Beyond speaking as an "As A" and stating the "Etc.": Engaging a praxis of difference

Frontiers

Volumn 21, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 82-104

  Moss, Pamela ^a   Matwychuk, Margo L ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0034355234     PISSN: 01609009     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3347112     Document Type: Article

References (76)

1. Not all feminists are engaged in this pursuit. There are different feminisms. For example, Elizabeth Grosz, in "Sexual Difference and the Problem of Essentialism," in her Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of Bodies (London: Routledge, 1995), 45-57, differentiates between feminisms of equality and feminisms of difference (This article was first published in Inscriptions, vol. 5, 1989). Ann Snitow, "A Gender Diary," in Conflicts in Feminism, ed. Marianne Hirsch and Evelyn Fox Keller (London: Routledge, 1990), 9-43, divides feminist thought into those feminists who play up sexual difference and those who do not. Identity politics is not central to all feminisms, but it is central to feminists interested in theorizing difference. Although we have singled out "difference" as a departure point for discussion, our arguments in this paper are not meant only for those feminists interested in identity politics or theorizing difference. They are meant for feminists - activist, academic, or otherwise - who relate to our concerns about translating difference into praxis.
2. Not all feminists are engaged in this pursuit. There are different feminisms. For example, Elizabeth Grosz, in "Sexual Difference and the Problem of Essentialism," in her Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of Bodies (London: Routledge, 1995), 45-57, differentiates between feminisms of equality and feminisms of difference (This article was first published in Inscriptions, vol. 5, 1989). Ann Snitow, "A Gender Diary," in Conflicts in Feminism, ed. Marianne Hirsch and Evelyn Fox Keller (London: Routledge, 1990), 9-43, divides feminist thought into those feminists who play up sexual difference and those who do not. Identity politics is not central to all feminisms, but it is central to feminists interested in theorizing difference. Although we have singled out "difference" as a departure point for discussion, our arguments in this paper are not meant only for those feminists interested in identity politics or theorizing difference. They are meant for feminists - activist, academic, or otherwise - who relate to our concerns about translating difference into praxis.
3. Not all feminists are engaged in this pursuit. There are different feminisms. For example, Elizabeth Grosz, in "Sexual Difference and the Problem of Essentialism," in her Space, Time, and Perversion: Essays on the Politics of Bodies (London: Routledge, 1995), 45-57, differentiates between feminisms of equality and feminisms of difference (This article was first published in Inscriptions, vol. 5, 1989). Ann Snitow, "A Gender Diary," in Conflicts in Feminism, ed. Marianne Hirsch and Evelyn Fox Keller (London: Routledge, 1990), 9-43, divides feminist thought into those feminists who play up sexual difference and those who do not. Identity politics is not central to all feminisms, but it is central to feminists interested in theorizing difference. Although we have singled out "difference" as a departure point for discussion, our arguments in this paper are not meant only for those feminists interested in identity politics or theorizing difference. They are meant for feminists - activist, academic, or otherwise - who relate to our concerns about translating difference into praxis.
4. Including overt and covert locations is important because "positionings" would then include the various aspects of power that Eric R. Wolf describes in "Distinguished Lecture: Facing Power - Old Insights, New Questions," American Anthropologist 92:3 (1990): 586-96. His "modes of power" include structural and tactical power as well as attributes of the individual in the play of power and how an individual wields power.
5. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
6. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
7. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
8. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
9. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
10. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
11. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
12. The issue of speaking as an "as a" is very much a part of cultural studies, literary criticism, sociology, anthropology, and, if only indirectly, geography. For example, see Trinh T. Minh-ha, Women, Native, Other: Writing Postcoloniality and Feminism, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); Nancy K. Miller, Getting Personal: Feminist Occasions and Other Autobiographical Acts (London: Routledge, 1991); Himani Bannerji, "The Passion of Naming: Identity, Difference, and Politics of Class," in her Thinking Through: Essays on Feminism, Marxism, and Anti-Racism (Toronto: Women's Press, 1995), 17-40; and Diane L. Wolf, "Situating Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork," in Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, ed. Diane L. Wolf (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1996), 1-55. The issue of how speaking as an "as a" translates into research has been taken up indirectly by academic feminists in geography. See articles in these special collections: "Feminism as Method," The Canadian Geographer 37:1 (1993): 48-61; "Women in the Field," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 54-102; and "Discussion and Debate: Symposium on Feminist Participatory Research," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 71-101. In a critique of this literature, Gillian Rose in "Situating Knowledges: Positionality, Reflexivities, and Other Tactics," Progress in Human Geography 21:3 (1997): 305-20, argues that feminist geographers, through reflecting on their various positionings within research, have created a (discursive) situation that simply is not possible in practice: An individual can never know everything about her own positioning.
13. Pamela Moss, "Embeddedness in Practice Numbers in Context: The Politics of Knowing and Doing," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47-4 (1995): 445.
14. After Lee Harvey, Critical Social Research (London: Unwin Hyman, 1990), 19.
15. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
16. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
17. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
18. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
19. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
20. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
21. For examples, see Lila Abu-Lughod, "Can There Be a Feminist Ethnography?" Women and Performance: A Journal of Feminist Theory 5:1 (1990): 7-27; Gayle Greene and Coppélia Kahn, eds., Changing Subjects: The Making of Feminist Literary Criticism (London: Routledge, 1993); Miller, Getting Personal; Kirin Narayan, "How Native is a 'Native' Anthropologist?" American Anthropologist 95 (1993): 671-86; The Personal Narratives Group, "Origins," in their Interpreting Women's Lives: Feminist Theory and Personal Narratives (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), 3-15; Edith Sizoo, ed., Women's Lifeworlds: Women's Narratives on Shaping Their Realities (London: Routledge, 1997); and Susan Wendell, The Rejected Body: Feminist Reflections on Disability (New York: Routledge, 1996).
22. Lynne Phillips, "Difference, Indifference, and Making a Difference: Reflexivity in the Time of Cholera," in Ethnographic Feminisms: Essays in Anthropology, ed. Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1995), 22. Faye V. Harrison makes a similar point in "Ethnography as Politics," in Decolonizing Anthropology: Moving Further Toward an Anthropology for Liberation, ed. Faye V. Harrison (Washington, D.C.: Association of Black Anthropologists, 1991), 88-110.
23. Lynne Phillips, "Difference, Indifference, and Making a Difference: Reflexivity in the Time of Cholera," in Ethnographic Feminisms: Essays in Anthropology, ed. Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1995), 22. Faye V. Harrison makes a similar point in "Ethnography as Politics," in Decolonizing Anthropology: Moving Further Toward an Anthropology for Liberation, ed. Faye V. Harrison (Washington, D.C.: Association of Black Anthropologists, 1991), 88-110.
24. Ruth Behar, The Vulnerable Observer. Anthropology That Breaks Your Heart (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), 13.
25. Behar, The Vulnerable Observer, 27.
26. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
27. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
28. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
29. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
30. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
31. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
32. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
33. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
34. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
35. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
36. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research
37. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
38. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
39. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
40. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
41. The use of qualitative methods in relation to reflexivity is an ongoing issue in geography. See, for example, Cindi Katz, "All the World is Staged: Intellectuals and the Project of Ethnography," Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 10 (1992): 495-510; Kim V. L. England, "Getting Personal: Reflexivity, Positionality, and Feminist Research," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 80-89; and Audrey Kobayashi, "Coloring the Field: Gender, 'Race,' and the Politics of Fieldwork," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 73-80. Feminist anthropologists, too, are interested in figuring out how qualitative methods can be enriched by the use of reflexivity. For this perspective, see Sally Cole and Lynne Phillips, "The Work and Politics of Feminist Ethnography: An Introduction," in their Ethnographic Feminisms, 1-15; Deborah D'Amico-Samuels, "Undoing Fieldwork: Personal, Political, Theoretical, and Methodological Implications," in Harrison, Decolonizing Anthropology, 69-87; Deborah A. Gordon, "Worlds of Consequences: Feminist Ethnography as Social Action," Critique of Anthropology 13:4 (1993): 429-43, and "Conclusion: Culture Writing Women: Inscribing Feminist Anthropology," in Women Writing Culture, ed. Ruth Behar and Deborah A. Gordon (Berkeley: University of California, 1995), 429-41; Kamala Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994); and Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork. Write-ups of implementing difference in the feminist literature in geography and anthropology are increasing. In addition to the ones listed here, see a special issue of Atlantis (20:1, 1996); Ruth Butler, "Double the Trouble or Twice the Fun? Disabled Bodies in the Gay Community," in Mind and Body Spaces: Geographies of Illness, Impairment, and Disability, ed. Ruth Butler and Hester Parr (New York: Routledge, 1999), 203-20; Cory Silverstein, "Beyond Selves and Others: Embodying and Enacting Meta-Narratives With a Difference," in Feminist Fields: Ethnographic Insights, ed. Rae Bridgman, Sally Cole, and Heather Howard-Bobiwash (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 1999), 70-85; Rae Bridgman, "'Oh, So You Have a Home To Go To?': Empowerment and Resistance in Work With Chronically Homeless Women," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 103-16; Celia Rothenburg, "Who Are We For Them?: On Doing Research in the Palestinian West Bank," in Bridgman, Feminist Fields, 137-56; and Laura Pulido, "Community, Place, Identity," in Thresholds in Feminist Geography: Difference, Methodology, Representation, ed. John Paul Jones III, Heidi J. Nast, and Susan M. Roberts (Lanham, Mass.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997), 11-28. Marjorie L. Devault, in her Liberating Method: Feminism and Social Research (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), provides a "handbook" on how being a feminist researcher interested in effecting change in numerous contexts can be useful in addressing difference, as well as how feminists might go about integrating their own lives into their research projects.
42. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
43. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
44. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
45. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
46. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
47. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
48. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
49. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
50. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
51. Articles on studying "up" and "across" are quite common. For example, Heather Farrow, "Researching Popular Theatre in Southern Africa: Comments on a Methodological Implementation," Antipode 27: 1 (1995):75-81, discusses her M.A. research with several popular theater groups in Namibia and South Africa. She comes to the conclusion that being flexible and discarding a lot of methodological rubbish while "in the field" is the best strategy she can suggest for any activist-oriented researcher. Other examples include Laura Nader, "Up the Anthropologist - Perspectives Gained from Studying Up," in Reinventing Anthropology, ed. Dell Hymes (New York: Vintage Books, 1974), 284-311; Dianne Rocheleau, "Maps, Numbers, Texts, and Context: Mixing Methods in Feminist Political Ecology," The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 47:3 (1995): 458-66; and Elizabeth A. Sheehan, "The Student of Culture and the Ethnography of Irish Intellectuals," in When They Read What We Write: The Politics of Ethnography, ed. Caroline B. Brettell (Westport, Conn.: Bergin & Garvey, 1993), 75-89. Research addressing issues while studying "down" seem to be more common if only because researchers are more often positioned with privilege. See, for example, Günseli Berik, "Understanding the Gender System in Rural Turkey: Fieldwork Dilemmas of Conformity and Intervention," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 56-71; Melissa Gilbert "The Politics of Location: Doing Research at 'Home,'" The Professional Geographer: The Journal of the Association of American Geographers 46:1 (1994): 90-96; Jayati Lal, "Situating Locations: The Politics of Self, Identity, and 'Other' in Living and Writing the Text," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 185-214; José E. Limón, "Carne, Carnales, and the Carnivalesque: Bakhtinian Batos, Disorder, and Narrative Discourses," in Situated Lives: Gender and Culture in Everyday Life, ed. Louise Lamphere, Helena Ragoné, and Patricia Zavella (New York: Routledge, 1997), 62-82; Pamela Moss, "Reflections on the 'Gap' as Part of the Politics of Research Design," Antipode 27:1 (1995): 82-90; and Brackette F. Williams, "Skinfolk, Not Kinfolk: Comparative Reflections on the Identity of Participant-Observation in Two Field Situations," in Wolf, Feminist Dilemmas in Fieldwork, 72-95.
52. This is Donna Haraway's argument in "Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism as a Site of Discourse on the Privilege of Partial Perspective," Feminist Studies 14:3 (1988): 575-600.
53. This is exactly the point the Cherríe Moraga makes in "La Güera," in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, ed. Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, 2nd ed. (New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1982), 27-34. Yet there are those who hold that there are some more appropriate access points for analysis, as, for example, class. See analyses in the journal Rethinking Marxism and Teresa L. Ebert, Ludic Feminism and After: Postmodernism, Desire, and Labor in Late Capitalism (Critical Perspectives on Women and Gender) (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
54. This is exactly the point the Cherríe Moraga makes in "La Güera," in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, ed. Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, 2nd ed. (New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1982), 27-34. Yet there are those who hold that there are some more appropriate access points for analysis, as, for example, class. See analyses in the journal Rethinking Marxism and Teresa L. Ebert, Ludic Feminism and After: Postmodernism, Desire, and Labor in Late Capitalism (Critical Perspectives on Women and Gender) (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
55. This is exactly the point the Cherríe Moraga makes in "La Güera," in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, ed. Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, 2nd ed. (New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1982), 27-34. Yet there are those who hold that there are some more appropriate access points for analysis, as, for example, class. See analyses in the journal Rethinking Marxism and Teresa L. Ebert, Ludic Feminism and After: Postmodernism, Desire, and Labor in Late Capitalism (Critical Perspectives on Women and Gender) (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995).
56. William Roseberry and Jay O'Brien, "Introduction, " in Golden Ages, Dark Ages: Imagining the Past in Anthropology and History, ed. Jay O'Brien and William Roseberry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 9.
57. Bernice Johnson Reagon, "Coalition Politics: Turning the Century," in Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology, ed. Barbara Smith (New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, 1983), 356-58.
58. Roseberry and O'Brien, "Introduction," See also Audrey Kobayashi and Linda Peake, "Unnatural Discourse: 'Race' and Gender in Geography," Gender, Place, and Culture 1:2 (1994): 225-44.
59. Roseberry and O'Brien, "Introduction," See also Audrey Kobayashi and Linda Peake, "Unnatural Discourse: 'Race' and Gender in Geography," Gender, Place, and Culture 1:2 (1994): 225-44.
60. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
61. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
62. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
63. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks
64. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
65. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
66. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
67. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
68. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
69. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
70. By way of explanation, ME is a debilitating illness that leaves individuals incapable of undertaking even the most mundane and routine daily living activities, such as getting out of bed, combing one's hair, or preparing a simple meal, for months, or even years. For a detailed description of ME, see Fred Friedberg and Leonard A. Jason, Understanding Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Empirical Guide to Assessment and Treatment (Washington D.C.: American Psychological Association, 1999), 3-20. Because symptoms of pain, fatigue, and cognitive impairment fluctuate without an apparent pattern, carrying out tasks in the workplace cannot always be planned. Anthony L. Komaroff and Laura Fagioli in "Medical Assessment of Fatigue and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome," in Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: An Integrative Approach to Evaluation and Treatment, ed. Mark A. Demitrack and Susan E. Abbey (New York: Guilford, 1996), 154-80, provide a helpful discussion of the symptoms associated with ME. The inconsistency and uncertainty is difficult to accommodate in environments where certain tasks have to be completed at specific times. For a discussion about work and home environments, see Pamela Moss and Isabel Dyck, "Inquiry Into Environment and Body: Women, Work, and Chronic Illness," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14:6 (1996): 737-53; and Isabel Dyck, "Body Troubles: Women, the Workplace, and Negotiations of a Disabled Identity," in Mind and Body Spaces, 119-37. In addition, because more women than men develop the illness, ME has been considered an "hysterical" disease, one of the mind and not of the body. This has historical antecedents located in diagnosis of neurasthenia in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth centuries. Susan E. Abbey and Paul E. Garfinkel make some comparisons between the two illnesses - to the detriment of those with ME in the 1990s - in "Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: The Role of Culture in Making of a Diagnosis," American Journal of Psychiatry 148:12 (1991): 1638-46. To conceive ME as a psychological illness and not a physical illness fuels stereotypes of women being weak morally and unproductive economically. For an example of ways in which feminist academics perpetuate this negative conception, see Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical Epidemics and Modern Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). It is a longstanding argument that securing an income is paramount for women with chronic illness who can no longer seek employment or remain employed in occupations ranging from teachers to receptionists, from social workers to salesclerks (Mary Jo Deegan and Nancy A. Brooks, Women and Disability. The Double Handicap (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1985). For some recent income data for a group of women with ME in Victoria and Vancouver, British Columbia, see numbers presented in Moss and Dyck, "Journeying Through M.E.: Identity, the Body, and Women with Chronic Illness," in Embodied Geographies: Spaces, Bodies, and Rites of Passage, ed. Elizabeth Kenworthy Teather (New York: Routledge, 1999), 157-74. Further, without access to long-term disability insurance (either through private companies or government plans), women are destined for poverty. Struggles over disability claims take a significant amount of time and effort from many people. See the collection of works edited by Nancy G. Klimas and Roberto Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical, Legal, and Patient Perspectives (New York: Haworth Medical Press, 1997). These works address the designation of "disability" from key perspectives in the American context. The struggle for financial security does not end with receiving long-term disability benefits. There are several accounts of women being "harassed" by insurance companies, for example, see "Annie Bloom" [a pseudonym], "Long-Term Disability: Long-Term Deception?" in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 87-97; and Anonymous, "Negotiating the Maze of Disability Insurance: One Patient's Perspective," in Klimas and Patarca, Disability and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome, 99-109.
71. Aihwa Ong, "Women Out of China: Traveling Tales and Traveling Theories in Postcolonial Feminism," in Behar and Gordon, Women Writing Culture, 351.
72. Ellen Lewin, "Writing Lesbian Ethnography," in Behar and Gordon, Women Writing Culture, 322-35.
73. Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography, 139.
74. Radha Jhappan, "Post-modern Race and Gender Essentialism or a Post-mortem of Scholarship," Studies in Political Economy 51 (fall 1996): 17.
75. This experience probably had an effect on the women who left the group, too. But because their multiple positionings were no longer linked with the group, it is difficult to say at this point what those experiences were.
76. This version of contingency argument is developed more fully in Visweswaran, Fictions of Feminist Ethnography, 119.