Laissez-tomber: Military patronage and women's work in mid-20th-century oceanography

Historical Studies in the Physical and Biological Sciences

Volumn 30, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 373-392

  Oreskes, Naomi ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0034360445     PISSN: 08909997     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/27757836     Document Type: Article

References (87)

1. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
2. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
3. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
4. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
5. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
6. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
7. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
8. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
9. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
10. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
11. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
12. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
13. Naomi Oreskes, "Objectivity or heroism: On the invisibility of women in science," Osiris, 11 (1996), 87-113; Pamela Mack, "Straying from their orbits: Women in astronomy in America," G. Kass-Simon and Patricia Fames, eds., Women of science: Righting the record (Indianapolis, 1990), 72-116; John Lankford, "Women and women's work at Mt. Wilson before World War II," Gregory Good, ed., The Earth, the heavens and the Carnegie Institution of Washington, History of geophysics (Washington, D.C., 1994), 125-127; and M.T. Bruck, "Lady computers at Greenwich in the early 1980s," Quarterly journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 36 (1995), 83-95; Margaret Rossiter, Women scientists in America: Struggles and strategies to 1940 (Baltimore, 1982), 12-13. Women were also the first programmers of machine computers, but this quickly changed as the gendering of computation shifted from female to male with the advent of machine computers. See Paul N. Edwards, "The army and the microworld: Computers and the politics of gender identity," Signs, 16 (1990), 102-127 and other papers in Signs, 16:1, "From hard drive to software: Gender, computers, and difference"; Gill Kirkup, "The social construction of computers: Hammers or harpsichords?," Gill Kirkup and Laurie Smith Keller, eds., Inventing women: Science, technology and gender (Cambridge, 1992), 267-281; Ruth Perry and Lisa Greber, "Woman and computers: An introduction," Barbara Laslett, Sally Gregory Kohlstedt, Helen Longino, and Evelynn Hammonds, eds., Gender and scientific authority (Chicago, 1996), 155-182; and Jennifer S. Light, "When computers were women," Technology and culture, 40 (1999), 455-483. My analysis presented here suggests a hypothesis that women were deemed suitable workers in the early days of programming (hence the term software) when it was unclear what the rewards of this work would be. When the significance of this work became clear, the field quickly became male-dominated. For a social and cultural history of the computer industry, see P. N. Edwards, The closed world: Computers and the politics of discourse in cold war America (Cambridge, MA, 1996). For a gender-sensitive analysis of contemporary computing, see Sherry Turkle, Life on the screen: Identity in the age of the internet (New York, 1995).
14. Oreskes (ref. 1).
15. Evelyn Fox Keller, "Developmental biology as a feminist cause?" Osiris, 12 (1997), 16-28; Karen Rader and Scott Gilbert, "How does gender matter? Revisiting women, feminism, and developmental biology," paper presented at the conference, "Science, medicine, and technology in the 20th century: What difference has feminism made?" Princeton University, 2-3 Oct 1998; and "Interview with Salome Waelsch," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 71-93.
16. Evelyn Fox Keller, "Developmental biology as a feminist cause?" Osiris, 12 (1997), 16-28; Karen Rader and Scott Gilbert, "How does gender matter? Revisiting women, feminism, and developmental biology," paper presented at the conference, "Science, medicine, and technology in the 20th century: What difference has feminism made?" Princeton University, 2-3 Oct 1998; and "Interview with Salome Waelsch," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 71-93.
17. Evelyn Fox Keller, "Developmental biology as a feminist cause?" Osiris, 12 (1997), 16-28; Karen Rader and Scott Gilbert, "How does gender matter? Revisiting women, feminism, and developmental biology," paper presented at the conference, "Science, medicine, and technology in the 20th century: What difference has feminism made?" Princeton University, 2-3 Oct 1998; and "Interview with Salome Waelsch," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 71-93.
18. Rader and Gilbert (ref. 3).
19. Helen Raitt and Beatrice Moulton, Scripps Institution of Oceanography: First fifty years (La Jolla, 1967); Rainger, "Science at the crossroads," in this volume.
20. Helen Raitt and Beatrice Moulton, Scripps Institution of Oceanography: First fifty years (La Jolla, 1967); Rainger, "Science at the crossroads," in this volume.
21. A.F. Spilhaus, "A bathythermograph," Journal of marine research, 1 (1938), 95-100; George R. Ehrhardt, "Bathythermograph," Robert Bud and Deborah Jean Warner, eds., Instruments of science (London, 1998), 54-56; Roger Revelle, "The oceanographic and how it grew," Mary Sears and Daniel Merriam, eds., Oceanography: The past (New York, 1980), 10-24.
22. A.F. Spilhaus, "A bathythermograph," Journal of marine research, 1 (1938), 95-100; George R. Ehrhardt, "Bathythermograph," Robert Bud and Deborah Jean Warner, eds., Instruments of science (London, 1998), 54-56; Roger Revelle, "The oceanographic and how it grew," Mary Sears and Daniel Merriam, eds., Oceanography: The past (New York, 1980), 10-24.
23. A.F. Spilhaus, "A bathythermograph," Journal of marine research, 1 (1938), 95-100; George R. Ehrhardt, "Bathythermograph," Robert Bud and Deborah Jean Warner, eds., Instruments of science (London, 1998), 54-56; Roger Revelle, "The oceanographic and how it grew," Mary Sears and Daniel Merriam, eds., Oceanography: The past (New York, 1980), 10-24.
24. Gary E. Weir, Forged in war: The Naval-industrial complex and American submarine construction (Washington, D.C., 1993), 49-60; Susan Schlee, On the edge of an unfamiliar world (New York, 1973).
25. Gary E. Weir, Forged in war: The Naval-industrial complex and American submarine construction (Washington, D.C., 1993), 49-60; Susan Schlee, On the edge of an unfamiliar world (New York, 1973).
26. Weir (ibid.), 64-68; Maurice Ewing and J. Laniar Worzel, "Long range sounds transmission, Interim report no. 1, March 1, 1944-Jan. 20, 1945," WHOI report No 9, Buships Contract Nobs-2083, Confidential (Declassified 12 Mar 1946).
27. Weir (ibid.), 64-68; Maurice Ewing and J. Laniar Worzel, "Long range sounds transmission, Interim report no. 1, March 1, 1944-Jan. 20, 1945," WHOI report No 9, Buships Contract Nobs-2083, Confidential (Declassified 12 Mar 1946).
28. Weir (ref. 7), 64. Weir claims (p. 127), on the basis of an interview with J. Lamar Worzel, that the Navy "didn't immediately appreciate the significance of this breakthrough in underwater acoustics." This seems hard to reconcile with the Navy funding of Ewing and Worzel's work (ref. 8) and the rapid development of SOFAR.
29. Revelle (ref. 6), 16.
30. "Plan for oceanographic work at the SIO under Hydrographic Office contract, March 1 to June 30, 1945 and July 1 1945 to June 30, 1946 (Confidential)," SIO Subject files 1903-1981, AC 6 Box 16 Folder 42,
31. "Research: Surface currents, drift, salinity, and temperature, World War II, January-March, 1945." Ron Rainger has found this memo in the U.S. National Archives, so it definitely made its way from La Jolla to Washington.
32. SIO Subject Files 1903-1981, AC6 Reference Series 81-16, Box 2 Folder 23, Folder 31; SIO Biographical Files 1903-1981, ACS Reference Series 85-84; E.N. Shor, Scripps Institution of Oceanography: Probing the oceans 1936-1976 (San Diego, 1977), 244-251.
33. June Grace Pattullo, "The seasonal heat budget of the oceans" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles), 1957. According to Raitt and Moulton, three women received Ph.D.s before Pattullo, all in biological areas: Easter Ellen Cupp (1934, biological oceanography), Josephine Beckwith Senn (1946, microbiology), Elizabeth ("Betty") Kampa (1950, zoology).
34. SIO Biographical Files, AC 5, Folder 461, Margaret Robinson papers 1960-63, 1973.
35. Interview with Margaret Robinson, Mar 1994, La Jolla, CA.
36. Naomi Oreskes, "Weighing the earth from a submarine: The gravity-measuring cruise of the U.S.S. S-21 expedition," Good (ref. 1), 53-68.
37. Raiti and Moulton, (ref. 5); Shor (ref. 12); Eric L. Mills, "The Scripps Institution: Origins of a habitat for ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship inaugural lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1993; Robert Marc Friedman, "The expeditions of Harald Sverdrup: Contexts for shaping an ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1994. On Woods Hole, see Harold L. Burstyn, "Reviving American oceanography: Frank Lillie, Wickliffe Rose and the founding of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution," Sears and Merriam, eds. (ref. 6), 57-66.
38. Raiti and Moulton, (ref. 5); Shor (ref. 12); Eric L. Mills, "The Scripps Institution: Origins of a habitat for ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship inaugural lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1993; Robert Marc Friedman, "The expeditions of Harald Sverdrup: Contexts for shaping an ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1994. On Woods Hole, see Harold L. Burstyn, "Reviving American oceanography: Frank Lillie, Wickliffe Rose and the founding of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution," Sears and Merriam, eds. (ref. 6), 57-66.
39. Raiti and Moulton, (ref. 5); Shor (ref. 12); Eric L. Mills, "The Scripps Institution: Origins of a habitat for ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship inaugural lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1993; Robert Marc Friedman, "The expeditions of Harald Sverdrup: Contexts for shaping an ocean science," William E. and Mary B. Ritter fellowship lecture, Scripps Institution of Oceanography, La Jolla, CA 1994. On Woods Hole, see Harold L. Burstyn, "Reviving American oceanography: Frank Lillie, Wickliffe Rose and the founding of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution," Sears and Merriam, eds. (ref. 6), 57-66.
40. Raitt and Moulton, (ref. 5); SIO Office of the Director (Sverdrup), 82-56, Papers 1936-1948.
41. Friedman (ref. 16); Sverdrup papers (ref. 17).
42. Sverdrup papers (ref. 17).
43. Sverdrup to Heiland-Hansen, 2-3 Jan 1938, quoted in Friedman (ref. 16), 29. On the Navy attitude towards geophysical research prior to World War II, see Oreskes (ref. 15). On faculty objections to Navy funding of scientific research, see Naomi Oreskes and Ronald Rainger, "Science and security before the atomic bomb: The loyalty case of Harald U. Sverdrup," Studies in the history and philosophy of modern physics, in press.
44. "Plan for oceanographic work" (ref. 11).
45. Bjorn Heiland-Hansen and Fridtjof Nansen, Temperature variations in the North Atlantic Ocean and in the atmosphere (Washington, D.C., 1920).
46. J.G. Pattullo, W. Munk, R. Revelle, and E. Strong, "The seasonal oscillation in sea level," Journal of marine research, 13 (1955), 88-155. Biographical materials on Pattullo's life after leaving SIO can be found in the archives of Oregon State University.
47. Robinson papers (ref. 10). Many of Robinson's publications were in the form of SIO or ONR reports in part because of security considerations. Later, more of her work appeared in open refereed journals, e.g., Margaret K. Robinson, "Sea temperatures in the Marshall Islands Area," U.S. Geological Survey professional paper 260-D (1954); idem., "Statistical evidence indicating no long term climatic change in the deep waters of the North and South Pacific Oceans," Journal of geophysical research, 65 (1960), 2097-2116; "Comparison of Norpac temperature sections with average BT sections along the same tracks," Journal of marine research, 19 (1961), 21-27; and "Physical oceanography: Plans for U.S. Japan cooperation," Science, 146 (1964), 1371-1372.
48. Robinson papers (ref. 10). Many of Robinson's publications were in the form of SIO or ONR reports in part because of security considerations. Later, more of her work appeared in open refereed journals, e.g., Margaret K. Robinson, "Sea temperatures in the Marshall Islands Area," U.S. Geological Survey professional paper 260-D (1954); idem., "Statistical evidence indicating no long term climatic change in the deep waters of the North and South Pacific Oceans," Journal of geophysical research, 65 (1960), 2097-2116; "Comparison of Norpac temperature sections with average BT sections along the same tracks," Journal of marine research, 19 (1961), 21-27; and "Physical oceanography: Plans for U.S. Japan cooperation," Science, 146 (1964), 1371-1372.
49. Robinson papers (ref. 10). Many of Robinson's publications were in the form of SIO or ONR reports in part because of security considerations. Later, more of her work appeared in open refereed journals, e.g., Margaret K. Robinson, "Sea temperatures in the Marshall Islands Area," U.S. Geological Survey professional paper 260-D (1954); idem., "Statistical evidence indicating no long term climatic change in the deep waters of the North and South Pacific Oceans," Journal of geophysical research, 65 (1960), 2097-2116; "Comparison of Norpac temperature sections with average BT sections along the same tracks," Journal of marine research, 19 (1961), 21-27; and "Physical oceanography: Plans for U.S. Japan cooperation," Science, 146 (1964), 1371-1372.
50. Robinson papers (ref. 10). Many of Robinson's publications were in the form of SIO or ONR reports in part because of security considerations. Later, more of her work appeared in open refereed journals, e.g., Margaret K. Robinson, "Sea temperatures in the Marshall Islands Area," U.S. Geological Survey professional paper 260-D (1954); idem., "Statistical evidence indicating no long term climatic change in the deep waters of the North and South Pacific Oceans," Journal of geophysical research, 65 (1960), 2097-2116; "Comparison of Norpac temperature sections with average BT sections along the same tracks," Journal of marine research, 19 (1961), 21-27; and "Physical oceanography: Plans for U.S. Japan cooperation," Science, 146 (1964), 1371-1372.
51. SIO Subject Files Records 1903-1981, AC6 Reference Series 81-16, Box 2 Folder 36, Memorandum, Robert L. Branderberg, Lieutenant, U.S. Navy Operations Officer USS TAUSSIG (DD-746) to SIO Acting Director Dr. F.N. Spiess, 8 Feb 1962. The Navy Handbook, "Bathythermograph observations," Hydrographic Office publication no. 606-c (Washington, DC, 1956), presents step-by-step instructions that any simpleton could follow: "Check the winch," "Put the slide in the BT," "Put the BT over the side," "Drop the BT into the water."
52. Oreskes (ref. 1).
53. Peter L. Galison, "Artificial clouds, real particles," David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, and Simon Schaffer, eds., The uses of experiment: Studies in the natural sciences (Cambridge, 1989); Peter L. Galison, Image and logic: A material culture of microphysics (Chicago, 1997).
54. Peter L. Galison, "Artificial clouds, real particles," David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, and Simon Schaffer, eds., The uses of experiment: Studies in the natural sciences (Cambridge, 1989); Peter L. Galison, Image and logic: A material culture of microphysics (Chicago, 1997).
55. The geomagnetic profile, Eltanin-19, which convinced geophysicists at Lamont-Doherty Geological Observatory of sea-floor spreading, was clearly a golden profile; see William Glen, The road to Jaramillo (Stanford, 1982).
56. Oreskes (ref. 15).
57. Rader and Gilbert (ref. 3).
58. Ibid.
59. Keller (ref. 3), 21.
60. H.W. Menard, Science: Growth and change (Cambridge, MA, 1971).
61. SIO, Records of the Director (Nierenberg), 81-9, Box 45, Folder 500, Office of Naval Research Correspondence 1965-1969.
62. Bruno Latour, Science in action (Cambridge, MA., 1987).
63. M.F. Fox, "Publication productivity among scientists: A critical review," Social studies of science, 13 (1983), 285-305, and "Gender, environmental milieu, and productivity in science," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole, and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 188-204; Jonathan R. Cole and Burton Singer, "A theory of limited differences: Explaining the productivity puzzle in science" (ibid.), 277-310; Gerhard Sonnert and Gerald Holton, "Career patterns of women and men in the sciences," American scientist (Jan-Feb 1996), 63-71.
64. M.F. Fox, "Publication productivity among scientists: A critical review," Social studies of science, 13 (1983), 285-305, and "Gender, environmental milieu, and productivity in science," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole, and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 188-204; Jonathan R. Cole and Burton Singer, "A theory of limited differences: Explaining the productivity puzzle in science" (ibid.), 277-310; Gerhard Sonnert and Gerald Holton, "Career patterns of women and men in the sciences," American scientist (Jan-Feb 1996), 63-71.
65. M.F. Fox, "Publication productivity among scientists: A critical review," Social studies of science, 13 (1983), 285-305, and "Gender, environmental milieu, and productivity in science," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole, and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 188-204; Jonathan R. Cole and Burton Singer, "A theory of limited differences: Explaining the productivity puzzle in science" (ibid.), 277-310; Gerhard Sonnert and Gerald Holton, "Career patterns of women and men in the sciences," American scientist (Jan-Feb 1996), 63-71.
66. M.F. Fox, "Publication productivity among scientists: A critical review," Social studies of science, 13 (1983), 285-305, and "Gender, environmental milieu, and productivity in science," Harriet Zuckerman, Jonathan R. Cole, and John T. Bruer, eds., The outer circle: Women in the scientific community (New Haven, 1992), 188-204; Jonathan R. Cole and Burton Singer, "A theory of limited differences: Explaining the productivity puzzle in science" (ibid.), 277-310; Gerhard Sonnert and Gerald Holton, "Career patterns of women and men in the sciences," American scientist (Jan-Feb 1996), 63-71.
67. Easter Cupp (1904-1999) received her Ph.D. in biological oceanography in 1934. Easter Ellen Cupp, "A critical study of certain distinguishing characters in three closely allied plankton species of the diatom genus Nitzschia and their relationships to certain environmental conditions" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 1934). Subsequently, she wrote a number of widely-cited works on diatoms, some co-authored with her thesis advisor, W.E. Allen. She was fired by Sverdrup in 1939 without explanation.
68. Robinson (ref. 14).
69. "An Interview with Eugenie Clark," Eugene K. Balon, Micheal N. Brunton, and David L.G. Noakes, eds., Women in ichthyology: An anthology in honor of ET, RO, and Genie (Dordrecht, 1994), 121-125, on 122; Eugene K. Balon, "The life and work of Eugenie Clark: Devoted to diving and science," Environmental biology of fishes, 41 (1994), 89-114.
70. "An Interview with Eugenie Clark," Eugene K. Balon, Micheal N. Brunton, and David L.G. Noakes, eds., Women in ichthyology: An anthology in honor of ET, RO, and Genie (Dordrecht, 1994), 121-125, on 122; Eugene K. Balon, "The life and work of Eugenie Clark: Devoted to diving and science," Environmental biology of fishes, 41 (1994), 89-114.
71. On Kampa, see Shor, (ref. 12), 219-220. Clark later became famous for her studies of sharks, which refuted their image as wanton killers, and for her popular books. June Pattullo was also credited with a false first. In a profile in the Portland (Oregon) Reporter, the figure caption and opening paragraph called her "the only woman in the United States with a Ph.D. in oceanography" (14 Nov 1961), 11, newspaper clipping courtesy of the Oregon State University Archives.
72. Robinson got her M.S. in 1952. Kampa got her Ph.D in 1950, and Clark continued her studies at Columbia (Balon (ref. 40)). Because of Sverdrup's opposition, however, Robinson submitted her application to the University ot California directly, without Sverdup's knowledge, creating a de facto but not necessarily widely recognized situation. As for Cupp, it is likely that at least some SIO staff felt awkward about what had happened to her, and therefore tended not to talk about it. There is no comprehensive list of women who studied and worked at SIO, but references to women students and assistants can be found scattered throughout the directors' and faculty files. They include Esther Allen, Maureen Moberg, Maureen Leslie, Isabelle Collins, Olive Austin, and Edna Bailey Watson. Raitt (ref. 5), SIO Helen Raitt papers MSS MC19.
73. Roger Revelle, "How I became an oceanographer and other stories," Annual reviews of earth and planetary science, 15 (1987), 1-23.
74. Helen Raitt, Exploring the deep Pacific (New York, 1956).
75. Several other photographs in the SIO archives show women at sea in the 1930s and 1940s. According to Deborah Day, scientists at SIO have identified these pictures as student cruises, perhaps involving students from UCLA.
76. Robinson (ref. 14).
77. Ibid.
78. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
79. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
80. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
81. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
82. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
83. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
84. Paul Forman, "Behind quantum electronics: National security as basis for physical research in the United States, 1940-1960," HSPS, 18:1 (1987), 149-229; Everett Mendelsohn, Merritt Roe Smith, and Peter Weingart, eds., Science, technology, and the military (Dordrecht, 1988); Daniel J. Kevles, "Cold war and hot physics: Science, security, and the American state," HSPS, 20:2 (1990), 239-264; Allan Needell, "From military research to big science: Lloyd Berkner and science-statesmanship in the post-war era," Peter Galison and Bruce Hevly, eds., Big science (Stanford, 1992), 290-311; Stuart W. Leslie, The cold war and American science: The military-industrial-academic complex at MIT and Stanford (New York, 1993); Edwards (ref. 1); Michael Aaron Dennis, "'Our first line of defense': Two university laboratories in the postwar American state," Isis, 85 (1994), 427-455; Michael A. Bernstein, A perilous progress: Economists, their discipline, and public purpose in 20th century America (Princeton, 2000).
85. Relevant exceptions include Julie Wheelwright, "A brother in arms, a sister in peace: Contemporary issues of gender and military technology," Kirkup and Keller, eds., Inventing women (ref. 1), 213-223; Barton Hacker, "Woman and military institutions in early modern Europe: A reconnaissance," Signs, 6 (1981), 643-671; Carol Cohn, "Sex and death in the rational world of defense intellectuals," Laslett et al.eds. (ref. 1), 183-214.
86. Relevant exceptions include Julie Wheelwright, "A brother in arms, a sister in peace: Contemporary issues of gender and military technology," Kirkup and Keller, eds., Inventing women (ref. 1), 213-223; Barton Hacker, "Woman and military institutions in early modern Europe: A reconnaissance," Signs, 6 (1981), 643-671; Carol Cohn, "Sex and death in the rational world of defense intellectuals," Laslett et al.eds. (ref. 1), 183-214.
87. Relevant exceptions include Julie Wheelwright, "A brother in arms, a sister in peace: Contemporary issues of gender and military technology," Kirkup and Keller, eds., Inventing women (ref. 1), 213-223; Barton Hacker, "Woman and military institutions in early modern Europe: A reconnaissance," Signs, 6 (1981), 643-671; Carol Cohn, "Sex and death in the rational world of defense intellectuals," Laslett et al.eds. (ref. 1), 183-214.