Labor structures and school enrollments in developing societies: Thailand and Kenya compared

Comparative Education Review

Volumn 44, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 175-201

  Buchmann, Claudia ^a   Brakewood, Dan ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0034371577     PISSN: 00104086     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/447602     Document Type: Article

References (76)

1. For comprehensive conceptualizations of supply and demand factors related to the spread of schooling, see Mary Jean Bowman, "An Integrated Framework for the Analysis of the Spread of Schooling in Less Developed Countries," Comparative Education Review 28 (November 1984): 563-83; and John E. Craig, "The Expansion of Education," Review of Research in Education 9 (1981): 151-213.
2. For comprehensive conceptualizations of supply and demand factors related to the spread of schooling, see Mary Jean Bowman, "An Integrated Framework for the Analysis of the Spread of Schooling in Less Developed Countries," Comparative Education Review 28 (November 1984): 563-83; and John E. Craig, "The Expansion of Education," Review of Research in Education 9 (1981): 151-213.
3. See, e.g., Gary S. Becker, Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968); Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic, 1972).
4. See, e.g., Gary S. Becker, Human Capital: A Theoretical and Empirical Analysis with Special Reference to Education (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968); Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society (New York: Basic, 1972).
5. Albert Fishlow, "Levels of Nineteenth-Century American Investment in Education," Journal of Economic History 26 (1966): 418-36.
6. John W. Meyer, David Tyack, Joane Nagel, and Audri Gordon, "Public Education as Nation-Building in America: Enrollments and Bureaucratization in the American States, 1870-1930," American Journal of Sociology 85 (November 1979): 591-613; Avery Guest and Stewart Tolnay, "Agricultural Organization and Educational Consumption in the U.S. in 1900," Sociology of Education 58 (October 1985): 201-12; Pamela Barnhouse Walters and Philip J. O'Connell, "The Family Economy: Work and Educational Participation in the United States, 1890-1940," American Journal of Sociology 93 (March 1988): 1116-52.
7. John W. Meyer, David Tyack, Joane Nagel, and Audri Gordon, "Public Education as Nation-Building in America: Enrollments and Bureaucratization in the American States, 1870-1930," American Journal of Sociology 85 (November 1979): 591-613; Avery Guest and Stewart Tolnay, "Agricultural Organization and Educational Consumption in the U.S. in 1900," Sociology of Education 58 (October 1985): 201-12; Pamela Barnhouse Walters and Philip J. O'Connell, "The Family Economy: Work and Educational Participation in the United States, 1890-1940," American Journal of Sociology 93 (March 1988): 1116-52.
8. John W. Meyer, David Tyack, Joane Nagel, and Audri Gordon, "Public Education as Nation-Building in America: Enrollments and Bureaucratization in the American States, 1870-1930," American Journal of Sociology 85 (November 1979): 591-613; Avery Guest and Stewart Tolnay, "Agricultural Organization and Educational Consumption in the U.S. in 1900," Sociology of Education 58 (October 1985): 201-12; Pamela Barnhouse Walters and Philip J. O'Connell, "The Family Economy: Work and Educational Participation in the United States, 1890-1940," American Journal of Sociology 93 (March 1988): 1116-52.
9. Bruce Fuller, Maurice Garnier, and Jerald Hage, "State Action and Labor Structure Change in Mexico," Social Forces 68 (June 1990): 1165-89.
10. Harvey Graff, The Legacies of Literacy (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987).
11. Walters and O'Connell; for further elaboration of this argument, see Pamela Barnhouse Walters and David R. James, "Schooling for Some: Child Labor and School Enrollment of Black and White Children in the Early Twentieth-Century South," American Sociological Review 57 (October 1992): 635-50.
12. Walters and O'Connell; for further elaboration of this argument, see Pamela Barnhouse Walters and David R. James, "Schooling for Some: Child Labor and School Enrollment of Black and White Children in the Early Twentieth-Century South," American Sociological Review 57 (October 1992): 635-50.
13. Constantina Safilios-Rothschild, "The Role of the Family: A Neglected Aspect of Poverty," in Implementing Programs of Human Development, World Bank Staff Working Paper no. 403 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1980); Adhiambo Odaga and Ward Heneveld, Girls and Schools in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Analysis to Action (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1995); Assefa Bequele and William E. Myers, First Things First in Child Labor: Eliminating Work Detrimental to Children (Geneva: International Labor Organization, 1995); Bruce Fuller, Judith D. Singer, and Margaret Keiley, "Why Do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments," Social Forces 74 (December 1995): 657-80.
14. Constantina Safilios-Rothschild, "The Role of the Family: A Neglected Aspect of Poverty," in Implementing Programs of Human Development, World Bank Staff Working Paper no. 403 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1980); Adhiambo Odaga and Ward Heneveld, Girls and Schools in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Analysis to Action (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1995); Assefa Bequele and William E. Myers, First Things First in Child Labor: Eliminating Work Detrimental to Children (Geneva: International Labor Organization, 1995); Bruce Fuller, Judith D. Singer, and Margaret Keiley, "Why Do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments," Social Forces 74 (December 1995): 657-80.
15. Constantina Safilios-Rothschild, "The Role of the Family: A Neglected Aspect of Poverty," in Implementing Programs of Human Development, World Bank Staff Working Paper no. 403 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1980); Adhiambo Odaga and Ward Heneveld, Girls and Schools in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Analysis to Action (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1995); Assefa Bequele and William E. Myers, First Things First in Child Labor: Eliminating Work Detrimental to Children (Geneva: International Labor Organization, 1995); Bruce Fuller, Judith D. Singer, and Margaret Keiley, "Why Do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments," Social Forces 74 (December 1995): 657-80.
16. Constantina Safilios-Rothschild, "The Role of the Family: A Neglected Aspect of Poverty," in Implementing Programs of Human Development, World Bank Staff Working Paper no. 403 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1980); Adhiambo Odaga and Ward Heneveld, Girls and Schools in Sub-Saharan Africa: From Analysis to Action (Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 1995); Assefa Bequele and William E. Myers, First Things First in Child Labor: Eliminating Work Detrimental to Children (Geneva: International Labor Organization, 1995); Bruce Fuller, Judith D. Singer, and Margaret Keiley, "Why Do Daughters Leave School in Southern Africa? Family Economy and Mothers' Commitments," Social Forces 74 (December 1995): 657-80.
17. We do not deny the existente of child labor in the developing world, but we question whether child labor is as consistent and pervasive a reason for nonenrollment in school as commonly assumed. Recent surveys of developing countries that find large populations of children that are neither enrolled in school nor engaged in productive activities in the labor force or the household also question this assumption, e.g., Nidhi Mehrotra, "Primary Schooling in India: Determinants of Demand" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1998); Claudia Buchmann, "Family Decisions and Social Constraints: The Determinants of Educational Inequality in Contemporary Kenya" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1996); Fuller, Singer, and Keiley.
18. We do not deny the existente of child labor in the developing world, but we question whether child labor is as consistent and pervasive a reason for nonenrollment in school as commonly assumed. Recent surveys of developing countries that find large populations of children that are neither enrolled in school nor engaged in productive activities in the labor force or the household also question this assumption, e.g., Nidhi Mehrotra, "Primary Schooling in India: Determinants of Demand" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1998); Claudia Buchmann, "Family Decisions and Social Constraints: The Determinants of Educational Inequality in Contemporary Kenya" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1996); Fuller, Singer, and Keiley.
19. We do not deny the existente of child labor in the developing world, but we question whether child labor is as consistent and pervasive a reason for nonenrollment in school as commonly assumed. Recent surveys of developing countries that find large populations of children that are neither enrolled in school nor engaged in productive activities in the labor force or the household also question this assumption, e.g., Nidhi Mehrotra, "Primary Schooling in India: Determinants of Demand" (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1998); Claudia Buchmann, "Family Decisions and Social Constraints: The Determinants of Educational Inequality in Contemporary Kenya" (Ph.D. diss., Indiana University, 1996); Fuller, Singer, and Keiley.
20. Robert Fiala and Francisco O. Ramirez, "Dependence, Service Sector Growth, and Economic Development in Less Developed Countries, 1960-1975," Comparative Social Research 7 (1984): 409.
21. Phongpaichit Pasuk and Chiasakul Samart, "Services," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); York W. Bradshaw, "Urbanization and Underdevelopment: A Global Study of Modernization, Urban Bias, and Economic Dependency," American Sociological Review 29 (April 1987): 145-70.
22. Phongpaichit Pasuk and Chiasakul Samart, "Services," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); York W. Bradshaw, "Urbanization and Underdevelopment: A Global Study of Modernization, Urban Bias, and Economic Dependency," American Sociological Review 29 (April 1987): 145-70.
23. Fiala and Ramirez; Peter Evans and Michael Timberlake, "Dependence, Inequality, and the Growth of the Tertiary: A Comparative Analysis of Less Developed Countries," American Sociological Review 45 (August 1980): 531-52; York W. Bradshaw, "Over urbanization and Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Cross-National Study," Studies in Comparative International Development. 20, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 74-101.
24. Fiala and Ramirez; Peter Evans and Michael Timberlake, "Dependence, Inequality, and the Growth of the Tertiary: A Comparative Analysis of Less Developed Countries," American Sociological Review 45 (August 1980): 531-52; York W. Bradshaw, "Over urbanization and Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Cross-National Study," Studies in Comparative International Development. 20, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 74-101.
25. Fiala and Ramirez; Peter Evans and Michael Timberlake, "Dependence, Inequality, and the Growth of the Tertiary: A Comparative Analysis of Less Developed Countries," American Sociological Review 45 (August 1980): 531-52; York W. Bradshaw, "Over urbanization and Underdevelopment in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Cross-National Study," Studies in Comparative International Development. 20, no. 3 (Fall 1985): 74-101.
26. John Boli, Francisco O. Ramirez, and John W. Meyer, "Explaining the Origins and Expansion of Mass Education," Comparative Education Review 29 (May 1985): 145-70; Bruce Fuller, Growing Up Modern: The Western State Builds Third World Schools (New York: Routledge, 1991).
27. John Boli, Francisco O. Ramirez, and John W. Meyer, "Explaining the Origins and Expansion of Mass Education," Comparative Education Review 29 (May 1985): 145-70; Bruce Fuller, Growing Up Modern: The Western State Builds Third World Schools (New York: Routledge, 1991).
28. Fuller, Garnier, and Hage (n. 5 above), p. 1166.
29. Alexander J. Field, "Educational Expansion in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts: Human Capital Formation or Structural Reinforcement?" Harvard Educational Review 46 (November 1976): 521-52; Bruce Fuller, "Youth Job Structure and School Enrollment, 1890-1920," Sociology of Education 56 (July 1983): 140-56; Pamela Barnhouse Walters, "Occupational and Labor Market Effects on Secondary and Post-secondary Educational Expansion in the United States: 1922 to 1979," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984): 659-71.
30. Alexander J. Field, "Educational Expansion in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts: Human Capital Formation or Structural Reinforcement?" Harvard Educational Review 46 (November 1976): 521-52; Bruce Fuller, "Youth Job Structure and School Enrollment, 1890-1920," Sociology of Education 56 (July 1983): 140-56; Pamela Barnhouse Walters, "Occupational and Labor Market Effects on Secondary and Post-secondary Educational Expansion in the United States: 1922 to 1979," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984): 659-71.
31. Alexander J. Field, "Educational Expansion in Mid-Nineteenth Century Massachusetts: Human Capital Formation or Structural Reinforcement?" Harvard Educational Review 46 (November 1976): 521-52; Bruce Fuller, "Youth Job Structure and School Enrollment, 1890-1920," Sociology of Education 56 (July 1983): 140-56; Pamela Barnhouse Walters, "Occupational and Labor Market Effects on Secondary and Post-secondary Educational Expansion in the United States: 1922 to 1979," American Sociological Review 49 (October 1984): 659-71.
32. Bowman (n. 1 above), pp. 574-76.
33. Ibid., p. 566. She notes, however, that household-level surveys are useful for assessing children's actual employment experiences. Household-level data combined with aggregate data from subpopulations would provide the most complete picture of the relationship between child labor activities and enrollment rates, but stich matched data are rare.
34. Indermit Gill, "Labor Markets and Educational Enrollments in Peru," in Women's Work, Education, and Family Welfare in Peru. ed. Barbara Herz and Shahidur Khandker, World Bank Discussion Papers no. 116 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1991).
35. Fuller, Garnier, and Hage (n. 5 above).
36. For example, Thailand's 1980 GNP per capita was 670 dollars; Kenya's 1991 GNP per capita was 370 dollars. Industry and services accounted for 29 percent (20 percent manufacturing) and 46 percent of the gross domestic product (GDP) in Thailand in 1980 versus 21 percent (11 percent manufacturing) and 51 percent of the GDP in Kenya in 1991.
37. Susan Greenhalgh, "Sexual Stratification: The Other Side of 'Growth with Equity' in East Asia," Population and Development Review 11 (June 1985): 265-314; Karin A. Hyde, "Sub-Saharan Africa," in Women's Education in Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies, ed. Elizabeth M. King and M. Anne Hill (Washington, B.C.: World Bank, 1993); Loretta E. Bass, "Beyond Homework: Children's Incorporation into Market-Based Work in Urban Areas of Senegal," Anthropology of Work Review 17 (Summer-Fall 1996): 19-24.
38. Susan Greenhalgh, "Sexual Stratification: The Other Side of 'Growth with Equity' in East Asia," Population and Development Review 11 (June 1985): 265-314; Karin A. Hyde, "Sub-Saharan Africa," in Women's Education in Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies, ed. Elizabeth M. King and M. Anne Hill (Washington, B.C.: World Bank, 1993); Loretta E. Bass, "Beyond Homework: Children's Incorporation into Market-Based Work in Urban Areas of Senegal," Anthropology of Work Review 17 (Summer-Fall 1996): 19-24.
39. Susan Greenhalgh, "Sexual Stratification: The Other Side of 'Growth with Equity' in East Asia," Population and Development Review 11 (June 1985): 265-314; Karin A. Hyde, "Sub-Saharan Africa," in Women's Education in Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies, ed. Elizabeth M. King and M. Anne Hill (Washington, B.C.: World Bank, 1993); Loretta E. Bass, "Beyond Homework: Children's Incorporation into Market-Based Work in Urban Areas of Senegal," Anthropology of Work Review 17 (Summer-Fall 1996): 19-24.
40. T. Paul Schultz, "Women's Changing Participation in the Labor Force: A World Perspective," Economic Development and Cultural Change 38 (April 1990): 457-88.
41. Gavin Jones, Women in the Urban and Industrial Workforce: Southeast and East Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 1984).
42. Enrollment rates are measured in 1980 for Thailand and 1991 for Kenya. In Thailand, secondary enrollments have increased moderately since 1980 but remain low in comparison to other countries in the region. For example, in 1986, Thailand's secondary enrollment rate was 29 percent, compared to 71 percent for Singapore, 68 percent for Philippines, and 59 percent for Malaysia. See Sirilaksana Khoman, "Education Policy," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). The 1987 Thai Demographic and Health Survey (THDS) found that 38 percent of 3,031 15-19-year-olds surveyed had started secondary school (John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Monitoring the Education Gap in Thailand: Trends and Differentials in Lower and Upper Secondary Schooling," Asian and Pacific Population Forum 3 [Winter 1989]: 1-10, 25-36). John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Family Size and Children's Education in Thailand: Evidence from a National Sample," Demography 28 (February 1991): 119-31.
43. Enrollment rates are measured in 1980 for Thailand and 1991 for Kenya. In Thailand, secondary enrollments have increased moderately since 1980 but remain low in comparison to other countries in the region. For example, in 1986, Thailand's secondary enrollment rate was 29 percent, compared to 71 percent for Singapore, 68 percent for Philippines, and 59 percent for Malaysia. See Sirilaksana Khoman, "Education Policy," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). The 1987 Thai Demographic and Health Survey (THDS) found that 38 percent of 3,031 15-19-year-olds surveyed had started secondary school (John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Monitoring the Education Gap in Thailand: Trends and Differentials in Lower and Upper Secondary Schooling," Asian and Pacific Population Forum 3 [Winter 1989]: 1-10, 25-36). John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Family Size and Children's Education in Thailand: Evidence from a National Sample," Demography 28 (February 1991): 119-31.
44. Enrollment rates are measured in 1980 for Thailand and 1991 for Kenya. In Thailand, secondary enrollments have increased moderately since 1980 but remain low in comparison to other countries in the region. For example, in 1986, Thailand's secondary enrollment rate was 29 percent, compared to 71 percent for Singapore, 68 percent for Philippines, and 59 percent for Malaysia. See Sirilaksana Khoman, "Education Policy," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). The 1987 Thai Demographic and Health Survey (THDS) found that 38 percent of 3,031 15-19-year-olds surveyed had started secondary school (John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Monitoring the Education Gap in Thailand: Trends and Differentials in Lower and Upper Secondary Schooling," Asian and Pacific Population Forum 3 [Winter 1989]: 1-10, 25-36). John Knodel and Malinee Wongsith, "Family Size and Children's Education in Thailand: Evidence from a National Sample," Demography 28 (February 1991): 119-31.
45. Pasuk and Saman (n. 11 above), p. 166-67.
46. Thailand National Statistical Office, Report of the Labor Force Survey (Bangkok: National Statistical Office, 1981).
47. Republic of Kenya, Central Bureau of Statistics, Employment and Earnings in the Modern Sector, 1991 (Nairobi: Central Bureau of Statistics, Office of the Vice President and Ministry of Planning and National Development, 1994).
48. Somsak Tambunlertchai, "Manufacturing," in The Thai Economy in Transition, ed. Peter G. Warr (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 118.
49. Jones, p. 44.
50. Mathana Phananiramai, "Changes in Women's Economic Role in Thailand," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 282. The prevalence of women in Thailand's manufacturing sector is likely the result of several factors. As Jones points out, stereotypes about women's manual abilities and docility may lead manufacturers to think that they are well suited for the textile and garment industries that dominate Thailand's manufacturing sector (p. 48). Thai women also appear to desire employment in this sector. One survey found the industrial sector to be the most popular sector for young female laborers, because it offers better wages and greater job security than domestic work or jobs in the service sector (Voravidh Charoenloet and Amara Soonthorndhada, "Factory Management, Skill Formation and Attitudes of Women Workers in Thailand: A Comparison between an American and a Japanese Factory," in Daughters in Industry: Work Skills and Consciousness of Women Workers in Asia, ed. Noeleen Heyzer (Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center, 1988). Finally, the wage gap between men and women in Thailand is one of the smallest in Asia. In 1980, women's relative earnings were 84.3 percent of men's Susan Horton, "Women and Industrialization in Asia: Overview," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton [London: Routledge, 1996], p. 33). This comparatively small wage gap may provide Thai women a further incentive to pursue wage employment.
51. Mathana Phananiramai, "Changes in Women's Economic Role in Thailand," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 282. The prevalence of women in Thailand's manufacturing sector is likely the result of several factors. As Jones points out, stereotypes about women's manual abilities and docility may lead manufacturers to think that they are well suited for the textile and garment industries that dominate Thailand's manufacturing sector (p. 48). Thai women also appear to desire employment in this sector. One survey found the industrial sector to be the most popular sector for young female laborers, because it offers better wages and greater job security than domestic work or jobs in the service sector (Voravidh Charoenloet and Amara Soonthorndhada, "Factory Management, Skill Formation and Attitudes of Women Workers in Thailand: A Comparison between an American and a Japanese Factory," in Daughters in Industry: Work Skills and Consciousness of Women Workers in Asia, ed. Noeleen Heyzer (Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center, 1988). Finally, the wage gap between men and women in Thailand is one of the smallest in Asia. In 1980, women's relative earnings were 84.3 percent of men's Susan Horton, "Women and Industrialization in Asia: Overview," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton [London: Routledge, 1996], p. 33). This comparatively small wage gap may provide Thai women a further incentive to pursue wage employment.
52. Mathana Phananiramai, "Changes in Women's Economic Role in Thailand," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 282. The prevalence of women in Thailand's manufacturing sector is likely the result of several factors. As Jones points out, stereotypes about women's manual abilities and docility may lead manufacturers to think that they are well suited for the textile and garment industries that dominate Thailand's manufacturing sector (p. 48). Thai women also appear to desire employment in this sector. One survey found the industrial sector to be the most popular sector for young female laborers, because it offers better wages and greater job security than domestic work or jobs in the service sector (Voravidh Charoenloet and Amara Soonthorndhada, "Factory Management, Skill Formation and Attitudes of Women Workers in Thailand: A Comparison between an American and a Japanese Factory," in Daughters in Industry: Work Skills and Consciousness of Women Workers in Asia, ed. Noeleen Heyzer (Kuala Lumpur: Asian and Pacific Development Center, 1988). Finally, the wage gap between men and women in Thailand is one of the smallest in Asia. In 1980, women's relative earnings were 84.3 percent of men's Susan Horton, "Women and Industrialization in Asia: Overview," in Women and Industrialization in Asia, ed. Susan Horton [London: Routledge, 1996], p. 33). This comparatively small wage gap may provide Thai women a further incentive to pursue wage employment.
53. United Nations, The World's Women, 1970-1990: Trends and Statistics (New York: United Nations, 1991), p. 89.
54. Primary school is compulsory (but generally not enforced) in Thailand. No level of schooling is compulsory in Kenya.
55. United Nations Children's Fund, The State of the World's Children (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 38.
56. David N. Plank, "The Expansion of Education: A Brazilian Case Study," Comparative Education Review 31 (August 1987): 361-76.
57. Kenya, for example, has a long tradition of local communities organizing to build schools. After independence, the Kenyan government promoted the idea of Harambee (Swahili for "let's all pull together") to initiate development projects, especially the construction of schools. The rapid expansion of secondary school in recent decades was largely achieved through Harambee initiatives. As a result of the reliance on such community-level initiatives, school supply in Kenya is directly related to local educational demand and varies significantly by region. See Kilemi Mwiria, "Kenya's Harambee Secondary School Movement: The Contradictions of Public Policy," Comparative Education Review 34 (August 1990): 350-68; Barbara Thomas, Politics, Participation, and Poverty: Development through Self-Help in Kenya (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1985); Claudia Buchmann, "State and Schooling in Kenya: Historical Developments and Contemporary Challenges," Africa Today 46 (Winter 1999): 95-117. In Thailand, while the state is primarily responsible for building and financing schools throughout the nation, decisions regarding the supply of schools are conditioned by local demands. For example, in recent decades, peasant and student protests over regional disparities in the supply of educational facilities, especially between Bangkok and the rest of the country, have shaped decisions about the location of primary and secondary schools. See Keith Watson, Educational Development in Thailand (Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1980).
58. Kenya, for example, has a long tradition of local communities organizing to build schools. After independence, the Kenyan government promoted the idea of Harambee (Swahili for "let's all pull together") to initiate development projects, especially the construction of schools. The rapid expansion of secondary school in recent decades was largely achieved through Harambee initiatives. As a result of the reliance on such community-level initiatives, school supply in Kenya is directly related to local educational demand and varies significantly by region. See Kilemi Mwiria, "Kenya's Harambee Secondary School Movement: The Contradictions of Public Policy," Comparative Education Review 34 (August 1990): 350-68; Barbara Thomas, Politics, Participation, and Poverty: Development through Self-Help in Kenya (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1985); Claudia Buchmann, "State and Schooling in Kenya: Historical Developments and Contemporary Challenges," Africa Today 46 (Winter 1999): 95-117. In Thailand, while the state is primarily responsible for building and financing schools throughout the nation, decisions regarding the supply of schools are conditioned by local demands. For example, in recent decades, peasant and student protests over regional disparities in the supply of educational facilities, especially between Bangkok and the rest of the country, have shaped decisions about the location of primary and secondary schools. See Keith Watson, Educational Development in Thailand (Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1980).
59. Kenya, for example, has a long tradition of local communities organizing to build schools. After independence, the Kenyan government promoted the idea of Harambee (Swahili for "let's all pull together") to initiate development projects, especially the construction of schools. The rapid expansion of secondary school in recent decades was largely achieved through Harambee initiatives. As a result of the reliance on such community-level initiatives, school supply in Kenya is directly related to local educational demand and varies significantly by region. See Kilemi Mwiria, "Kenya's Harambee Secondary School Movement: The Contradictions of Public Policy," Comparative Education Review 34 (August 1990): 350-68; Barbara Thomas, Politics, Participation, and Poverty: Development through Self-Help in Kenya (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1985); Claudia Buchmann, "State and Schooling in Kenya: Historical Developments and Contemporary Challenges," Africa Today 46 (Winter 1999): 95-117. In Thailand, while the state is primarily responsible for building and financing schools throughout the nation, decisions regarding the supply of schools are conditioned by local demands. For example, in recent decades, peasant and student protests over regional disparities in the supply of educational facilities, especially between Bangkok and the rest of the country, have shaped decisions about the location of primary and secondary schools. See Keith Watson, Educational Development in Thailand (Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1980).
60. Kenya, for example, has a long tradition of local communities organizing to build schools. After independence, the Kenyan government promoted the idea of Harambee (Swahili for "let's all pull together") to initiate development projects, especially the construction of schools. The rapid expansion of secondary school in recent decades was largely achieved through Harambee initiatives. As a result of the reliance on such community-level initiatives, school supply in Kenya is directly related to local educational demand and varies significantly by region. See Kilemi Mwiria, "Kenya's Harambee Secondary School Movement: The Contradictions of Public Policy," Comparative Education Review 34 (August 1990): 350-68; Barbara Thomas, Politics, Participation, and Poverty: Development through Self-Help in Kenya (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1985); Claudia Buchmann, "State and Schooling in Kenya: Historical Developments and Contemporary Challenges," Africa Today 46 (Winter 1999): 95-117. In Thailand, while the state is primarily responsible for building and financing schools throughout the nation, decisions regarding the supply of schools are conditioned by local demands. For example, in recent decades, peasant and student protests over regional disparities in the supply of educational facilities, especially between Bangkok and the rest of the country, have shaped decisions about the location of primary and secondary schools. See Keith Watson, Educational Development in Thailand (Hong Kong: Heinemann Asia, 1980).
61. One reviewer pointed out that it is possible that per capita wealth/earnings may influence school demand independently of its influence on school supply. To test this possibility, we conducted an ordinary least squares regression analysis, using school supply and per capita wealth/earnings as exogenous variables. We ran all models from table 3 (for Thailand) and table 5 (for Kenya) using the same dependent and independent variables and adding wealth/earnings per capita as an independent (as opposed to instrumental) variable. In these models, the wealth measure had no significant effect on enrollment, and its inclusion as an independent variable did not alter the effects of any other variables.
62. Kenneth A. Bollen and Robert W. Jackman, "Regression Diagnostics: An Expository Treatment of Outliers and Influential Cases," in Modern Methods of Data Analysis, ed. John Fox and J. Scott Long (Newbury Park, Calif.: Sage, 1990).
63. While this way of dealing with multicollinearity introduces some omitted variable bias into parameter estimates, we believe that the reduction in variance of parameter estimates more than compensates for the slight bias introduced by specification error.
64. In Thailand, urban areas are defined as the municipalities that serve as administrative centers for the government. As a result, some sparsely populated provinces contain municipalities that are small towns rather than cities. Urbanization is measured as the number of people per municipal area relative to the total provincial population.
65. Model 1 registered the same effects for male and female enrollments as for total secondary enrollment. For the sake of brevity, this model is not shown.
66. Earnings per capita is logged to correct for a skewed distribution. We also used high potential land per capita as a proxy wealth variable. This variable, calculated as the hectares of high potential agricultural land in the district divided hy the total district population, has been used in previous studies of Kenya, stich as York W. Bradshaw, "State Limitations, Self-Help Secondary Schooling, and Development in Kenya," Social Forces 72 (December 1993): 347-78; and Joel D. Barkan and Frank Holmquist, "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Rases of Self-Help in Kenya," World Politics 41 (1989): 359-80. The high potential land per capita variable performs in the same way as the earnings per capita measure.
67. Earnings per capita is logged to correct for a skewed distribution. We also used high potential land per capita as a proxy wealth variable. This variable, calculated as the hectares of high potential agricultural land in the district divided hy the total district population, has been used in previous studies of Kenya, stich as York W. Bradshaw, "State Limitations, Self-Help Secondary Schooling, and Development in Kenya," Social Forces 72 (December 1993): 347-78; and Joel D. Barkan and Frank Holmquist, "Peasant-State Relations and the Social Rases of Self-Help in Kenya," World Politics 41 (1989): 359-80. The high potential land per capita variable performs in the same way as the earnings per capita measure.
68. There is some evidence of growing inequality between smallholders and large farmers. The government estimates that during the 1980s, the total sectoral income of unregistered small farms declined from 54 percent to 47 percent (Norman Miller and Rodger Yeager, Kenya: The Quest for Properity [Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1994], p. 131). With this declining share of income, it would not be surprising to find lower enrollment rates among children of smallholders.
69. Fuller, Gamier, and Hage (n. 5 above).
70. June Nash and Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly, Women, Men and the International Division of Labor (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983); Mary Brinton, "The Social-Institutional Bases of Gender Stratification: Japan as an Illustrative Case," American Journal of Sociology 94 (September 1988): 300-334; Shahidur Khandker, "Labor Market Participation, Returns to Education, and Male-Female Wage Differences in Peru," in Women's Work, Education, and Family Welfare in Peru, ed. Barbara Herz and Shahidur Khandker, World Bank Discussion Papers no. 116 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1991).
71. June Nash and Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly, Women, Men and the International Division of Labor (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983); Mary Brinton, "The Social-Institutional Bases of Gender Stratification: Japan as an Illustrative Case," American Journal of Sociology 94 (September 1988): 300-334; Shahidur Khandker, "Labor Market Participation, Returns to Education, and Male-Female Wage Differences in Peru," in Women's Work, Education, and Family Welfare in Peru, ed. Barbara Herz and Shahidur Khandker, World Bank Discussion Papers no. 116 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1991).
72. June Nash and Maria Patricia Fernandez-Kelly, Women, Men and the International Division of Labor (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983); Mary Brinton, "The Social-Institutional Bases of Gender Stratification: Japan as an Illustrative Case," American Journal of Sociology 94 (September 1988): 300-334; Shahidur Khandker, "Labor Market Participation, Returns to Education, and Male-Female Wage Differences in Peru," in Women's Work, Education, and Family Welfare in Peru, ed. Barbara Herz and Shahidur Khandker, World Bank Discussion Papers no. 116 (World Bank, Washington, D.C., 1991).
73. M. Anne Hill and Elizabeth M. King, "Women's Education in Developing Countries: An Overview," in Women's Education in Developing Countries: Barriers, Benefits, and Policies, ed. Elizabeth M. King and M. Anne Hill (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), pp. 31-32.
74. Some previous studies have proposed this generalization. For example. Walters and James (n. 7 above) suggest that the relationship between child labor and schooling may be similar in the early industrial United States and contemporary developing countries: "Studies of the Northeast and regions of Canada suggest that mid-nineteenth century industrialization depressed schooling, presumably because the early, labor-intensive phase of industrialization created work opportunities for school age youth. In the developing world today, opportunities for children to work outside the home also probably depress schooling" (p. 636).
75. John Walton, "Making the Theoretical Case," in What Is a Case? Exploring the Foundations of Social Inquiry, ed. Charles C. Ragin and Howard S. Becker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 122.
76. Analyses using data on actual child labor within labor sectors would also be informative, although given the limited systematic monitoring or documentation of child employment in developing countries, such data are scarce. See, e.g., David Post, Leif Jensen, and David Abler, Child Labor Schooling, and Family Welfare in Latin America: Chile, Peru, and Mexico Compared (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, forthcoming).