Women, kin, and catholicism: New perspectives on the fur trade

Ethnohistory

Volumn 47, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 423-452

  Sleeper Smith, Susan ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0034376449     PISSN: 00141801     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1215/00141801-47-2-423     Document Type: Review

References (184)

1. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
2. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
3. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
4. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
5. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
6. Harold Innis, in The Fur Trade in Canada (Toronto, 1970), views the North American fur trade as an extension of a European economic system. The effect of trade as not simply economic but also destructive of indigenous cultures is described by Lewis O. Saum in The Fur Trader and the Indian (Seattle, 1965) , and the literature that supports similar perspectives is discussed at length by Donald F. Bibeau in "Fur Trade Literature from a Tribal Point of View: A Critique," in Rendezvous: Selected Papers of the Fourth North American Fur Trade Conference, (1981), ed. Thomas C. Buckley (Saint Paul, MN), 83-91. The idea that the fur trade was exemplative of how a common ground of understanding was established between two cultures "without sacrificing their unique characteristics and without annihilating one another," was described by Carolyn Gilman in Where Two Worlds Meet: The Great Lakes Fur Trade (Saint Paul, MN, 1982), 1-4. Most recently, Richard White, in The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 (New York, 1991), asserts that the trade was a cultural compromise in which Europeans accomodated to the customs of native people. The idea that native people were assertive and early participants in the trade has been explored by Bruce J. Bourque and Ruth Holmes Whitehead in "Tarrentines and the Introduction of European Trade Goods in the Gulf of Maine," Ethnohistory 32 (1985): 327-41.
7. The western Great Lakes was referred to by the French as the pays d'en haut and initially included all of the "lands bordering the rivers flowing into the northern Great Lakes and the lands south of the lakes to the Ohio." See White, Middle Ground, x-xi, 50, 52. For an explanation of the "middle ground," see chapter 2, pp. 50-93.
8. The western Great Lakes was referred to by the French as the pays d'en haut and initially included all of the "lands bordering the rivers flowing into the northern Great Lakes and the lands south of the lakes to the Ohio." See White, Middle Ground, x-xi, 50, 52. For an explanation of the "middle ground," see chapter 2, pp. 50-93.
9. Clara Sue Kidwell, "Indian Women as Cultural Negotiators," Ethnohistory 39: 97-107. The term negotiators of change is borrowed from Nancy Shoemaker's Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspectives on Native American Women (New York, 1995).
10. Clara Sue Kidwell, "Indian Women as Cultural Negotiators," Ethnohistory 39: 97-107. The term negotiators of change is borrowed from Nancy Shoemaker's Negotiators of Change: Historical Perspectives on Native American Women (New York, 1995).
11. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
12. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
13. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
14. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
15. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
16. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
17. "Marriage 'after the custom of the country' was an indigenous marriage rite which evolved to meet the needs of fur trade society. . . . Although denounced by the Jesuit priests as immoral, the traders had taken their Indian wives according to traditional native marriage rites and distinct family units had developed." Sylvia Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties: Women in Fur-trade Society, 1670-1870 (Norman, OK, 1983), 28. These marriages combined both Indian and European marriage customs; the unions, although not always permanent, were neither casual nor promiscuous. For a further explanation of how marriage àla façon du pays became institutionalized as integral to the Great Lakes fur trade, see especially Jacqueline Peterson's "Prelude to Red River: A Social Portrait of the Great Lakes Métis," Ethnohistory 25 (1978): 48, 41-67, in which she shows how "the force of tribal custom . . . French peasant practices and the coutume de Paris" encouraged intermarriage. See also Jennifer S. H. Brown, Strangers in Blood: Fur Trade Company Families in Indian Country (Norman, OK, 1980), 62-63; also Jacqueline Peterson and Jennifer S. H. Brown, eds., The New Peoples: Being and Becoming Métis in North America (Fort Garry, MB, 1985), especially Peterson's "Many Roads to Red River: Métis Genesis in the Great Lakes Region, 1680-1815," 37-73. See also Sylvia Van Kirk's "The Custom of the Country: An Examination of Fur Trade Marriage Practices," and John E. Foster's "The Origin of the Mixed Bloods in the Canadian West," in Essays on Western History, ed. Lewis H. Thomas (Edmonton, AB, 1976), 49-68, 71-80.
18. Sylvia Van Kirk, "Toward a Feminist Perspective in Native History," in Papers of the Eighteenth Algonquian Conference, ed. José Mailhot (Ottawa, 1987), 386.
19. For a discussion of missionization among Native American women that relies on an assimilationist model, see Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (New York, 1991); Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women and Great Lakes Women, 1630-1900 (Berkeley, CA, 1992); Eleanor Burke Leacock, "Montaignais Women and the Jesuit Program for Colonization," in Myths of Male Dominance: Collected Articles on Women Cross-Culturally, ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York, 1981), 43-62.
20. For a discussion of missionization among Native American women that relies on an assimilationist model, see Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (New York, 1991); Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women and Great Lakes Women, 1630-1900 (Berkeley, CA, 1992); Eleanor Burke Leacock, "Montaignais Women and the Jesuit Program for Colonization," in Myths of Male Dominance: Collected Articles on Women Cross-Culturally, ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York, 1981), 43-62.
21. For a discussion of missionization among Native American women that relies on an assimilationist model, see Karen Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot: The Subjugation of Women in Seventeenth-Century New France (New York, 1991); Carol Devens, Countering Colonization: Native American Women and Great Lakes Women, 1630-1900 (Berkeley, CA, 1992); Eleanor Burke Leacock, "Montaignais Women and the Jesuit Program for Colonization," in Myths of Male Dominance: Collected Articles on Women Cross-Culturally, ed. Eleanor Burke Leacock (New York, 1981), 43-62.
22. For the parallel circumstance of Catholic women among the Iroquois, see Nancy Shoemaker, "Kateri Tekawitha," in Negotiators of Change, ed. Nancy Shoemaker (New York, 1995), 49-71; and Natalie Zemon Davis, "Iroquois Women, European Women," in Women, "Race," and Writing in the Early Modern Period, eds. Margo Hendricks and Patricia Parker (New York, 1994), 243-61.
23. For the parallel circumstance of Catholic women among the Iroquois, see Nancy Shoemaker, "Kateri Tekawitha," in Negotiators of Change, ed. Nancy Shoemaker (New York, 1995), 49-71; and Natalie Zemon Davis, "Iroquois Women, European Women," in Women, "Race," and Writing in the Early Modern Period, eds. Margo Hendricks and Patricia Parker (New York, 1994), 243-61.
24. The number eight appears throughout the St. Joseph Baptismal Register and indicates the phonetic equivalent for parts of Native American languages that were not spelled in French. 8 was a digraph or shorthand for ou.
25. Before their conversion to Catholicism, the Illini were polygamous, and this has been attributed to the high ratio of women to men. Early observers reported that women outnumbered men four to one and for this reason men espoused the younger sisters of their first wives. Village dwellings consisted of substantial oblong cabins that housed from six to twelve families. Consequently, village houses brought substantial numbers of women together. These women also exercised control over productive resources and men turned over the food of the hunt to them. Women owned all household possessions, while a man's property consisted only of his weapons and clothes. Clarence Walworth Alvord, The Illinois Country, 1673-1818 (Chicago, 1920), 41-46.
26. The term frontier Catholicism suggests that lay Catholics were instrumental in the spread of Catholicism in the western Great Lakes. This was a result of the scarcity of priests, a situation worsened in 1762 by the secularization of the Jesuits. The role lay people played in the transmission of dogma is unclear. The term baptized conditionally appears frequently in baptismal registers and indicates that a child had previously received lay baptism when a priest was unavailable.
27. The Odawa were semisedentary and moved their villages only when the soil was no longer fertile or when enemies threatened attack. Women remained resident in the village while hunting parties were an all-male activity. Although divorce was uncommon, when it did occur the children remained with the women. Children belonged to the women, and for this reason it appears that descent was traced through women. James E. Fitting and Charles E. Cleland, "Late Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Upper Great Lakes," Ethnohistory 16 (1969): 295-96; W. Vernon Kinietz, The Indians of the Western Great Lakes (Ann Arbor, MI, 1990), 270-74.
28. The Odawa were semisedentary and moved their villages only when the soil was no longer fertile or when enemies threatened attack. Women remained resident in the village while hunting parties were an all-male activity. Although divorce was uncommon, when it did occur the children remained with the women. Children belonged to the women, and for this reason it appears that descent was traced through women. James E. Fitting and Charles E. Cleland, "Late Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Upper Great Lakes," Ethnohistory 16 (1969): 295-96; W. Vernon Kinietz, The Indians of the Western Great Lakes (Ann Arbor, MI, 1990), 270-74.
29. All four women - Marie Rouensa-8cate8a, Marie Madeleine Réaume L'archevẽque Chevalier, Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise, and Thérèse Marcot Lasaliere Schindler - were Catholic, hence the presence of Christian names.
30. Carl J. Ekberg with Anton J. Pregaldin, "Marie Rouensa-8cate8a and the Foundations of French Illinois," Illinois Historical Journal 84 (fall 1991): 146-60; John E. McDowell, "Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade," Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (winter 1977-78): 126-27 ; David A. Armour, "Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise," Dictionary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1991), 7: 582-83; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," Michigan History 56 (winter 1972): 271-86; Keith R. Widder, "Magdelaine La Framboise, Fur Trader and Educator," Historical Women of Michigan: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. Rosalie Riegle Troester (Lansing, MI, 1987), 1-13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, hereafter as DCB.
31. Carl J. Ekberg with Anton J. Pregaldin, "Marie Rouensa-8cate8a and the Foundations of French Illinois," Illinois Historical Journal 84 (fall 1991): 146-60; John E. McDowell, "Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade," Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (winter 1977-78): 126-27 ; David A. Armour, "Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise," Dictionary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1991), 7: 582-83; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," Michigan History 56 (winter 1972): 271-86; Keith R. Widder, "Magdelaine La Framboise, Fur Trader and Educator," Historical Women of Michigan: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. Rosalie Riegle Troester (Lansing, MI, 1987), 1-13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, hereafter as DCB.
32. Carl J. Ekberg with Anton J. Pregaldin, "Marie Rouensa-8cate8a and the Foundations of French Illinois," Illinois Historical Journal 84 (fall 1991): 146-60; John E. McDowell, "Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade," Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (winter 1977-78): 126-27 ; David A. Armour, "Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise," Dictionary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1991), 7: 582-83; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," Michigan History 56 (winter 1972): 271-86; Keith R. Widder, "Magdelaine La Framboise, Fur Trader and Educator," Historical Women of Michigan: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. Rosalie Riegle Troester (Lansing, MI, 1987), 1-13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, hereafter as DCB.
33. Carl J. Ekberg with Anton J. Pregaldin, "Marie Rouensa-8cate8a and the Foundations of French Illinois," Illinois Historical Journal 84 (fall 1991): 146-60; John E. McDowell, "Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade," Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (winter 1977-78): 126-27 ; David A. Armour, "Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise," Dictionary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1991), 7: 582-83; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," Michigan History 56 (winter 1972): 271-86; Keith R. Widder, "Magdelaine La Framboise, Fur Trader and Educator," Historical Women of Michigan: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. Rosalie Riegle Troester (Lansing, MI, 1987), 1-13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, hereafter as DCB.
34. Carl J. Ekberg with Anton J. Pregaldin, "Marie Rouensa-8cate8a and the Foundations of French Illinois," Illinois Historical Journal 84 (fall 1991): 146-60; John E. McDowell, "Therese Schindler of Mackinac: Upward Mobility in the Great Lakes Fur Trade," Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (winter 1977-78): 126-27 ; David A. Armour, "Magdelaine Marcot La Framboise," Dictionary of Canadian Biography (Toronto, 1991), 7: 582-83; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," Michigan History 56 (winter 1972): 271-86; Keith R. Widder, "Magdelaine La Framboise, Fur Trader and Educator," Historical Women of Michigan: A Sesquicentennial Celebration, ed. Rosalie Riegle Troester (Lansing, MI, 1987), 1-13. Dictionary of Canadian Biography, hereafter as DCB.
35. White, Middle Ground, 70-75.
36. See Louise Tilly, "Gender, Women's History, and Social History," Social Science History 13 (1989): 339-480 (esp. 447), which suggests that women's history became more analytical and addresses issues central to the historical agenda.
37. The Algonquian-speaking Illinois included several groups: the Cahokia, Chipussea, Coircoentanon, Kaskaskia, Michigamea, Moingwena, Peoria, and Taponero. The French referred to the area as the "Illinois Country," which included the present state of Illinois, plus eastern Missouri and eastern Iowa. Emily J. Blasingham, "The Depopulation of the Illinois Indians," Ethnohistory 3 (1956): 193. The term Iliniwik comes from ilini or man, iw is ek, the plural termination and was changed by the French to ois. Alvord, Illinois Country, 31.
38. The Algonquian-speaking Illinois included several groups: the Cahokia, Chipussea, Coircoentanon, Kaskaskia, Michigamea, Moingwena, Peoria, and Taponero. The French referred to the area as the "Illinois Country," which included the present state of Illinois, plus eastern Missouri and eastern Iowa. Emily J. Blasingham, "The Depopulation of the Illinois Indians," Ethnohistory 3 (1956): 193. The term Iliniwik comes from ilini or man, iw is ek, the plural termination and was changed by the French to ois. Alvord, Illinois Country, 31.
39. In a matrifocal household the woman is the focus of the relationship but not the head of the household. Women evolved as the center of economic and decision-making coalitions with their children, despite the presence of a husband-father. Raymond Smith, "The Matrifocal Family," in The Character of Kinship, ed. Jack Goody (New York, 1973), 124-25.
40. From Father Gabriel Marest, Missionary of the Society of Jesus, to Father Germon of the same Society, 9 November 1712, Lettres édifiantes (Toulouse, 1810), 6: 207.
41. Raymond E. Hausner, in "The Berdache and the Illinois Indian Tribe during the Last Half of the Seventeenth Century," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 54, has suggested that the status of Illinois women was limited by sororal polygony and that brothers played an important role in the selection of a husband. The conversion to Catholicism would have clearly ended the practice of polygony as well as the marital influence exercised by men.
42. DeGannes, "Memoir of DeGannes Concerning the Illinois Country," in The French Foundations, 1680-1692, ed. Theodore Calvin Pease and Raymond C. Werner, Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library (Springfield, IL, 1934), 23: 361.
43. DeGannes, "Memoir of DeGannes Concerning the Illinois Country," in The French Foundations, 1680-1692, ed. Theodore Calvin Pease and Raymond C. Werner, Collections of the Illinois State Historical Library (Springfield, IL, 1934), 23: 361.
44. Mary Borgias Palm, The Jesuit Missions of the Illinois Country, 1673-1763 (Cleveland, 1933), 25; DeGannes, "Memoir Concerning Illinois," 38-40.
45. Mary Borgias Palm, The Jesuit Missions of the Illinois Country, 1673-1763 (Cleveland, 1933), 25; DeGannes, "Memoir Concerning Illinois," 38-40.
46. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missions in New France, 1610-1791 (Cleveland, 1896-1901), 65: 67, hereafter JR.
47. JR, 64: 229.
48. JR, 64: 205, 195-205.
49. JR, 64:195.
50. Rouensa married Accault within the church. Gravier described the circumstances of the wedding and baptized their first son, Peter Accault, on 20 March 1695 at Pimiteoui. For the baptism, see "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions of the Illinois Historical Society, vol. 2. (Springfield, IL, 1904), 394; Marthe F. Beauregard, La population des forts français d'Amérique (Montreal, 1982), 2: 108.
51. Rouensa married Accault within the church. Gravier described the circumstances of the wedding and baptized their first son, Peter Accault, on 20 March 1695 at Pimiteoui. For the baptism, see "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions of the Illinois Historical Society, vol. 2. (Springfield, IL, 1904), 394; Marthe F. Beauregard, La population des forts français d'Amérique (Montreal, 1982), 2: 108.
52. JR, 64: 213.
53. JR, 64: 233; Palm, Jesuit Missions, 26.
54. JR, 64: 233; Palm, Jesuit Missions, 26.
55. JR, 64: 209.
56. Palm, Jesuit Missions, 42.
57. Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614-1698 (Paris, 1879-88), 5: 375-586 ; Father Gabriel Marest to Father Germon, JR, 66: 218-95 ; also in Father Watrin's summary of his work among the Kaskaskia, JR, 70: 218-95.
58. Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614-1698 (Paris, 1879-88), 5: 375-586 ; Father Gabriel Marest to Father Germon, JR, 66: 218-95 ; also in Father Watrin's summary of his work among the Kaskaskia, JR, 70: 218-95.
59. Pierre Margry, ed., Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l'ouest et dans le sud de l'Amérique septentrionale, 1614-1698 (Paris, 1879-88), 5: 375-586 ; Father Gabriel Marest to Father Germon, JR, 66: 218-95 ; also in Father Watrin's summary of his work among the Kaskaskia, JR, 70: 218-95.
60. Brown and Laurie C. Dean, The Village of Chartres in Colonial Illinois, 1720-1765 (New Orleans, LA, 1977), 871; Ekberg, "Marie Rouensa," 156.
61. Brown and Laurie C. Dean, The Village of Chartres in Colonial Illinois, 1720-1765 (New Orleans, LA, 1977), 871; Ekberg, "Marie Rouensa," 156.
62. For a description of African American slavery in Illinois Country, see Carl J. Ekberg, "Black Slavery in Illinois, 1720-1765," Western Illinois Regional Studies 12 (1989): 5-9. For Native American slavery in the Great Lakes, see Russell M. Magnaghi, "Red Slavery in the Great Lakes Country during the French and British Regimes," Old Northwest 12. (summer 1996): 201-17.
63. For a description of African American slavery in Illinois Country, see Carl J. Ekberg, "Black Slavery in Illinois, 1720-1765," Western Illinois Regional Studies 12 (1989): 5-9. For Native American slavery in the Great Lakes, see Russell M. Magnaghi, "Red Slavery in the Great Lakes Country during the French and British Regimes," Old Northwest 12. (summer 1996): 201-17.
64. An arpent is a French unit equal to about 0.84 acres or, when used as a linear measurement, equal to 192 English feet. Winstanley Briggs, "Le Pays des Illinois," William and Mary Quarterly 47 (1990): 38.
65. Palm, Jesuit Missions, 42; Beauregard, La population, 2: 107-81.
66. Palm, Jesuit Missions, 42; Beauregard, La population, 2: 107-81.
67. Daniel H. Usner, in Indians, Settlers, and Slaves in a Frontier Exchange Economy (Chapel Hill, NC, 1992), 7, indicates that the Illinois Country was under the political administration of New Orleans but was economically more integrated with the Great Lakes.
68. Palm, Jesuit Missions, 42-43, 80.
69. Susan C. Boyle, "Did She Generally Decide? Women in Ste. Genevieve, 1750-1805," William and Mary Quarterly 44 (1987): 783-84.
70. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, "Autonomy and the Economic Roles of Indian Women of the Fox-Wisconsin River Region, 1763-1832," in Shoemaker, Negotiators of Change, 72-89; see esp. 81-82.
71. Lucy Eldersveld Murphy, "Autonomy and the Economic Roles of Indian Women of the Fox-Wisconsin River Region, 1763-1832," in Shoemaker, Negotiators of Change, 72-89; see esp. 81-82.
72. Gilbert J. Garraghan, "New Light on Old Cahokia," Illinois Catholic Historical Review 11: 99-146.
73. John A. Walthall and Elizabeth D. Benchley, The River L'Abbe Mission: A French Colonial Church for the Cahokia Illini on Monks Mound, Studies in Illinois Archaeology, no. 2. (Springfield, IL, 1987), 71-73.
74. Thomas Hughes, History of the Society of Jesus in North America (London, 1917), 2: 418-19.
75. See chapter 3, "Structures, Habitus, Practices," in Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford, CA, 1980), 52-65.
76. Marie Madeleine Réaume's father was the trader, Jean Baptiste Réaume. The first official reference to Jean Baptiste Réaume was in 1720, when the New France governor, Vaudreuil, sent him to the reestablished Fort St. Joseph post with two canoes loaded with gifts for the Miami. In 1717 her father served as the post interpreter and later moved onto Green Bay. Marie Madeleine Réaume first appears in the St. Joseph Register when she was listed as a godmother, in March 1729, and was identified as the daughter of Simphorose Ouaouagoukoue and the post's interpreter, Sieur Jean Baptiste Réaume. "St. Joseph Baptismal Register," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 13 (June 1926-March 1927): 212.
77. For an explanation of exchange in indigenous societies, see Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason of Exchange in Archaic Societies (New York, 1990).
78. Variant spellings for L'archevêque include Larchesveque and Larche. Certificate, Montreal, signed de Villiers, 18 July 1745; ANCol, C11A, 117: 325. In 1741 Augustin L'archevêque contracted to hire canoemen to accompany him to Illinois Country. For engagements or contracts hiring canoemen at St. Joseph from 1722-45, see Rapport de l'Archiviste de la Province de Québec, 1929-30: 233-465, hereafter RAPQ.
79. Variant spellings for L'archevêque include Larchesveque and Larche. Certificate, Montreal, signed de Villiers, 18 July 1745; ANCol, C11A, 117: 325. In 1741 Augustin L'archevêque contracted to hire canoemen to accompany him to Illinois Country. For engagements or contracts hiring canoemen at St. Joseph from 1722-45, see Rapport de l'Archiviste de la Province de Québec, 1929-30: 233-465, hereafter RAPQ.
80. Variant spellings for L'archevêque include Larchesveque and Larche. Certificate, Montreal, signed de Villiers, 18 July 1745; ANCol, C11A, 117: 325. In 1741 Augustin L'archevêque contracted to hire canoemen to accompany him to Illinois Country. For engagements or contracts hiring canoemen at St. Joseph from 1722-45, see Rapport de l'Archiviste de la Province de Québec, 1929-30: 233-465, hereafter RAPQ.
81. The daughters lived to maturity, but the son probably did not reach adulthood. The first daughter, Marie Catherine, was born the day after her mother and father were married. She was baptized on 13 January 1731. Her godfather was the past commandant, Nicholas Coulon de Villiers, and her godmother was Marie Catherine, of the Illinois nation. "St. Joseph Baptismal Register," ed. Rev. George Paré and M. M. Quaife, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 13 (June 1926-March 1927): 213. The second daughter, Marie Esther (referred to as Marie Joseph Esther), was born sometime in 1733 and baptized one year later at Michilimackinac on 1 January 1734, "The Mackinac Register," Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 19: 4, hereafter WHC. The third daughter, Marie Anne, was twenty-one months and eight days old at the time of her baptism at St. Joseph in April of 1740. Her godfather was Nicolas Coulon de Villiers, the post commandant, and her older sister, Marie Joseph Esther. "St. Joseph Register," 218. The fourth daughter, Marie Amable, was baptized at St. Joseph on 27 July 1740 by the post commandant, Nicolas Coulon de Villiers, and subsequently by Father Lamorine on 29 June 1741. The godparents were Claude Caron and Charlotte Robert, the wife of the post interpreter. "St. Joseph Register," 219. The fifth daughter was Angelique (Agathe), baptized in March 1744. Her godfather was Monsieur de Lespiné de Villiers, a cadet in the troops of the colony's marine detachment. Her godmother was her oldest sister, Marie Catherine. "St. Joseph Register," 221.
82. The daughters lived to maturity, but the son probably did not reach adulthood. The first daughter, Marie Catherine, was born the day after her mother and father were married. She was baptized on 13 January 1731. Her godfather was the past commandant, Nicholas Coulon de Villiers, and her godmother was Marie Catherine, of the Illinois nation. "St. Joseph Baptismal Register," ed. Rev. George Paré and M. M. Quaife, The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 13 (June 1926-March 1927): 213. The second daughter, Marie Esther (referred to as Marie Joseph Esther), was born sometime in 1733 and baptized one year later at Michilimackinac on 1 January 1734, "The Mackinac Register," Collections of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin 19: 4, hereafter WHC. The third daughter, Marie Anne, was twenty-one months and eight days old at the time of her baptism at St. Joseph in April of 1740. Her godfather was Nicolas Coulon de Villiers, the post commandant, and her older sister, Marie Joseph Esther. "St. Joseph Register," 218. The fourth daughter, Marie Amable, was baptized at St. Joseph on 27 July 1740 by the post commandant, Nicolas Coulon de Villiers, and subsequently by Father Lamorine on 29 June 1741. The godparents were Claude Caron and Charlotte Robert, the wife of the post interpreter. "St. Joseph Register," 219. The fifth daughter was Angelique (Agathe), baptized in March 1744. Her godfather was Monsieur de Lespiné de Villiers, a cadet in the troops of the colony's marine detachment. Her godmother was her oldest sister, Marie Catherine. "St. Joseph Register," 221.
83. Joseph Peyser, Fort St. Joseph Manuscripts: Chronological Inventory and Translations (Niles, MI, 1978), 121, 104.
84. The seventeenth-century Jesuits attested to the lushness of the Saint Joseph River valley and to the profusion of wild grapes that grew along riverbanks. The dune area around southern Lake Michigan also produced large quantities of huckleberries, wild currants, gooseberries, and blackberries. Plum, crab apple, and cherry trees grew along the river bottoms. Brown, Aboriginal Cultural Adaptations, 60; Jesuit Relations, 55: 195.
85. The seventeenth-century Jesuits attested to the lushness of the Saint Joseph River valley and to the profusion of wild grapes that grew along riverbanks. The dune area around southern Lake Michigan also produced large quantities of huckleberries, wild currants, gooseberries, and blackberries. Plum, crab apple, and cherry trees grew along the river bottoms. Brown, Aboriginal Cultural Adaptations, 60; Jesuit Relations, 55: 195.
86. "Petition of Louis Chevallier," reprinted from the Haldimand Papers, Canadian Archives, Ottawa, Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society: Collections and Researches (hereafter MPHC, 13 (1889): 61.
87. James M. McClurken, "Augustin Hamlin, Jr.: Ottawa Identity and the Politics of Persistence," in Being and Becoming Indian, ed. James A. Clifton (Chicago, 1989), 85.
88. These communities had a settled agricultural appearance. There were agricultural fields, log cabins, framed houses, and fruit orchards. The usual markers of European society, houses and cabins, were also indicative of Native American society. At Réaume's St. Joseph village, a French carpenter had even built a house for a Potawatomi headman. A jail was even constructed by the blacksmith Antoine Deshêtres. It was made of stone and measured eight feet by ten feet. Certificate, St. Joseph, signed Piquoteé de Belestre, 13 May 1750. ANCol, C11A, 96: 313. The post interpreter Pierre Deneau dit Detailly submitted a certificate to receive a thousand livres for building a house for a medal chief. Certificate, St. Joseph, 30 April 1760, Archives Nationales, v7, 345: 99. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada.
89. These communities had a settled agricultural appearance. There were agricultural fields, log cabins, framed houses, and fruit orchards. The usual markers of European society, houses and cabins, were also indicative of Native American society. At Réaume's St. Joseph village, a French carpenter had even built a house for a Potawatomi headman. A jail was even constructed by the blacksmith Antoine Deshêtres. It was made of stone and measured eight feet by ten feet. Certificate, St. Joseph, signed Piquoteé de Belestre, 13 May 1750. ANCol, C11A, 96: 313. The post interpreter Pierre Deneau dit Detailly submitted a certificate to receive a thousand livres for building a house for a medal chief. Certificate, St. Joseph, 30 April 1760, Archives Nationales, v7, 345: 99. Ottawa: National Archives of Canada.
90. In Sainte Genevieve, Illinois Country, French widows were more active in the local economy and were more likely to file legal grievances than either single or married women. Boyle, "Did She Generally Decide?" 788-89.
91. Augustin L'archevêque was baptized on 7 July 1748. He probably never reached adulthood. His godfather was Augustin Langland and his godmother was Marie Catherine Lerige Bourassa. "Mackinac Baptisms," WHC 19: 24-5; Marie Catherine married Jean Baptiste Jutras (Joutras), and the wedding took place at St. Ignace on 7 July 1748. He was a trader from Trois Rivières. Witnesses included Legardeur de St. Pierre Verchere, Bourassa, Langlade, and Charles Langlade. "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 475. The wedding of Marie Joseph Esther and Jacques Bariso de La Marche took place at Saint Ignace on 2 August 1748. Some witness signatures were illegible, but both those of Langlade and Bourassa remain legible, "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 476. The bridegroom was probably related to the Montreal merchant with whom Réaume's father had traded. In 1729 Jean Baptiste Réaume owed Charles Nolan LaMarque 4,000 livres in furs. RAPQ, 1929-30, 244-408. Joseph Esther was twice widowed and at the age of forty-six, on 8 June 1779, she married Thomas M. Brady. He became the Indian agent at Cahokia. She had children and grandchildren living in Cahokia until well into the 1800s. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115.
92. Augustin L'archevêque was baptized on 7 July 1748. He probably never reached adulthood. His godfather was Augustin Langland and his godmother was Marie Catherine Lerige Bourassa. "Mackinac Baptisms," WHC 19: 24-5; Marie Catherine married Jean Baptiste Jutras (Joutras), and the wedding took place at St. Ignace on 7 July 1748. He was a trader from Trois Rivières. Witnesses included Legardeur de St. Pierre Verchere, Bourassa, Langlade, and Charles Langlade. "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 475. The wedding of Marie Joseph Esther and Jacques Bariso de La Marche took place at Saint Ignace on 2 August 1748. Some witness signatures were illegible, but both those of Langlade and Bourassa remain legible, "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 476. The bridegroom was probably related to the Montreal merchant with whom Réaume's father had traded. In 1729 Jean Baptiste Réaume owed Charles Nolan LaMarque 4,000 livres in furs. RAPQ, 1929-30, 244-408. Joseph Esther was twice widowed and at the age of forty-six, on 8 June 1779, she married Thomas M. Brady. He became the Indian agent at Cahokia. She had children and grandchildren living in Cahokia until well into the 1800s. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115.
93. Augustin L'archevêque was baptized on 7 July 1748. He probably never reached adulthood. His godfather was Augustin Langland and his godmother was Marie Catherine Lerige Bourassa. "Mackinac Baptisms," WHC 19: 24-5; Marie Catherine married Jean Baptiste Jutras (Joutras), and the wedding took place at St. Ignace on 7 July 1748. He was a trader from Trois Rivières. Witnesses included Legardeur de St. Pierre Verchere, Bourassa, Langlade, and Charles Langlade. "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 475. The wedding of Marie Joseph Esther and Jacques Bariso de La Marche took place at Saint Ignace on 2 August 1748. Some witness signatures were illegible, but both those of Langlade and Bourassa remain legible, "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 476. The bridegroom was probably related to the Montreal merchant with whom Réaume's father had traded. In 1729 Jean Baptiste Réaume owed Charles Nolan LaMarque 4,000 livres in furs. RAPQ, 1929-30, 244-408. Joseph Esther was twice widowed and at the age of forty-six, on 8 June 1779, she married Thomas M. Brady. He became the Indian agent at Cahokia. She had children and grandchildren living in Cahokia until well into the 1800s. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115.
94. Augustin L'archevêque was baptized on 7 July 1748. He probably never reached adulthood. His godfather was Augustin Langland and his godmother was Marie Catherine Lerige Bourassa. "Mackinac Baptisms," WHC 19: 24-5; Marie Catherine married Jean Baptiste Jutras (Joutras), and the wedding took place at St. Ignace on 7 July 1748. He was a trader from Trois Rivières. Witnesses included Legardeur de St. Pierre Verchere, Bourassa, Langlade, and Charles Langlade. "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 475. The wedding of Marie Joseph Esther and Jacques Bariso de La Marche took place at Saint Ignace on 2 August 1748. Some witness signatures were illegible, but both those of Langlade and Bourassa remain legible, "Mackinac Register," WHC 18: 476. The bridegroom was probably related to the Montreal merchant with whom Réaume's father had traded. In 1729 Jean Baptiste Réaume owed Charles Nolan LaMarque 4,000 livres in furs. RAPQ, 1929-30, 244-408. Joseph Esther was twice widowed and at the age of forty-six, on 8 June 1779, she married Thomas M. Brady. He became the Indian agent at Cahokia. She had children and grandchildren living in Cahokia until well into the 1800s. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115.
95. Catherine married Jean Baptiste Jutras (Joutras). Her youngest daughter, Esther, married Jacques Bariso de La Marche, who was probably related to the Montreal merchant with whom Réaume's father had traded. He was the son of a Montreal merchant, which would have guaranteed the St. Joseph community an adequate and annual supply of trade goods.
96. The Chevaliers were a large French family. There were seventeen children. Jean Baptiste Chevalier and his wife, Marie Françoise Alavoine, probably moved from Montreal to Michilimackinac in 1718. Baptismal registers at Michilimackinac and St. Joseph provide information about fifteen of the seventeen children born to Chevalier and Alavoine: five, possibly six, children were born at Montreal; eleven were baptized at St. Ignace. The four children born in Montreal included Charlotte (1712), Marie Anne (Chabouillez) Catherine (1714), Michel Jean Baptiste and Marie Josephe (1718). The eleven children baptized at the St. Ignace Mission included Constance (1719), Louis Therèse (1720), Marguerite Josephe (1723), Marie Magdaleine (1724), Anne Charlotte Veronique (1726), Charles (1727), Joseph Maurice (1728), Louis Pascal (1730), Anne Therèse Esther (1732), Angelique (1733), and Luc (1735). John M. Gram, "The Chevalier Family and the Demography of the Upper Great Lakes" (unpublished paper, Mackinac Island State Park Commission, Lansing, MI, 1995).
97. Their marriage coincided with the baptism of their son, Louis, who was born in October 1751 and was baptized by his uncle, Louis Pascal Chevalier. In April 1752 he was baptized by the priest, Father DuJaunay. His godfather was his oldest stepsister's husband, Joutras, and his godmother was another stepsister, Madeleine Chevalier. "St. Joseph Register," 223.
98. Gram, "The Chevalier Family," 20.
99. Marie Magdelaine L'archevêque appears to have been one of Madeleine's daughters, but this cannot be confirmed by the baptismal registers. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 1 January 1779. Louis Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at St. Joseph between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," Mississippi Valley Historical Review (hereafter MVHR), 12: 223, note 38; WHC 8: 490; WHC 19: 3; Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 120-21.
100. Marie Magdelaine L'archevêque appears to have been one of Madeleine's daughters, but this cannot be confirmed by the baptismal registers. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 1 January 1779. Louis Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at St. Joseph between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," Mississippi Valley Historical Review (hereafter MVHR), 12: 223, note 38; WHC 8: 490; WHC 19: 3; Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 120-21.
101. Marie Magdelaine L'archevêque appears to have been one of Madeleine's daughters, but this cannot be confirmed by the baptismal registers. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 1 January 1779. Louis Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at St. Joseph between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," Mississippi Valley
102. Marie Magdelaine L'archevêque appears to have been one of Madeleine's daughters, but this cannot be confirmed by the baptismal registers. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 1 January 1779. Louis Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at St. Joseph between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," Mississippi Valley Historical Review (hereafter MVHR), 12: 223, note 38; WHC 8: 490; WHC 19: 3; Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 120-21.
103. The Chevaliers were partners, but they were not related. Charles Lhullic Chevalier's trading partner now became his step-father-in-law. Charles and Angelique were married at St. Joseph, where three of their children were later baptized. Chevalier died in 1773; he was about sixty-four. His death was the last entry in the St. Joseph Baptismal Register. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115-17; Idle, "Post of the St. Joseph," 253-54, note 104; "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 230.
104. The Chevaliers were partners, but they were not related. Charles Lhullic Chevalier's trading partner now became his step-father-in-law. Charles and Angelique were married at St. Joseph, where three of their children were later baptized. Chevalier died in 1773; he was about sixty-four. His death was the last entry in the St. Joseph Baptismal Register. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115-17; Idle, "Post of the St. Joseph," 253-54, note 104; "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 230.
105. The Chevaliers were partners, but they were not related. Charles Lhullic Chevalier's trading partner now became his step-father-in-law. Charles and Angelique were married at St. Joseph, where three of their children were later baptized. Chevalier died in 1773; he was about sixty-four. His death was the last entry in the St. Joseph Baptismal Register. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 115-17; Idle, "Post of the St. Joseph," 253-54, note 104; "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 230.
106. The register does not mention the marriage of Anne L'archevêque and Augustin Gibault. When she served as godmother to the daughter of her sister Marie Joseph in 1756, she was identified as Anne L'archevêque. By 1758 she was identified as Gibault's wife. "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 228, 230.
107. Marie Amable married Jean Baptiste François Lonval. Lonval's ties were to the fur-trade community at Trois Rivières. The Lonvals settled in Cahokia, where they appear on the 1787 Cahokia census. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 117-18; "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12.: 231, 233-34.
108. Marie Amable married Jean Baptiste François Lonval. Lonval's ties were to the fur-trade community at Trois Rivières. The Lonvals settled in Cahokia, where they appear on the 1787 Cahokia census. Webster and Krause, Fort Saint Joseph, 117-18; "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12.: 231, 233-34.
109. Both Joseph Esther's and Marie Amable's children were baptized at the Fort Saint Joseph Mission. Four of Esther's children were baptized there. In 1753 her sister Catherine was the godmother to her sixteen-month-old son, Louis, and to her three-year-old son, Etienne Joseph. Esther's sister Anne was the godmother to her three-year-old daughter, Marie Joseph. In 1756, Esther's sister Magdeleine was the godmother to her five-month-old daughter, Angelique. "St. Joseph Baptismal Register," 225, 225-26, 228. In 1761, Amable's two-month-old daughter was baptized at St. Joseph, "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 233-34.
110. Both Joseph Esther's and Marie Amable's children were baptized at the Fort Saint Joseph Mission. Four of Esther's children were baptized there. In 1753 her sister Catherine was the godmother to her sixteen-month-old son, Louis, and to her three-year-old son, Etienne Joseph. Esther's sister Anne was the godmother to her three-year-old daughter, Marie Joseph. In 1756, Esther's sister Magdeleine was the godmother to her five-month-old daughter, Angelique. "St. Joseph Baptismal Register," 225, 225-26, 228. In 1761, Amable's two-month-old daughter was baptized at St. Joseph, "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 233-34.
111. The prolonged absence of priests at frontier missions led lay Catholics and even non-Catholics to perform baptisms. Priests were only intermittently assigned to the St. Joseph Mission, but they did serve continuously from 1750 to 1761. During other times the post was reliant on the missionary priests assigned to the Illinois Country; generally these priests resided at either Cahokia or Kaskaskia. Growth of the frontier Catholic church was hampered in 1762, when the French government decreed secularization of the Jesuits. The Supreme Council of New Orleans put the decree into effect on 3 July 1763. Father Meurin was allowed to remain in the Illinois Country at Sainte Genevieve on the Spanish side of the river. Priests from other orders were at the Saint Joseph mission in 1761, 1768, and 1773. A new missionary priest, Father Gibault, was assigned to the Illinois Country in 1773. "St. Joseph Register," 204-5; George Paré, The Catholic Church in Detroit, 1701-1888 (Detroit, 1951), 78-103. For an account of the banishment, see JR.
112. The prolonged absence of priests at frontier missions led lay Catholics and even non-Catholics to perform baptisms. Priests were only intermittently assigned to the St. Joseph Mission, but they did serve continuously from 1750 to 1761. During other times the post was reliant on the missionary priests assigned to the Illinois Country; generally these priests resided at either Cahokia or Kaskaskia. Growth of the frontier Catholic church was hampered in 1762, when the French government decreed secularization of the Jesuits. The Supreme Council of New Orleans put the decree into effect on 3 July 1763. Father Meurin was allowed to remain in the Illinois Country at Sainte Genevieve on the Spanish side of the river. Priests from other orders were at the Saint Joseph mission in 1761, 1768, and 1773. A new missionary priest, Father Gibault, was assigned to the Illinois Country in 1773. "St. Joseph Register," 204-5; George Paré, The Catholic Church in Detroit, 1701-1888 (Detroit, 1951), 78-103. For an account of the banishment, see JR.
113. The term baptized conditionally appears frequently in baptismal registers and indicates that a child had previously received lay baptism when a priest was unavailable. For an explanation of the term baptized conditionally, see p. 7, n. 25, of "The Mackinac Register, 1696-1821: Register of Baptisms of the Mission of St. Ignace de Michilimackinak," WHC 19.
114. "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 218, 238.
115. His godfather was Mr. Marin de La Perrière and his godmother was Madeleine de Villiers, de La Perrière's wife. Her godfather was Louis Metivier, a master carpenter, and the godmother was Marie Fafard, Metivier's wife. Five years later Marie, Pierre's wife, died. "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 12: 221-23.
116. On 22 April 1752, one of Pierre's daughters, 8abak8ik8e, was baptized. She was about thirty-five years old and took the name Marie as her Christian name. Louis Chevalier signed as the godfather. On 1 May 1752, three more of Pierre's children, all women, were baptized; one was twenty-six or twenty-seven, the second was twenty-five, and the third was fifteen or sixteen. The eldest, a widow and identified as Temagas8kia, took the name Marguerite. Her godmother was Marguerite of the Saki nation. Both other daughters elected Marie Madeleine Réaume Chevalier as their godmother. The middle daughter, age twenty-five, was identified as being married to Pi8assin, who was listed as still unconverted. The third daughter took the name Suzanne. "St. Joseph Register," MVHR, 13: 222-23.
117. Idle, "Post of the Saint Joseph River," 182; Rapport de l'archiviste de la Province de Québec, 1929-30: 233-465.
118. Idle, "Post of the Saint Joseph River," 182; Rapport de l'archiviste de la Province de Québec, 1929-30: 233-465.
119. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 2.37-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 5134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
120. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 237-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
121. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 2.37-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
122. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 2.37-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
123. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 2.37-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
124. Howard Peckham, Pontiac and the Indian Uprising (Detroit, 1994); Ian K. Steele, Warpath: Invasions of North America (New York, 1994), 2.37-42; Charles E. Cleland, Rites of Conquest: The History and Culture of Michigan's Native Americans (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994), 134-43; White, Middle Ground, 269-314; Gregory Evans Dowd, "The French King Wakes up in Detroit: Pontiac's War in Rumor and History," Ethnohistory 37 (1990): 254-78; Gregory Evans Dowd, A Spirited Resistance: The North American Indian Struggle for Unity, 1745-1815 (Baltimore, MD, 1992).
125. "To General Gage from Lt. Campbell, April 10, 1766," Gage Papers #308, Ayers Manuscript Collections, Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; "To General Haldiman from A. S. DePeyster, August 15, 1778," MPHC, 9: 368.
126. "To General Gage from Lt. Campbell, April 10, 1766," Gage Papers #308, Ayers Manuscript Collections, Newberry Library, Chicago, Illinois; "To General Haldiman from A. S. DePeyster, August 15, 1778," MPHC, 9: 368.
127. British traders who attempted to break the exclusionary St. Joseph trade barrier met a dire fate. In 1773 four English traders were murdered near St. Joseph by the Potawatomi. Chevalier was suspected, but the British were reluctant to remove him. Gérard Malchelosse, "St. Joseph River Post," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 189.
128. Joseph L. Peyser, "The Fate of the Fox Survivors: A Dark Chapter in the History of the French in the Upper Country, 1726-1737," Wisconsin Magazine of History 73 (winter 1989-90): 110; R. David Edmunds and Joseph L. Peyser, The Fox Wars: The Mesquakie Challenge to New France (Norman, OK, 1993), 144.
129. Joseph L. Peyser, "The Fate of the Fox Survivors: A Dark Chapter in the History of the French in the Upper Country, 1726-1737," Wisconsin Magazine of History 73 (winter 1989-90): 110; R. David Edmunds and Joseph L. Peyser, The Fox Wars: The Mesquakie Challenge to New France (Norman, OK, 1993), 144.
130. "The Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 25.
131. The Chevaliers were partners, but they were not related.
132. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 22 July 1740. Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at the mission church between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," 223; WHC 8: 490, 19: 3.
133. Louis Pascal was baptized at Michilimackinac on 22 July 1730. He died before 22 July 1740. Pascal and his wife had four children baptized at the mission church between 1758 and 1773. "St. Joseph Register," 223; WHC 8: 490, 19: 3.
134. Three baptismal and one wedding register are part of this research: "The St. Joseph Baptismal Register," MVHR, XIII: 2.02-39; "The Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 1-161; "The Mackinac Register, 1725-1821: Register of Marriages in the Parish of Michilimackinac," WHC 18: 469-513; "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions Illinois State Historical Society, 395-413.
135. Three baptismal and one wedding register are part of this research: "The St. Joseph Baptismal Register," MVHR, XIII: 2.02-39; "The Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 1-161; "The Mackinac Register, 1725-1821: Register of Marriages in the Parish of Michilimackinac," WHC 18: 469-513; "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions Illinois State Historical Society, 395-413.
136. Three baptismal and one wedding register are part of this research: "The St. Joseph Baptismal Register," MVHR, XIII: 2.02-39; "The Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 1-161; "The Mackinac Register, 1725-1821: Register of Marriages in the Parish of Michilimackinac," WHC 18: 469-513; "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions Illinois State Historical Society, 395-413.
137. Three baptismal and one wedding register are part of this research: "The St. Joseph Baptismal Register," MVHR, XIII: 2.02-39; "The Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 1-161; "The Mackinac Register, 1725-1821: Register of Marriages in the Parish of Michilimackinac," WHC 18: 469-513; "Kaskaskia Church Records," Transactions Illinois State Historical Society, 395-413.
138. Memorial of Eouis Joseph Ainsse, 5 August 1780, MPHC, 13: 58-59, 10: 415. The pretense for removal was Governor General Haldimand's order that the traders whose loyalty was questionable be prevented from living among the Indians. Haldimand to DePeyster, 6 May 1799, MPHC, 9: 357-58; Keith R. Widder, "Effects of the American Revolution on Fur Trade Society at Michilimackinac," in The Fur Trade Revisited: Selected Papers of the Sixth North American Fur Trade Conference, Mackinac Island, Michigan, 1991, ed. Jennifer S. H. Brown, W. J. Eccles, and Donald Heldman (East Lansing, MI, 1994), 307.
139. Memorial of Eouis Joseph Ainsse, 5 August 1780, MPHC, 13: 58-59, 10: 415. The pretense for removal was Governor General Haldimand's order that the traders whose loyalty was questionable be prevented from living among the Indians. Haldimand to DePeyster, 6 May 1799, MPHC, 9: 357-58; Keith R. Widder, "Effects of the American Revolution on Fur Trade Society at Michilimackinac," in The Fur Trade Revisited: Selected Papers of the Sixth North American Fur Trade Conference, Mackinac Island, Michigan, 1991, ed. Jennifer S. H. Brown, W. J. Eccles, and Donald Heldman (East Lansing, MI, 1994), 307.
140. Memorial of Eouis Joseph Ainsse, 5 August 1780, MPHC, 13: 58-59, 10: 415. The pretense for removal was Governor General Haldimand's order that the traders whose loyalty was questionable be prevented from living among the Indians. Haldimand to DePeyster, 6 May 1799, MPHC, 9: 357-58; Keith R. Widder, "Effects of the American Revolution on Fur Trade Society at Michilimackinac," in The Fur Trade Revisited: Selected Papers of the Sixth North American Fur Trade Conference, Mackinac Island, Michigan, 1991, ed. Jennifer S. H. Brown, W. J. Eccles, and Donald Heldman (East Lansing, MI, 1994), 307.
141. "Indian Council held at Detroit 11th March, with the Pottewatimies from St. Josephs, Terre Coupe, and Coeur de Cerf," MPHC, 10: 453-54.
142. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
143. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
144. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
145. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
146. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
147. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
148. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
149. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
150. The attack from Cahokia was led by Thomas Brady and Jean Baptiste Hamelin. Brady had married Réaume's widowed daughter, Marie Joseph, and Hamelin kin were frequent godparents for St. Joseph children. Descriptions of the attack on and destruction of Fort St. Joseph include Joseph Peyser, ed., Letters from New France: The Upper Country, 1686-1783 (Chicago, 1992), 219-21; A. P. Nasatir, "The Anglo-Spanish Frontier in the Illinois Country during the American Revolution, 1779-1783," Illinois State Historical Society Journal 21 (1928): 291-358; Ralph Ballard, Old Fort St. Joseph (Berrien Springs, MI, 1973), 46-48; Gérard Malchelosse, "The St. Joseph River," French Canadian and Acadian Genealogical Review, nos. 3-4 (1970): 204-6; Rufus Blanchard, The Discovery and Conquest of the Northwest (Chicago, 1880), 165-66; B. A. Hinsdale, The Old Northwest (New York, 1888), 173-74; Charles Moore, Northwest under Three Flags (New York, 1900), 257-60; John Francis McDermott, Old Cahokia: A Narrative and Documents Illustrating the First Century of Its History (St. Louis, MO, 1949), 31-32, 200; Clarence W. Alvord, "The Conquest of St. Joseph Michigan, by the Spaniards in 1781," Michigan History 14 (1930): 398-414.
151. Thimotée is also called Marie Neskesh by the Jesuits. Thérèse was ten and Magdelaine was six when they were baptized on 1 August 1786, "Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 86.
152. "Census of the Post of St. Joseph," MPHC, 10: 406-7.
153. In 1783, Marcot was killed by Indians at the portage between the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers. His widow returned to her native Odawa village to raise her children among her people. Magdelaine was the youngest of seven children. McDowell, "Therese Schindler."
154. Baptisms of Native American women occurred most frequently during the summer months, and multiple baptisms took place in a day.
155. "Marguerite-Magdelaine Marcot (La Framboise)," DCB, 582; Milo M. Quaife, Lake Michigan (Indianapolis, 1944), 201-6.
156. "Marguerite-Magdelaine Marcot (La Framboise)," DCB, 582; Milo M. Quaife, Lake Michigan (Indianapolis, 1944), 201-6.
157. WHC 19: 86, 117, 118; 11: 164-65.
158. "Mackinac Register," WHC 19: 117-18.
159. Quaife, Lake Michigan, 115.
160. "Mackinac Register," 18: 507-8.
161. George Schindler to Solomon Sibley, 9 July, 22 August 1807, and Claude La Framboise to John Kinzie, 11 June 1807, Solomon Sibley Papers, Burton Historical Section, Detroit Public Library; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 131.
162. Claude La Framboise to John Kinzie, 11 June 1807, Solomon Sibley Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library.
163. Elizabeth Thérèse Baird, "Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island," WHC, 14: 38-39.
164. Baird, "Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island," 22; Elizabeth Thérèse Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC, 15: 213.
165. Baird, "Reminiscences of Early Days on Mackinac Island," 22; Elizabeth Thérèse Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC, 15: 213.
166. "Account Book of Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 37: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 135-36.
167. quot;Account Book of Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 37: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 135-36.
168. quot;Account Book of Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, 37: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 135-36.
169. Baird, "Reminiscences of Mackinac," WHC 14: 22; Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC 15: 213; "Account Book of a Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; MPHC, 27: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 128, 135-36.
170. Baird, "Reminiscences of Mackinac," WHC 14: 22; Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC 15: 213; "Account Book of a Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; MPHC, 27: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 128, 135-36.
171. Baird, "Reminiscences of Mackinac," WHC 14: 22; Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC 15: 213; "Account Book of a Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; MPHC, 27: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 128, 135-36.
172. Baird, "Reminiscences of Mackinac," WHC 14: 22; Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC 15: 213; "Account Book of a Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; MPHC, 27: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 128, 135-36.
173. Baird, "Reminiscences of Mackinac," WHC 14: 22; Baird, "Reminiscences of Life in Territorial Wisconsin," in WHC 15: 213; "Account Book of a Mackinac Merchant," Michigan Manuscripts, c, in Archives Division, State Historical Society of Wisconsin; MPHC, 27: 143; McDowell, "Therese Schindler," 128, 135-36.
174. Ida Amanda Johnson, The Michigan Fur Trade (Grand Rapids, MI, 1971), 130-31; DCB, 7: 582.
175. Ida Amanda Johnson, The Michigan Fur Trade (Grand Rapids, MI, 1971), 130-31; DCB, 7: 582.
176. Gordon Charles Davidson, The North West Company (Berkeley, CA, 1918), 72; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," 278.
177. Gordon Charles Davidson, The North West Company (Berkeley, CA, 1918), 72; McDowell, "Madame La Framboise," 278.
178. John Denis Haeger, John Jacob Astor: Business and Finance in the Early Republic (Detroit, 1991), 149-52.
179. When increased numbers of mixed ancestry offspring migrated to larger fur trade communities, such as Michilimackinac, Green Bay, and St. Louis, they increasingly intermarried among themselves. These intermarriages resulted in the emergence of a distinctive métis community. As the number of mixed hereditary offspring continued to increase, these young women of mixed marriages appeared with increasing frequency as the spouses of French fur traders, but these favored marital choices had kin networks rooted in indigenous society. Kinship networks ensured access to peltry and insured viability as a fur trader. Women with extensive kinship networks remained the most desirable marriage partners. It was for this reason that Marie Madeleine, at age forty, was a desirable fur-trade widow.
180. For a description of the St. Louis community, see especially Tanis C. Thorne, The Many Hands of My Relations (Columbia, MO, 1996).
181. DePeyser to Gen. Haldimand, 15 August 1778, MPHC, 368; DePeyser to Sinclair, 12 March 1780, MPHC, 9: 581; WHC 9: 93, 95; Mr. Claus to Secretary Foster, 22 May 1815, MPHC, 115.
182. DePeyser to Gen. Haldimand, 15 August 1778, MPHC, 368; DePeyser to Sinclair, 12 March 1780, MPHC, 9: 581; WHC 9: 93, 95; Mr. Claus to Secretary Foster, 22 May 1815, MPHC, 115.
183. DePeyser to Gen. Haldimand, 15 August 1778, MPHC, 368; DePeyser to Sinclair, 12 March 1780, MPHC, 9: 581; WHC 9: 93, 95; Mr. Claus to Secretary Foster, 22 May 1815, MPHC, 115.
184. DePeyser to Gen. Haldimand, 15 August 1778, MPHC, 368; DePeyser to Sinclair, 12 March 1780, MPHC, 9: 581; WHC 9: 93, 95; Mr. Claus to Secretary Foster, 22 May 1815, MPHC, 115.