.
25. According to Attracta Ingram, 'constitutional patriotism … is part of the idea that the creation of political community is a morally transformative act in which human beings develop relationships as citizens that tie them together independently of their prior associational ties to family, religion and the like' (Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2). Cf. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 121; Schaar, 'The Case for Patriotism', pp. 290-1; Dietz, 'Patriotism', p. 189.
26. According to Attracta Ingram, 'constitutional patriotism … is part of the idea that the creation of political community is a morally transformative act in which human beings develop relationships as citizens that tie them together independently of their prior associational ties to family, religion and the like' (Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2). Cf. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 121; Schaar, 'The Case for Patriotism', pp. 290-1; Dietz, 'Patriotism', p. 189.
27. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 1-2, 13-17, 183-5; Schaar, The Case for Patriotism', p. 293.
28. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 1-2, 13-17, 183-5; Schaar, The Case for Patriotism', p. 293.
29. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', pp. 500, 514; Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 14.
30. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', pp. 500, 514; Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 14.
31. Viroli and Dietz place themselves within this tradition. On the European transition (about 1800) from republican to nationalist discourses, see Martin Thom. Republics, Nations and Tribes (London: Verso, 1995).
32. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 16, 183-4.
33. On this aspect of ancient republicanism, see Paul A. Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992). For Viroli the key feature of ancient Roman patriotism was 'compassion' (For Love of Country, p. 20).
34. On this aspect of ancient republicanism, see Paul A. Rahe, Republics Ancient and Modern: Classical Republicanism and the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992). For Viroli the key feature of ancient Roman patriotism was 'compassion' (For Love of Country, p. 20).
35. This comes out clearly in Habermas's essay on 'D-Mark Nationalism', cited above.
36. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity': all quotations in this paragraph are from p. 500, emphasis in the original. See also Jürgen Habermas, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians' Debate (Cambridge: Polity, 1989), pp. 256-61.
37. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity': all quotations in this paragraph are from p. 500, emphasis in the original. See also Jürgen Habermas, The New Conservatism: Cultural Criticism and the Historians' Debate (Cambridge: Polity, 1989), pp. 256-61.
38. Like Habermas, Ingram comes from a national tradition that has been heavily contested.
39. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2.
40. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', pp. 507, 514. Cf. interviews with M. Haller in Jürgen Habermas, The Past as Future (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), pp. 163-5.
41. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', pp. 507, 514. Cf. interviews with M. Haller in Jürgen Habermas, The Past as Future (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994), pp. 163-5.
42. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', pp. 11, 12-15.
43. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 14.
44. Habermas, New Conservatism, p. 261.
45. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms, pp. 500, 514. Writing more recently about 'the transition of the European Community to a democratically-constituted, federal state', Habermas has stressed again the need to deliberately forge a new kind of 'abstract, legally mediated solidarity among strangers' through the development of EU-wide political communication. His answer to the linguistic barriers that at present stand in the way of any such shared public sphere is the promotion of English 'as a second first language'. Given Europe's existing level of integration, he maintains that, 'Given the political will, there is no a priori reason why it cannot subsequently create the politically necessary communicative context as soon as it is constitutionally prepared to do so.'
46. (J. Habermas, 'Comment on the Paper by Dieter Grimm: "Does Europe Need a Constitution?'", European Law Journal, 1 (1995), 303-7, emphasis in the original.)
47. Adrian Oldfield, Citizenship and Community - Civic Republicanism and the Modern World (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. ix, 6, 146, 153, 164.
48. Habermas, Between Facts and Norms, p. 458.
49. The controversy generated by John Rawls's parallel attempt to articulate a strictly 'political' liberalism illustrates the difficulty of settling even on an 'overlapping consensus' that can in practice be shared by the denizens of plural societies (John Rawls, Political Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993)).
50. See Norma C. Moruzzi, 'A Problem with Headscarves: Contemporary Complexities of Political and Social Identity', Political Theory, 22 (1994), 653-72. Precisely because the dominant French version of nationhood is strongly imbued with elements of constitutional patriotism, itmay be in some respects less tolerant of multicultural difference than less principled and more untidy versions.
51. The tradition has been lucidly restated by Dominique Schnapper, who maintains that Habermasian constitutional patriotism (in so far as it is feasible at all) amounts to a belated German discovery of the true (French) idea of nationhood (Dominique Schnapper, La Communauté des Citoyens: Sur l'Idée Moderne de Nation (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), p. 182). Habermas himself evidently believes that socialization into citizenship does not imply French-style assimilation, contrasting this with US experience (Habermas, 'Comment on Grimm', p. 306). It may be objected, however, that unlike France, the United States has not yet had to face the challenge of deep ideological diversity presented by Islam.
52. The tradition has been lucidly restated by Dominique Schnapper, who maintains that Habermasian constitutional patriotism (in so far as it is feasible at all) amounts to a belated German discovery of the true (French) idea of nationhood (Dominique Schnapper, La Communauté des Citoyens: Sur l'Idée Moderne de Nation (Paris: Gallimard, 1994), p. 182). Habermas himself evidently believes that socialization into citizenship does not imply French-style assimilation, contrasting this with US experience (Habermas, 'Comment on Grimm', p. 306). It may be objected, however, that unlike France, the United States has not yet had to face the challenge of deep ideological diversity presented by Islam.
53. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2.
54. Habermas, 'Comment on Grimm', p. 305.
55. Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 155. The large literature on constitutional engineering in divided societies contains some sharp disagreements, notably between supporters on the one hand of 'consociational' solutions that institutionalize group differences, and on the other side advocates of forms of majoritarian democracy that give politicians incentives to recruit voters across ethnic divides. For classic treatments, see Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Levels of optimism also vary, with Horowitz in particular stressing the very great difficulty of achieving stable democracy in the face of differences between ascriptive communities (Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa?, pp. 162, 241).
56. Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 155. The large literature on constitutional engineering in divided societies contains some sharp disagreements, notably between supporters on the one hand of 'consociational' solutions that institutionalize group differences, and on the other side advocates of forms of majoritarian democracy that give politicians incentives to recruit voters across ethnic divides. For classic treatments, see Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Levels of optimism also vary, with Horowitz in particular stressing the very great difficulty of achieving stable democracy in the face of differences between ascriptive communities (Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa?, pp. 162, 241).
57. Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 155. The large literature on constitutional engineering in divided societies contains some sharp disagreements, notably between supporters on the one hand of 'consociational' solutions that institutionalize group differences, and on the other side advocates of forms of majoritarian democracy that give politicians incentives to recruit voters across ethnic divides. For classic treatments, see Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Levels of optimism also vary, with Horowitz in particular stressing the very great difficulty of achieving stable democracy in the face of differences between ascriptive communities (Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa?, pp. 162, 241).
58. Donald L. Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 155. The large literature on constitutional engineering in divided societies contains some sharp disagreements, notably between supporters on the one hand of 'consociational' solutions that institutionalize group differences, and on the other side advocates of forms of majoritarian democracy that give politicians incentives to recruit voters across ethnic divides. For classic treatments, see Arend Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies: A Comparative Exploration (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); and Donald L. Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). Levels of optimism also vary, with Horowitz in particular stressing the very great difficulty of achieving stable democracy in the face of differences between ascriptive communities (Horowitz, A Democratic South Africa?, pp. 162, 241).
59. Even this apparently modest assumption is cast into doubt by the strength of nationalist sentiment in Scotland and Québec, despite the relatively civilized political structures of Britain and Canada.
60. For arguments that liberal democratic political theory has regularly taken for granted the existence of that collective power without acknowledging that its basis was nationhood, see Margaret Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory (Cheltenham, Glos.: Edward Elgar, 1996).
61. Cf. Bhikhu Parekh, 'Politics of Nationhood', in Keebet von Benda-Beckmann and Maykel Verkuyten, eds, Nationalism, Ethnicity and Cultural Identity in Europe: Comparative Studies in Migration and Ethnic Relations I (Utrecht: European Research Centre on Migration and Ethnic Relations, 1995), pp. 139-40.
62. On the 'democratic deficit' see Jack Hayward, ed., The Crisis of Representation in Europe (London: Frank Cass, 1995).
63. Failure to confront this question is a serious flaw in Yael Tamir's attempt to marry cultural nationalism with something like constitutional patriotism (Tamir, Liberal Nationalism, pp. 165-6).
64. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 7. Surprisingly, this was written after unification.
65. For evidence of the topic's sensitivity see the documents collected in Forever in the Shadow of Hitler? translated by J. Knowlton and T. Gates (New Jersey: Humanities Press, 1993), especially Habermas's contributions.
66. David Miller makes the point in a private communication that while East German enthusiasm for unification could at a pinch be read as commitment to liberal democratic principles and squeezed into the model of Verfassungspatriotismus, the actions and motivations of West German politicians and people cannot be understood in terms of that model.
67. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 500.
68. Wolf Linder, Swiss Democracy: Possible Solutions to Conflict in Multicultural Societies (New York: St Martin's Press, 1994). Both quotations are from page xviii.
69. Barber, 'Constitutional Faith', p. 32.
70. Note, however, that a strong commitment to the United States on the part of many immigrants may have more to do with what John Harles calls 'the politics of the lifeboat' - relief and gratitude at finding sanctuary - than with understanding of or belief in the actual principles of the constitution, as in the case of the Laotian immigrants Harles studied (John C. Harles, Politics in the Lifeboat: Immigrants and the American Democratic Order (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993), pp. 144-98.
71. Schaar, 'Case for Patriotism', p. 293.
72. Michael W. McConnell, 'Don't Neglect the Little Platoons', in Nussbaum, For Love of Country, pp. 78-84 at p. 82; Taylor, 'Cross-purposes', pp. 166, 280.
73. Michael W. McConnell, 'Don't Neglect the Little Platoons', in Nussbaum, For Love of Country, pp. 78-84 at p. 82; Taylor, 'Cross-purposes', pp. 166, 280.
74. Schaar, 'Case for Patriotism', pp. 291-3.
75. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2; Habermas, 'Comment on Grimm', p. 306.
76. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', p. 2; Habermas, 'Comment on Grimm', p. 306.
77. Habermas, 'D-Mark Nationalism', p. 198.
78. Cf. Brian Barry and Robert E. Goodin, eds, Free Movement: Ethical Issues in the Transnational Migration of People and of Money (New York: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1992).
79. On Burke's articulation in Reflections on the Revolution in France of this fusion of the political with the familial, see Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, pp. 69-70.
80. Other kinds of polities have been less dependent on family inheritance among the subject population. Monarchies could preserve dynastic continuity even though territories and subjects were lost and gained, while organizations like the Catholic Church and the Communist Party survived wide-ranging recruitment of personnel. It is democratic polities that need lasting collective identity on the part of their citizens.
81. Ingram, 'Constitutional Patriotism', pp. 14-15.
82. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514, emphasis in original. Cf. Bernard Yack, The Myth of the Civic Nation', Critical Review, 10 (1996), 193-211, p. 200.
83. Habermas, 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 514, emphasis in original. Cf. Bernard Yack, The Myth of the Civic Nation', Critical Review, 10 (1996), 193-211, p. 200.
84. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 172-5.
85. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 17, 161. 'Patriotism without Nationalism' is the title of his epilogue.
86. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 175-6, 184.
87. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 178, 183-4; cf. Dietz, 'Patriotism', pp. 187-9.
88. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 178, 183-4; cf. Dietz, 'Patriotism', pp. 187-9.
89. Nathanson, Patriotism, Morality, and Peace, pp. 185-6, 197.
90. Schaar, 'Case for Patriotism', p. 285.
91. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 2.
92. Viroli, For Love of Country, p. 7.
93. Schaar, 'Case for Patriotism', p. 296.
94. Viroli, For Love of Country, pp. 184-5.
95. See, for example, Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory; Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Miller, On Nationality; Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin, 1991).
96. See, for example, Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory; Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Miller, On Nationality; Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin, 1991).
97. See, for example, Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory; Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Miller, On Nationality; Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin, 1991).
98. See, for example, Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983); Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory; Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1992); Miller, On Nationality; Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Harmondsworth, Middx: Penguin, 1991).
99. As Habermas admits in 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 493. It may be argued that without nationhood (which can incorporate a population into a single 'people') liberal democracy would never have come about (Greenfeld, Nationalism, e.g. p. 10). Cf. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, passim.
100. As Habermas admits in 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 493. It may be argued that without nationhood (which can incorporate a population into a single 'people') liberal democracy would never have come about (Greenfeld, Nationalism, e.g. p. 10). Cf. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, passim.
101. As Habermas admits in 'Citizenship and National Identity', p. 493. It may be argued that without nationhood (which can incorporate a population into a single 'people') liberal democracy would never have come about (Greenfeld, Nationalism, e.g. p. 10). Cf. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, passim.
102. For example, see Miller, On Nationality, p. 127. Cf. Schnapper, Communauté des Citoyens, passim.
103. For example, see Miller, On Nationality, p. 127. Cf. Schnapper, Communauté des Citoyens, passim.
104. Miller, On Nationality, p. 127.
105. Anderson, Imagined Communities. This does not imply that they are imaginary.
106. Richard Kearney, Postnationalist Ireland: Politics, Culture, Philosophy (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 69.
107. Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 220-30.
108. As proposed, for example, by David Miller in On Nationality, pp. 179, 181.
109. Martha C. Nussbaum, 'Reply', in Nussbaum, For Love of Country, pp. 131-44 at p. 133.
110. Alasdair Maclntyre has written provocatively that because of the particularistic demands of patriotism, 'good soldiers may not be liberals' (MacIntyre, 'Is Patriotism a Virtue?' p. 17).
111. Cf. Barry and Goodin, Free Movement; W. Rogers Brubaker, ed., Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London: University Press of America, 1989); Thomas Hammar, Democracy and the Nation State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration (Aldershot, Hants: Avebury, 1990).
112. Cf. Barry and Goodin, Free Movement; W. Rogers Brubaker, ed., Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London: University Press of America, 1989); Thomas Hammar, Democracy and the Nation State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration (Aldershot, Hants: Avebury, 1990).
113. Cf. Barry and Goodin, Free Movement; W. Rogers Brubaker, ed., Immigration and the Politics of Citizenship in Europe and North America (London: University Press of America, 1989); Thomas Hammar, Democracy and the Nation State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration (Aldershot, Hants: Avebury, 1990).
114. The critique of new patriotism offered here does not imply an endorsement of nationalism, which has problems of its own that cannot be addressed here. Cf. Canovan, Nationhood and Political Theory, chaps 9 and 10.
115. For an exhaustive survey of the traditional rhetorical techniques, see Quentin Skinner, Reason and Rhetoric in the Philosophy ofHobbes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), Part I.
116. Cf. Margaret Canovan, 'The Eloquence of John Stuart Mill', History of Political Thought, 8 (1987), 505-20.