Multilateralism in South Africa's foreign policy: The search for a critical rationale

Global Governance

Volumn 6, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 43-60

  Nel, Philip ^a   Taylor, Ian ^a   Van Der Westhuizen, Janis ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0034344457     PISSN: 10752846     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1163/19426720-00601005     Document Type: Review

References (52)

1. Robert Keohane, "Multilateralism: An Agenda for Research," International Journal 45, no. 4 (1990): 731.
2. John G. Ruggie, "Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution," in Ruggie, ed., Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an Institutional Form (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 11.
3. Frederick H. Gareau, "International Institutions and the Gramscian Legacy: Its Modifications, Expansion, and Reaffirmation," Social Science Journal 33, no. 2 (1996): 223-235.
4. Robert Cox, "Multilateralism and World Order," Review of International Studies 18, no. 2(1992): 163.
5. Gareau, "International Institutions and the Gramscian Legacy," p. 27.
6. Cox, "Multilateralism and World Order," p. 174.
7. A. van Rooy, "The Frontiers of Influence: NGO Lobbying at the 1974 World Food Conference, the 1992 Earth Summit and Beyond," World Development 25, no. 1 (1997): 93-114.
8. Michael Schechter, Future Multilateralism: The Political and Social Framework (Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1998); Robert O'Brien, "Complex Multilateralism: The Global Economic Institutions-Global Social Movements Nexus" (manuscript, University of Warwick, Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, 1997).
9. Michael Schechter, Future Multilateralism: The Political and Social Framework (Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1998); Robert O'Brien, "Complex Multilateralism: The Global Economic Institutions-Global Social Movements Nexus" (manuscript, University of Warwick, Centre for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, 1997).
10. Andrew Cooper, In Between Countries: Australia, Canada and the Search for Order in Agricultural Trade (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997), p. 4.
11. Robert Keohane, "Lilliputians' Dilemmas: Small States in International Politics," International Organisation 23, no. 2 (1969): 296.
12. Cited in Kim Nossal and Richard Stubbs, "Mahathir's Malaysia: An Emerging Middle Power?" in Andrew F. Cooper, ed., Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers After the Cold War (Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1997), p. 206.
13. Andrew Cooper, Richard Higgott, and Kim Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers: Australia and Canada in an Evolving World Order (Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1993).
14. Cooper, Niche Diplomacy, p. 7.
15. Cooper, Higgott, and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers, p. 19.
16. Robert Cox, "Middlepowermanship, Japan, and Future World Order," International Journal 44, no. 4 (1989): 825.
17. Ibid., p. 827.
18. Philip Nel, "The Foreign Policy Beliefs of South Africans: A First Cut," Journal of Contemporary African Studies 17, no. 1 (1999): 123-146. Two-thirds to three-quarters of South African mass respondents are very concerned about human rights abuses in other countries (measured through different questions) and want the government to do something about them. This seems to be such an important issue for the majority that more citizens strongly want South Africa to be known as a defender of human rights than strongly want it to be known as the leader of southern Africa. In addition, as many mass respondents feel very strongly about South Africa's participation in UN peacekeeping missions as feel very strongly that the Government of National Unity should put the interests of South Africans before anything else. A clear majority (between half and two-thirds) of the public is committed to internationalist causes. Although these causes are also very important to some opinion leaders, a smaller core of internationalists is found among the elite. Only half of the elite sample sees the promotion of human rights internationally as very important, whereas for South Africa to be seen and accepted as the leader of southern Africa is very important for 61 percent of the opinion leaders. Only 39 percent of opinion leaders say it is very important to them that Pretoria is known as a defender of human rights. The differences between mass and elite opinions do not universally cut across party political lines. ANC supporters are more solidly in favor of the international promotion of human rights than are supporters from the National Party (NP) and the Democratic Party (NP). A much larger coincidence of views is seen between the ANC mass and ANC elite than between the NP elite and NP mass or the DP elite and DP mass. Regarding enthusiasm for involvement in multilateral causes, many more mass respondents than opinion leaders are enthusiastic about these internationalist causes. In the case of participating in UN activities, almost twice as many of the mass as the elite are very much in favor, whereas almost a quarter of opinion leaders think participation in UN activities is not important at all. Essentially, significantly more ANC than NP and DP supporters, both mass and elite, are committed to participation in UN activities and would want Pretoria to assist in UN peacekeeping activities.
19. Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, 1970 United Nations Treaty Series 729, 10485 (New York: United Nations, 1968).
20. J. Simpson and D. Hewlett, "The NPT Renewal Conference: Stumbling Toward 1995," International Security 19, no. 1 (1994): 41-70.
21. B. Sanders, "The 1995 NPT Review and Extension Conference: An Overview," Contemporary Security Policy 16, no. 3 (1995): 421-428.
22. U.S. State Department, "A Declaration by the President on Security Assurances for Non-Nuclear Weapon States Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons" (Washington, D.C.: United States State Department, 5 April 1995, online) http://www.acda.gov/factshee/wmd/nuclear/npt/nonucwp.htm.
23. T. Collina, "South Africa Bridges the Gap," Bulletin of Atomic Scientists 51, no. 4 (July-August 1995): 30.
24. Reported in the Washington Post, 17 April 1995.
25. Alfred Nzo, cited in South African Foreign Policy Discussion Document (Pretoria: Department of Foreign Affairs, 1996), p. 12.
26. D. Howlett and J. Simpson, "Nuclearisation and Denuclearisation in South Africa," Survival 53, no. 3 (1993): 154-173.
27. Simon Barber, "Hats Off to South Africa for Its Decisive Role in Saving Nuclear Pact," Business Day (Johannesburg), 16 May 1995, p. 12.
28. Collina, "South Africa Bridges the Gap," p. 30.
29. Alfred Nzo, "S[outh] A[frica] Opposes All Nuclear Blasts," Cape Times (Cape Town), 21 May 1998, p. 5.
30. J. Simpson, "The Birth of a New Era? The 1995 NPT Conference and the Politics of Nuclear Disarmament," Security Dialogue 26, no. 3 (1995): 249.
31. A. Minty, "The 'South African Concept' on Nukes," Mail and Guardian (Johannesburg), 23 June 1995, p. 7.
32. Nzo, "S[outh] A[frica] Opposes All Nuclear Blasts," p. 5.
33. Simpson, "The Birth of a New Era?" p. 247.
34. Cox, "Middlepowermanship, Japan, and Future World Order," p. 826.
35. Barber, "Hats Off to South Africa," p. 12.
36. Willie Breytenbach, "South-North Bargaining: What Role for South Africa?" Africa Insight 25, no. 4 (1995): 231.
37. Barber, "Hats Off to South Africa," p. 12.
38. Simpson, "The Birth of a New Era?" p. 252.
39. Barber, "Hats Off to South Africa, " p. 12.
40. We are grateful to numerous individuals for information and participation in the interviews on which this case study is based: Noel Stott (SACBL and Community Agency for Social Enquiry), Richard Sherman (Group for Environmental Monitoring), Bennie Lombard (South African Department of Foreign Affairs), Douglas Torr (Cease-fire Campaign and executive of the SACBL Working Group), and Nan Cross (Cease-fire).
41. The ICBL was founded in 1992 by Human Rights Watch, the Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation, the Mines Advisory Group (U.K.), and other interested NGOs. Today the ICBL includes more than one thousand NGOs in more than sixty countries. See H. Burkhalter, "Phantom Pain: Banning Landmines," World Policy Journal 15 (summer 1997): 31.
42. Noel Stott, "The Campaign to Ban Land Mines: South Africa as a Case Study" (manuscript, 1998), p. 5.
43. Ibid., p. 3.
44. J. Pearce, "Ban on Land Mine Exports," Mail and Guardian (Johannes-burg), 10 May 1996, p. 8.
45. S. Wixley, "A Case Study of Advocacy Activities: The South African Campaign to Ban Landmines" (manuscript, 1997), p. 6.
46. Ibid.
47. A Working Chronology of the International Movement to Ban AntiPersonnel (AP) Mines (Ottawa: Centre for Negotiation and Dispute Resolution, the Norman Paterson School of International Affairs, Carleton University, 1998), p. 23.
48. M. Newton, "The Scourge of the Earth: The Impact of Land Mines on the Environment" (manuscript, Johannesburg, Group for Environmental Monitoring, February 1997).
49. Andrew Cooper, Richard Higgott, and Kim Nossal, "Bound to Follow? Leadership and Followership in the Gulf Conflict," in Demetrios Caraley and Cerentha Harris, eds., New World Politics: Power, Ethnicity and Democracy (New York: Academy of Political Science, 1993), pp. 129-148.
50. Burkhalter, "Phantom Pain," p. 31.
51. Ibid.
52. Robert Cox, ed., The New Realism: Perspectives on Multilateralism and World Order (Basingstoke, England: Macmillan, 1997), p. xvii.