The holistic gaze in German medicine, 1890-1930

Bulletin of the History of Medicine

Volumn 74, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 495-524

  Hau, Michael ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; ESTHETICS; FEMALE; GERMANY; HISTORY; HUMAN; MALE; PHILOSOPHY; PHYSICIAN;

ESTHETICS; FEMALE; GERMANY; HISTORY, 19TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HOLISTIC HEALTH; HUMANS; MALE; PHYSICIANS;

EID: 0034266958     PISSN: 00075140     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2000.0125     Document Type: Review

References (136)

1. Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception (New York: Vintage Books, 1975).
2. There was, of course, a tradition of such a humanistic understanding of Naturuissenschaft in nineteenth-century Germany, which is exemplified in the person of the prominent Dresden physician Carl Gustav Carus, For a biography of Carus, see Wolfgang Genschorek, Carl Gustav Carus: Arzt, Künstler, Naturforscher (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1978). To my knowledge, there is no study that systematically examines the significance of such approaches in German medicine for the early part of the nineteenth century (and it is beyond the scope of this essay).
3. The male anxieties resulting from this change in gender relations have been the subject of many works, including John C. Font, "Sexual Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Male Gender Crisis, Moral Purity and Homophobia," J. Hist. Sex., 1992, 2: 388-421; Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 68-70; Joachim Schlör, Nachts in der groβen Stadt: Paris, Berlin, London, 18-10-1930 (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994), pp. 165-75; Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany: Women's Reproductive Rights and Duties (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992).
4. The male anxieties resulting from this change in gender relations have been the subject of many works, including John C. Font, "Sexual Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Male Gender Crisis, Moral Purity and Homophobia," J. Hist. Sex., 1992, 2: 388-421; Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 68-70; Joachim Schlör, Nachts in der groβen Stadt: Paris, Berlin, London, 18-10-1930 (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994), pp. 165-75; Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany: Women's Reproductive Rights and Duties (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992).
5. The male anxieties resulting from this change in gender relations have been the subject of many works, including John C. Font, "Sexual Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Male Gender Crisis, Moral Purity and Homophobia," J. Hist. Sex., 1992, 2: 388-421; Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 68-70; Joachim Schlör, Nachts in der groβen Stadt: Paris, Berlin, London, 18-10-1930 (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994), pp. 165-75; Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany: Women's Reproductive Rights and Duties (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992).
6. The male anxieties resulting from this change in gender relations have been the subject of many works, including John C. Font, "Sexual Politics in Wilhelmine Germany: The Male Gender Crisis, Moral Purity and Homophobia," J. Hist. Sex., 1992, 2: 388-421; Patrice Petro, Joyless Streets: Women and Melodramatic Representation in Weimar Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), pp. 68-70; Joachim Schlör, Nachts in der groβen Stadt: Paris, Berlin, London, 18-10-1930 (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1994), pp. 165-75; Cornelie Usborne, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany: Women's Reproductive Rights and Duties (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1992).
7. Ute Planert, Antifeminismus im Kaiserreich: Diskurs, soziale Formation und politische Mentalität (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1998).
8. Katrin Schmersahl, Medizin und Geschlecht: Zur Konstruktion der Kategorie Geschlecht im medizinischen Diskurs des 19. Jahrhunderts (Opladen: Leske und Budrich, 1998), chaps. 7-8.
9. See, e.g., Mitchell G. Ash, Gestalt Psychology in German Culture, 1890-1967: Holism and the Quest for Objectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, eds., Greater than the Parts: Holism in Biomedicine, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Anne Harrington, Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Jonathan Harwood, Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
10. See, e.g., Mitchell G. Ash, Gestalt Psychology in German Culture, 1890-1967: Holism and the Quest for Objectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, eds., Greater than the Parts: Holism in Biomedicine, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Anne Harrington, Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Jonathan Harwood, Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
11. See, e.g., Mitchell G. Ash, Gestalt Psychology in German Culture, 1890-1967: Holism and the Quest for Objectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, eds., Greater than the Parts: Holism in Biomedicine, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Anne Harrington, Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Jonathan Harwood, Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
12. See, e.g., Mitchell G. Ash, Gestalt Psychology in German Culture, 1890-1967: Holism and the Quest for Objectivity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, eds., Greater than the Parts: Holism in Biomedicine, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Anne Harrington, Reenchanted Science: Holism in German Culture from Wilhelm II to Hitler (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996); Jonathan Harwood, Styles of Scientific Thought: The German Genetics Community, 1900-1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).
13. Russell C. Maulitz, "Physician vs. Bacteriologist," in The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine, ed. Charles E. Rosenberg and Morris J. Vogel (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), pp. 91-107.
14. On lay health-reform movements in Germany before and after the war, see Robert Jütte, Geschichte der alternativen Medizin: Von der Volksmedizin zu den unkonventionellen Therapien von heute (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1996); Cornelia Regin, Selbsthilfe und Gesundheitspolitik: Die Naturheilbewegung im Kaiserreich, 1889 bis 1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1995); Wolfgang R. Krabbe, Gesellschaftsveränderung durch Lebensreform: Strukturmerkmale einer sozialreformerischen Bewegung im Deutschland der Industrialisierungsperiode (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1974).
15. On lay health-reform movements in Germany before and after the war, see Robert Jütte, Geschichte der alternativen Medizin: Von der Volksmedizin zu den unkonventionellen Therapien von heute (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1996); Cornelia Regin, Selbsthilfe und Gesundheitspolitik: Die Naturheilbewegung im Kaiserreich, 1889 bis 1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1995); Wolfgang R. Krabbe, Gesellschaftsveränderung durch Lebensreform: Strukturmerkmale einer sozialreformerischen Bewegung im Deutschland der Industrialisierungsperiode (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1974).
16. On lay health-reform movements in Germany before and after the war, see Robert Jütte, Geschichte der alternativen Medizin: Von der Volksmedizin zu den unkonventionellen Therapien von heute (Munich: C. H. Beck, 1996); Cornelia Regin, Selbsthilfe und Gesundheitspolitik: Die Naturheilbewegung im Kaiserreich, 1889 bis 1914 (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1995); Wolfgang R. Krabbe, Gesellschaftsveränderung durch Lebensreform: Strukturmerkmale einer sozialreformerischen Bewegung im Deutschland der Industrialisierungsperiode (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1974).
17. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
18. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
19. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
20. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
21. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
22. No systematic attempt has ever been made to relate the epistemological principles of German constitutional medicine to the aesthetic preferences and assumptions of the Bildungsbürgertum. Jiri Vacha explores mainly statistical concepts of normality within German constitutionalist medicine: Jiri Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine in the 1920s and 1930s and Pitfalls of the Contemporary Conception of Normality in Biology and Medicine," J. Med. Philos., 1985, 10: 339-67. Apart from a few biographical sketches in medical journals, no systematic treatment of Kretschmer's constitutional typology exists. See, e.g., W. Kretschmer, "Ernst Kretschmer: Das Ringen um die medizinische Psychologie," Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1989, 114: 922-26; Heinz Häfner, "Ernst Kretschmer 1888-1964," Psychol. Med., 1990, 20: 487-92. Ackerknecht mentions the importance of Kretschmer in his article on "Diathesis," but this hardly does justice to Kretschmer's influence on German medicine and popular culture - subjects that cannot be fully explored here, either; see Erwin H. Ackerknecht, "Diathesis: The Word and the Concept in Medical History," Bull. Hist. Med., 1982, 56:317-25, esp. p. 324. In contrast, George Draper and American constitutionalist medicine have attracted more attention: Sarah W. Tracy, "George Draper and American Constitutional Medicine, 1916-1946: Reinventing the Sick Man," Bull. Hist. Med., 1992, 66: 53-89. See also idem, "An Evolving Science of Man: The Transformation and Demise of American Constitutional Medicine, 1920-1950," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 161-88.
23. On the crisis of classical modern medicine, see Eva Maria Klasen, "Die Diskussion über eine Krise der Medizin in Deutschland zwischen 1925 and 1935" (Ph.D. diss., Mainz, 1984).
24. Dieter Langewiesche, "Bildungsbürgertum und Liberalismus im 19. Jahrhundert," in Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, vol. 4: Politischer Einfluß und gesellchaftliche Formation, ed. Jūrgen Kocka (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta Verlag, 1989), pp. 108-13; Rüdiger vom Bruch, "Kunst-und Kulturkritik in führenden bildungsbürgerlichen Zeitschriften des Kaiserreichs," in Ideengeschichte und Kunstwissenschaft: Philosophie und bildende Kunst im Kaiserreich, ed. Ekkehard Mai, Stephan Waetzold, and Gerd Wolandt (Berlin: Mann Verlag, 1983), pp. 313-47; Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1990).
25. Dieter Langewiesche, "Bildungsbürgertum und Liberalismus im 19. Jahrhundert," in Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, vol. 4: Politischer Einfluß und gesellchaftliche Formation, ed. Jūrgen Kocka (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta Verlag, 1989), pp. 108-13; Rüdiger vom Bruch, "Kunst-und Kulturkritik in führenden bildungsbürgerlichen Zeitschriften des Kaiserreichs," in Ideengeschichte und Kunstwissenschaft: Philosophie und bildende Kunst im Kaiserreich, ed. Ekkehard Mai, Stephan Waetzold, and Gerd Wolandt (Berlin: Mann Verlag, 1983), pp. 313-47; Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1990).
26. Dieter Langewiesche, "Bildungsbürgertum und Liberalismus im 19. Jahrhundert," in Bildungsbürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert, vol. 4: Politischer Einfluß und gesellchaftliche Formation, ed. Jūrgen Kocka (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta Verlag, 1989), pp. 108-13; Rüdiger vom Bruch, "Kunst-und Kulturkritik in führenden bildungsbürgerlichen Zeitschriften des Kaiserreichs," in Ideengeschichte und Kunstwissenschaft: Philosophie und bildende Kunst im Kaiserreich, ed. Ekkehard Mai, Stephan Waetzold, and Gerd Wolandt (Berlin: Mann Verlag, 1983), pp. 313-47; Fritz K. Ringer, The Decline of the German Mandarins: The German Academic Community, 1890-1933 (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1990).
27. Part of the critical public was Emperor Wilhelm II himself, whose rather traditional taste found its physical expression in Berlin's "Siegesallee" with its sculptures illustrating the history of the Hohenzollern dynasty. On the aesthetic cultural wars in Imperial Germany, see Robin Lenman, Die Kunst, die Macht und das Geld: Zur Kulturgeschichte des kaiserlichen Deutschland 1871-1981 (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1994), chap. 1; Maria M. Makela, The Munich Secession: Art and Artists in Turn-of-the-Century Munich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Peter Paret, The Berlin Secession: Modernism and Its Enemies in Imperial Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980).
28. Part of the critical public was Emperor Wilhelm II himself, whose rather traditional taste found its physical expression in Berlin's "Siegesallee" with its sculptures illustrating the history of the Hohenzollern dynasty. On the aesthetic cultural wars in Imperial Germany, see Robin Lenman, Die Kunst, die Macht und das Geld: Zur Kulturgeschichte des kaiserlichen Deutschland 1871-1981 (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1994), chap. 1; Maria M. Makela, The Munich Secession: Art and Artists in Turn-of-the-Century Munich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Peter Paret, The Berlin Secession: Modernism and Its Enemies in Imperial Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980).
29. Part of the critical public was Emperor Wilhelm II himself, whose rather traditional taste found its physical expression in Berlin's "Siegesallee" with its sculptures illustrating the history of the Hohenzollern dynasty. On the aesthetic cultural wars in Imperial Germany, see Robin Lenman, Die Kunst, die Macht und das Geld: Zur Kulturgeschichte des kaiserlichen Deutschland 1871-1981 (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1994), chap. 1; Maria M. Makela, The Munich Secession: Art and Artists in Turn-of-the-Century Munich (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990); Peter Paret, The Berlin Secession: Modernism and Its Enemies in Imperial Germany (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980).
30. Ernst Wilhelm von Brücke, Schönheit und Fehler der menschlichen Gestalt (Vienna: Braumüller Verlag, 1891).
31. Max S. Nordau, Entartung, 2d ed. (Berlin: C. Duncker, 1893). On Nordau, see also George L. Mosse, "Max Nordau, Liberalism, and the Jew," J. Contemp. Hist., 1992, 27:565-87.
32. Max S. Nordau, Entartung, 2d ed. (Berlin: C. Duncker, 1893). On Nordau, see also George L. Mosse, "Max Nordau, Liberalism, and the Jew," J. Contemp. Hist., 1992, 27:565-87.
33. Ottomar Rosenbach (1851-1907) had studied in Breslau and Berlin and was an assistant at Jena between 1873 and 1877. He habilitated in Breslau in 1887, but resigned from the university in 1896 to devote himself to the struggle against modern laboratory medicine by writing a series of scholarly articles: see Isidor Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragenden Ärzte der letzten fünfzig Jahre (Munich: Urban und Schwarzenberg, 1962), pp. 1321-23.
34. The 1920s witnessed a reevaluation of turn-of-the-century "outsider" physicians who, like Rosenbach, had been critical of classical bacteriology and instead proposed constitutionalist disease models. This becomes evident, for example, in Louis R. Grote, Die Medizin der Gegenwart in Selbstdarstellungen, 5 vols. (Leipzig: Meiner, 1923-28). For this work Grote elicited autobiographies from physicians who, in his view, had been especially influential in shaping trends within contemporary medicine; included were Friedrich Martins and Ferdinand Hueppe, who had done all their important work before the war but who were considered important in preparing the ground for the constitutionalist medicine of the Weimar era. See also Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon (n. 15), pp. 521, 669, 1000, 1321-23, 1515, with positive assessments of the scientific contributions of the constitutionalists Adolf Gottstein, Ferdinand Hueppe, Friedrich Martins, Ottomar Rosenbach, and Berthold Stiller. My focus for the prewar era examines the works of Rosenbach and Stiller as the representatives of a holistic constitutionalism. They emphasized the heuristic potential of a synthetic gaze and laid the groundwork for the holistic constitutionalism of the Weimar Republic. Physicians like Friedrich Martins, for example, rejected holistic approaches and the notion of a general constitution (Gesamtkonstitution), arguing instead for the importance of specific predispositions or partial constitutions in the tradition of Virchow's cellular pathology: Rainer Krügel, Friedrich Martius und der konstitutionelle Gedanke (Frankfurt: Lang Verlag, 1984).
35. The 1920s witnessed a reevaluation of turn-of-the-century "outsider" physicians who, like Rosenbach, had been critical of classical bacteriology and instead proposed constitutionalist disease models. This becomes evident, for example, in Louis R. Grote, Die Medizin der Gegenwart in Selbstdarstellungen, 5 vols. (Leipzig: Meiner, 1923-28). For this work Grote elicited autobiographies from physicians who, in his view, had been especially influential in shaping trends within contemporary medicine; included were Friedrich Martins and Ferdinand Hueppe, who had done all their important work before the war but who were considered important in preparing the ground for the constitutionalist medicine of the Weimar era. See also Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon (n. 15), pp. 521, 669, 1000, 1321-23, 1515, with positive assessments of the scientific contributions of the constitutionalists Adolf Gottstein, Ferdinand Hueppe, Friedrich Martins, Ottomar Rosenbach, and Berthold Stiller. My focus for the prewar era examines the works of Rosenbach and Stiller as the representatives of a holistic constitutionalism. They emphasized the heuristic potential of a synthetic gaze and laid the groundwork for the holistic constitutionalism of the Weimar Republic. Physicians like Friedrich Martins, for example, rejected holistic approaches and the notion of a general constitution (Gesamtkonstitution), arguing instead for the importance of specific predispositions or partial constitutions in the tradition of Virchow's cellular pathology: Rainer Krügel, Friedrich Martius und der konstitutionelle Gedanke (Frankfurt: Lang Verlag, 1984).
36. The 1920s witnessed a reevaluation of turn-of-the-century "outsider" physicians who, like Rosenbach, had been critical of classical bacteriology and instead proposed constitutionalist disease models. This becomes evident, for example, in Louis R. Grote, Die Medizin der Gegenwart in Selbstdarstellungen, 5 vols. (Leipzig: Meiner, 1923-28). For this work Grote elicited autobiographies from physicians who, in his view, had been especially influential in shaping trends within contemporary medicine; included were Friedrich Martins and Ferdinand Hueppe, who had done all their important work before the war but who were considered important in preparing the ground for the constitutionalist medicine of the Weimar era. See also Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon (n. 15), pp. 521, 669, 1000, 1321-23, 1515, with positive assessments of the scientific contributions of the constitutionalists Adolf Gottstein, Ferdinand Hueppe, Friedrich Martins, Ottomar Rosenbach, and Berthold Stiller. My focus for the prewar era examines the works of Rosenbach and Stiller as the representatives of a holistic constitutionalism. They emphasized the heuristic potential of a synthetic gaze and laid the groundwork for the holistic constitutionalism of the Weimar Republic. Physicians like Friedrich Martins, for example, rejected holistic approaches and the notion of a general constitution (Gesamtkonstitution), arguing instead for the importance of specific predispositions or partial constitutions in the tradition of Virchow's cellular pathology: Rainer Krügel, Friedrich Martius und der konstitutionelle Gedanke (Frankfurt: Lang Verlag, 1984).
37. Ottomar Rosenbach, Arzt c/a Bakteriologe (Berlin: Urban und Schwarzenberg, 1903), pp. 74-76, 113, 191-206.
38. Jens Lachmund, "Between Scrutiny and Treatment: Physical Diagnosis and the Restructuring of Nineteenth-Century Medical Practice," Social. Health Illness, 1998, 20: 779-801.
39. Rosenbach, Arzt (n. 17), pp. 31-32.
40. Maulitz, "Physician vs. Bacteriologist" (n. 7), p. 95.
41. Rosenbach, Arzt (n. 17), p. 270.
42. Carl Heinrich Stratz (1858-1924) studied in Heidelberg and was an assistant at a Berlin women's hospital as well as at Heidelberg University between 1883 and 1886. He then joined the Dutch colonial army in Java, where he stayed until 1892. In 1898 he set up his practice as a gynecologist in The Hague and published several successful books on the aesthetics of the female body. His book The Beauty of the Female Body saw forty-one editions between 1899 and 1928. As a widely acclaimed expert on art and body aesthetics, he was awarded a Prussian professorship in 1914: Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon (n. 15), p. 1525.
43. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers: Den Müttern, Änteil, und Künstlern gawidmet, 2d ed. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1899), p. 79.
44. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Körperpflege der Frau: Physiologische und Ästhetische Diätetik für das weibliche Geschlecht, 5th ed. (1907; Stuttgart: Enke, 1918), pp. vii-viii.
45. This is an implication of Stratz's discussion of the representation of female beauty in art and literature: Stratz, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 13-31.
46. Stratz, Körperpflege der Frau (n. 24), pp. 189-90.
47. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Rassenschönheit des Weibes, 5th ed. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1904), pp. 42-44, 320-22, 372-74; idem, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 48-49. I have explored these issues in greater detail elsewhere: Michael Hau, "Gender and Aesthetic Norms in Popular Hygienic Culture in Germany from 1900-1914," Soc. Hist. Med., 1999, 12: 271-92. On similar sexual stereotypes and fantasies regarding bourgeois women and lower-class servant girls in contemporary literature, see Karin Walser, "Der Zug in die Stadt: Berliner Dienstmädchen um 1900," in Triumph und Scheitern in der Metropole: Zur Rolle der Weiblichkeit in der Geschichte Berlins, ed. Sigrun Anselm and Barbara Beck (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987), pp. 75-90, esp. p. 86.
48. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Rassenschönheit des Weibes, 5th ed. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1904), pp. 42-44, 320-22, 372-74; idem, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 48-49. I have explored these issues in greater detail elsewhere: Michael Hau, "Gender and Aesthetic Norms in Popular Hygienic Culture in Germany from 1900-1914," Soc. Hist. Med., 1999, 12: 271-92. On similar sexual stereotypes and fantasies regarding bourgeois women and lower-class servant girls in contemporary literature, see Karin Walser, "Der Zug in die Stadt: Berliner Dienstmädchen um 1900," in Triumph und Scheitern in der Metropole: Zur Rolle der Weiblichkeit in der Geschichte Berlins, ed. Sigrun Anselm and Barbara Beck (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987), pp. 75-90, esp. p. 86.
49. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Rassenschönheit des Weibes, 5th ed. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1904), pp. 42-44, 320-22, 372-74; idem, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 48-49. I have explored these issues in greater detail elsewhere: Michael Hau, "Gender and Aesthetic Norms in Popular Hygienic Culture in Germany from 1900-1914," Soc. Hist. Med., 1999, 12: 271-92. On similar sexual stereotypes and fantasies regarding bourgeois women and lower-class servant girls in contemporary literature, see Karin Walser, "Der Zug in die Stadt: Berliner Dienstmädchen um 1900," in Triumph und Scheitern in der Metropole: Zur Rolle der Weiblichkeit in der Geschichte Berlins, ed. Sigrun Anselm and Barbara Beck (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987), pp. 75-90, esp. p. 86.
50. Carl Heinrich Stratz, Die Rassenschönheit des Weibes, 5th ed. (Stuttgart: Enke, 1904), pp. 42-44, 320-22, 372-74; idem, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 48-49. I have explored these issues in greater detail elsewhere: Michael Hau, "Gender and Aesthetic Norms in Popular Hygienic Culture in Germany from 1900-1914," Soc. Hist. Med., 1999, 12: 271-92. On similar sexual stereotypes and fantasies regarding bourgeois women and lower-class servant girls in contemporary literature, see Karin Walser, "Der Zug in die Stadt: Berliner Dienstmädchen um 1900," in Triumph und Scheitern in der Metropole: Zur Rolle der Weiblichkeit in der Geschichte Berlins, ed. Sigrun Anselm and Barbara Beck (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987), pp. 75-90, esp. p. 86.
51. On Julius Langbehn, see Fritz Stern, Kulturpessimismus als politische Gefahr: Eine Analyse nationaler Ideologie in Deutschland (1961; Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuchverlag, 1986), p. 128.
52. For a short recapitulation of these body norms from the perspective of the traditional art historian, see Max Steck, "Albrecht Dürer als Kunsttheoretiker: Die geistes- und problemgeschichtliche Stellung seiner Proportionslehre im Kunstraum der Renaissance," commentary on Albrecht Dürer, Hierin Sind begriffen: Vier Bücher von der menschlichen Proportion (1528; Dietikon-Zürich: Stocker, 1969), pp. 50-05.
53. Stratz, Schönheit des weiblichen Körpers (n. 23), pp. 32-40.
54. Ibid., p. 36; Gustav Fritsch, Die Gestalt des Menschen: Mit Benutzung der Werke von E. Harless und C. Schmidt für Künstler und Anthropologen dargestellt (Stuttgart: Neff, 1899), table 22.
55. Ibid., p. 36; Gustav Fritsch, Die Gestalt des Menschen: Mit Benutzung der Werke von E. Harless und C. Schmidt für Künstler und Anthropologen dargestellt (Stuttgart: Neff, 1899), table 22.
56. Fritsch, Gestalt des Menschen (n. 31), p. 147.
57. Ibid., pp. 1-3, 138-40. Carl Gustav Carus (1789-1869) had stressed the importance of an intuitive Anschauung as a holistic form of contemplating and understanding natural phenomena: see Genschorek, Carus (n. 2), pp. 115-16, 169, 215-16.
58. Ibid., pp. 1-3, 138-40. Carl Gustav Carus (1789-1869) had stressed the importance of an intuitive Anschauung as a holistic form of contemplating and understanding natural phenomena: see Genschorek, Carus (n. 2), pp. 115-16, 169, 215-16.
59. Gustav Fritsch, Unsere Körperform im Lichte der modernen Kunst (Berlin: Carl Habel, 1893), pp. 4-5. Fritsch did not only want to achieve a return to classical beauty in the realm of art: he also urged his contemporaries to reform their lifestyles and cultivate their bodies according to classical ideals, believing that this in turn would have a wholesome effect on art. See Fritsch, Gestalt des Menschen (n. 31), pp. 93-95, 147. On the Munich Secession, see Makela, Munich Secession (n. 12).
60. Gustav Fritsch, Unsere Körperform im Lichte der modernen Kunst (Berlin: Carl Habel, 1893), pp. 4-5. Fritsch did not only want to achieve a return to classical beauty in the realm of art: he also urged his contemporaries to reform their lifestyles and cultivate their bodies according to classical ideals, believing that this in turn would have a wholesome effect on art. See Fritsch, Gestalt des Menschen (n. 31), pp. 93-95, 147. On the Munich Secession, see Makela, Munich Secession (n. 12).
61. Gustav Fritsch, Unsere Körperform im Lichte der modernen Kunst (Berlin: Carl Habel, 1893), pp. 4-5. Fritsch did not only want to achieve a return to classical beauty in the realm of art: he also urged his contemporaries to reform their lifestyles and cultivate their bodies according to classical ideals, believing that this in turn would have a wholesome effect on art. See Fritsch, Gestalt des Menschen (n. 31), pp. 93-95, 147. On the Munich Secession, see Makela, Munich Secession (n. 12).
62. Gustav Fritsch, Ne sutor supra crepidam! (Berlin: Carl Habel, 1894). In this essay Fritsch defended himself against attacks by modern art critics. He also published favorable responses to his work by leading medical professors. Besides his Berlin colleagues Waldeyer and Virchow, the anatomists Bardeleben (Jena), Hasse (Breslau), His (Leipzig), v. Kölliker (Würzburg), and Merkel (Göttingen) supported his position on body aesthetics and modern art. This is not, of course, to say that these physicians were all propagators of a holistic gaze. Rudolf Virchow, for example, propagated an analytical gaze in his cellular pathology.
63. On alternative health movements and medical sects like "Biochemie" that flourished during the Weimar Republik, see Jütte, Geschichte der alternativen Medizin (n. 8), pp. 40-44, 221-28. "Biochemie" was a medical fad whose supporters attributed all diseases to an imbalance of mineral intake. In 1928, the biochemical voluntary associations had almost 185,000 members. On the natural therapy movement during the Weimar years,
64. see Michael Dorter, "Die Naturheilbewegung in Deutschland zur Zeit der Weimarer Republik" (Ph.D. diss., Leipzig, 1991).
65. Regin, Selbsthilfe (n. 8), pp. 102-4.
66. Michael Kater, "Die Medizin im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland und Erwin Liek," Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 1990, 16: 440-63.
67. Charles E. McClelland, The German Experience of Professionalization: Modern Learned Professions and Their Organizations from the Early Nineteenth Century to the Hitler Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 180-82.
68. Erwin Liek, Der Arzt und seine Sendung, 5th ed. (Munich: Lehmann, 1927), pp. 45-47, 135-37.
69. Klasen, "Krise der Medizin" (n. 10), p. 32. On the divisions within regular medicine and the role of Liek as a spokesperson for general practitioners, see Michael Hubenstorf, "Von der 'freien Arztwahl' zur Reichsärzteordnung - Ärztliche Standespolitik zwischen Liberalismus und Nationalsozialismus," in Medizin im Dritten Reich, ed. Johanna Bleker and Norbert Jachertz, 2d ed. (Cologne: Deutscher Ärzte-Verlag, 1993), pp. 43-53, esp. p. 47.
70. Klasen, "Krise der Medizin" (n. 10), p. 32. On the divisions within regular medicine and the role of Liek as a spokesperson for general practitioners, see Michael Hubenstorf, "Von der 'freien Arztwahl' zur Reichsärzteordnung - Ärztliche Standespolitik zwischen Liberalismus und Nationalsozialismus," in Medizin im Dritten Reich, ed. Johanna Bleker and Norbert Jachertz, 2d ed. (Cologne: Deutscher Ärzte-Verlag, 1993), pp. 43-53, esp. p. 47.
71. Erwin Liek, Das Wunder in der Heilkunde (Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1930), pp. 190-193, quotation on p. 192. See also idem, Arzt und seine Sendung (n. 40), pp. 102-3.
72. Erwin Liek, Das Wunder in der Heilkunde (Munich: J. F. Lehmann, 1930), pp. 190-193, quotation on p. 192. See also idem, Arzt und seine Sendung (n. 40), pp. 102-3.
73. Ash, Gestalt Psychology (n. 6), p. 289.
74. Anne Harrington, "Kurt Goldstein's Neurology of Healing and Wholeness: A Weimar Story," in Lawrence and Weisz, Greater than the Parts (n. 6), pp. 25-45, esp. p. 36.
75. Liek, Wunder in der Heilkunde (n. 42), pp. 189-205.
76. Detlef Bothe, Neue Deutsche Heilkunde 1933-1945 (Husum: Matthiesen, 1991), pp. 20-22, 32-33; Wolfgang Schmid, "Die Bedeutung Erwin Lieks für das Selbstverständnis der Medizin in der Weimarer Republik und Nationalsozialismus" (Ph.D. diss., Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität Nuremberg, 1989), pp. 38-42.
77. Detlef Bothe, Neue Deutsche Heilkunde 1933-1945 (Husum: Matthiesen, 1991), pp. 20-22, 32-33; Wolfgang Schmid, "Die Bedeutung Erwin Lieks für das Selbstverständnis der Medizin in der Weimarer Republik und Nationalsozialismus" (Ph.D. diss., Institut für Geschichte der Medizin der Universität Nuremberg, 1989), pp. 38-42.
78. Julius Schwalbe, "Noch einmal: 'Liek, Der Arzt und seine Sendung,'" Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift, 1927, 53: 374-76.
79. Klasen, "Krise der Medizin" (n. 10), pp. 22-25.
80. The largest fairs were held in Dresden in 1911 and 1930/31, and in Düsseldorf in 1926; each of them had several million visitors. They were showcases of the achievements of the medical profession. The core exhibition of these fairs, tided "Man" (Der Mensch), was run by the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden, and its main goal was to educate the public in matters of personal health. Snuerbruch could address a mixed audience in Düsseldorf because the annual meeting of the German Association of Scientists and Physicians was held there simultaneously with the Gesolei. The goals and exhibitions at the Gesolei are best documented in Arthur Schlossmann and Martha Fraenkel, eds., CE-SO-LEI: Grosse Ausstellung Düsseldorf für Gesundheitspflege, Soziale Fürsorge und Leibesübungen, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1927). See also Paul Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 413-16.
81. The largest fairs were held in Dresden in 1911 and 1930/31, and in Düsseldorf in 1926; each of them had several million visitors. They were showcases of the achievements of the medical profession. The core exhibition of these fairs, tided "Man" (Der Mensch), was run by the German Hygiene Museum in Dresden, and its main goal was to educate the public in matters of personal health. Snuerbruch could address a mixed audience in Düsseldorf because the annual meeting of the German Association of Scientists and Physicians was held there simultaneously with the Gesolei. The goals and exhibitions at the Gesolei are best documented in Arthur Schlossmann and Martha Fraenkel, eds., CE-SO-LEI: Grosse Ausstellung Düsseldorf für Gesundheitspflege, Soziale Fürsorge und Leibesübungen, 2 vols. (Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1927). See also Paul Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics between National Unification and Nazism, 1870-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 413-16.
82. Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1991), pp. 68-69.
83. For a published version of the speech, see Ferdinand Sauerbruch, "Heilkunst und Naturwissenschaft," Die Naturwissenschaften, 1926, 14: 1081-90, quotation on p. 1089.
84. "Bericht über die Teilnahme an der Tagung der Deutschen Naturforscher und Ārzte und der Deutschen Pharmakologischen Gesellschaft souie ūber die Besichtigung der Gesolei vom 19-26. Sept. 1926," Reichsgesundheitsamt, R 86 Nr. 885, Gesolei, Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde.
85. Reichsamt des Innern 1501 Nr. 26345, Internationale Hygieneansstellung Dresden, Bl. 267, Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde; Martin Vogel, ed., Der Mensch: Vom Werden und Wirken des menschlichen Organismus (Leipzig: Barth, 1930), p. iv.
86. Mitchell G. Ash, "Gestalt Psychology in Weimar Culture," Hist. Hum. Sci., 1991, 4: 395-415, esp. pp. 399-400.
87. On Goethe's theory of color, see Felix Höpfner, Wissenschaft wider die Zeit: Goethes Farbenlehre aus rezeptionsgeschichtlicher Sicht (Heidelberg: Winter, 1990), pp. 194-215.
88. Roderich von Engelhardt, "Vom Menschen zum Menschen," in Vogel, Der Mensch (n. 53), pp. 1-9, quotation on p. 2; Roderich von Engelhardt and Martin Vogel, "Was will der Mensch?" in ibid., pp. iv-v.
89. Roderich von Engelhardt, "Vom Menschen zum Menschen," in Vogel, Der Mensch (n. 53), pp. 1-9, quotation on p. 2; Roderich von Engelhardt and Martin Vogel, "Was will der Mensch?" in ibid., pp. iv-v.
90. Engelliardt, "Vom Menschen" (n. 56), pp. 1-9, quotation on p. 6.
91. Roderich von Engelhardt, "Der Körper als Ganzes," in ibid., pp. 256-57, quotation on p. 257.
92. Ibid., pp. 257-58; on Klages, see Ash, Gestalt Psychology (n. 6), pp. 290-91.
93. Ibid., pp. 257-58; on Klages, see Ash, Gestalt Psychology (n. 6), pp. 290-91.
94. Anne Harrington, "Interwar 'German' Psychobiology: Between Nationalism and the Irrational," Sci. Context, 1991, 4: 429-47, quotation on p. 432.
95. Ultimately, constitutionalist concepts and their vocabulary can be traced as far back as Galen's humoral pathology, or even the Hippocratic corpus. See Ackerknecht, "Diathesis" (n. 9), pp. 317-19.
96. Gerhard Kloos, Die Konstitutionslehre von Karl Gustav Carus mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Physiognomik (Basel: Karger, 1951), pp. 45-50, 93.
97. Berthold Stiller, Die asthenische Konstitutionskrankheit (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1907), pp. 9-16.
98. Ibid., pp. 15-21.
99. Ibid., pp. 146-48.
100. Ernst Kretschmer, Körperbau und Charakter: Untersuchungen zum Konstilutionsproblem und zur Lehre von den Temperamenten, 7th and 8th eds. (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1929).
101. Sander L. Gilman, Disease and Representation: Images of Illness from Madness to AIDS (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp. 202-30.
102. Kretschmer, Körperbau und Charakter (n. 66), p. 2.
103. Ibid., p. 7.
104. Ibid., pp. 16-33.
105. Ibid., pp. 20-21.
106. Vacha, "German Constitutional Doctrine" (n. 9), pp. 349-51.
107. Rudie Trienes, "Type Concept Revisited: A Survey of German Idealistic Morphology in the First Half of the Twentieth Century," Hist. Phil. Life Sci., 1989, 11: 23-42.
108. Kretschmer, Körperbau und Charakter (n. 66), pp. 23-26.
109. Ibid., p. 189. On Bleuler's concept of schizophrenia, see: Sander L. Gilman, "Constructing Schizophrenia as a Category of Mental Illness," in Disease and Representation: Images of Illness from Madness to AIDS, ed. Sander L. Gilman (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp. 202-30, especially pp. 212-16.
110. Ibid., p. 189. On Bleuler's concept of schizophrenia, see: Sander L. Gilman, "Constructing Schizophrenia as a Category of Mental Illness," in Disease and Representation: Images of Illness from Madness to AIDS, ed. Sander L. Gilman (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), pp. 202-30, especially pp. 212-16.
111. Ibid., pp. 31-33.
112. Ibid., pp. 212-15.
113. Ernst Kretschmer, Geniale Menschen (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1929), pp. 1-20, 71-72.
114. Ibid., pp. 111-24.
115. Weindling, Health, Race (n. 49), pp. 170-72, 233. As far as physicians like Adolf Gottstein and Ferdinand Hueppe are concerned, Weindling's assessment is, of course, correct. On turn-of-the-century eugenics, see also Sheila Failli Weiss, "The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany, 1904-1945," in The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia, ed. Mark B. Adams (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 8-68; Michael Schwartz, Sozialistische Eugenik: Eugenische Soziallechnologien in Debatten und Politik der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1890-1933 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz Nachfolger, 1995).
116. Weindling, Health, Race (n. 49), pp. 170-72, 233. As far as physicians like Adolf Gottstein and Ferdinand Hueppe are concerned, Weindling's assessment is, of course, correct. On turn-of-the-century eugenics, see also Sheila Failli Weiss, "The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany, 1904-1945," in The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia, ed. Mark B. Adams (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 8-68; Michael Schwartz, Sozialistische Eugenik: Eugenische Soziallechnologien in Debatten und Politik der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1890-1933 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz Nachfolger, 1995).
117. Weindling, Health, Race (n. 49), pp. 170-72, 233. As far as physicians like Adolf Gottstein and Ferdinand Hueppe are concerned, Weindling's assessment is, of course, correct. On turn-of-the-century eugenics, see also Sheila Failli Weiss, "The Race Hygiene Movement in Germany, 1904-1945," in The Wellborn Science: Eugenics in Germany, France, Brazil, and Russia, ed. Mark B. Adams (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), pp. 8-68; Michael Schwartz, Sozialistische Eugenik: Eugenische Soziallechnologien in Debatten und Politik der deutschen Sozialdemokratie, 1890-1933 (Bonn: J. H. W. Dietz Nachfolger, 1995).
118. Stiller, Konstitutionskrankheit (n. 63), p. 203.
119. Kretschmer, Geniale Menschen (n. 78), pp. 125-28.
120. On Mathes, see Fischer, Biographisches Lexikon (n. 15), p. 1003.
121. Paul Mathes, Der Infantilismus, die Asthenie und deren Beziehungen zum Nervensystem (Berlin: Karger, 1912).
122. Paul Mathes, "Die Konstitutionstypen des Weibes, insbesondere der intersexuelle Typus," in Biologie und Pathologie des Weibes: Ein Handbuch der Frauenheilkunde und Geburtshilfe, ed. Josef Halban and Ludwig Seitz (Berlin: Urban und Schwarzenberg, 1924-29), 9 vols., 3: 1-122, esp. p. 109.
123. Ibid., pp. 8-9.
124. Ibid., pp. 11-12.
125. Ibid., pp. 87-92.
126. Ibid., pp. 14-22.
127. Ibid., p. 79.
128. Ibid., pp. 78-84.
129. On the changing reproductive and sexual behavior of women, see Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 3-13; Cornelie Usborne, "The New Woman and Generation Conflict: Perceptions of Young Women's Sexual Mores in the Weimar Republic," in Generations in Conflict: Youth Revolt and Generation Formation in Germany, 1770-1968, ed. Mark Roseman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 137-63; Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann, and Marion Kaplan, eds., When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984). On the perception of a crisis of the moral order in postwar Germany, see Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 220-53.
130. On the changing reproductive and sexual behavior of women, see Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 3-13; Cornelie Usborne, "The New Woman and Generation Conflict: Perceptions of Young Women's Sexual Mores in the Weimar Republic," in Generations in Conflict: Youth Revolt and Generation Formation in Germany, 1770-1968, ed. Mark Roseman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 137-63; Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann, and Marion Kaplan, eds., When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984). On the perception of a crisis of the moral order in postwar Germany, see Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 220-53.
131. On the changing reproductive and sexual behavior of women, see Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 3-13; Cornelie Usborne, "The New Woman and Generation Conflict: Perceptions of Young Women's Sexual Mores in the Weimar Republic," in Generations in Conflict:
132. On the changing reproductive and sexual behavior of women, see Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), pp. 3-13; Cornelie Usborne, "The New Woman and Generation Conflict: Perceptions of Young Women's Sexual Mores in the Weimar Republic," in Generations in Conflict: Youth Revolt and Generation Formation in Germany, 1770-1968, ed. Mark Roseman (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 137-63; Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann, and Marion Kaplan, eds., When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1984). On the perception of a crisis of the moral order in postwar Germany, see Richard Bessel, Germany after the First World War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 220-53.
133. The ultimate arbitrariness of such a subjective approach might explain why some leading representatives of constitutional medicine did not propagate the heuristic potential of an intuitive, synthetic gaze in their textbooks. The intuitive gaze, a characteristic of the outstanding physician, had obviously only limited value for the training of medical students. See, for example, Louis Grote, Grundlagen ärztlicher Betrachtung: Einführung in begriffliche und konstilutionspathologische Fragen der Klinik für Studierende und Ante (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1921). The Viennese Privatdozent Julius Bauer, on the other hand, maintained in his published lectures that a physician had to have an artist's intuition in order to grasp the essence of the entire personality of a sick individual: Julius Bauer, Vorlesungen über allgemeine Konstitutions- und Vererbungslehre für Studierende und Ante, 2d ed. (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1923), p. 2.
134. The ultimate arbitrariness of such a subjective approach might explain why some leading representatives of constitutional medicine did not propagate the heuristic potential of an intuitive, synthetic gaze in their textbooks. The intuitive gaze, a characteristic of the outstanding physician, had obviously only limited value for the training of medical students. See, for example, Louis Grote, Grundlagen ärztlicher Betrachtung: Einführung in begriffliche und konstilutionspathologische Fragen der Klinik für Studierende und Ante (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1921). The Viennese Privatdozent Julius Bauer, on the other hand, maintained in his published lectures that a physician had to have an artist's intuition in order to grasp the essence of the entire personality of a sick individual: Julius Bauer, Vorlesungen über allgemeine Konstitutions- und Vererbungslehre für Studierende und Ante, 2d ed. (Berlin: Julius Springer, 1923), p. 2.
135. The danger of an intuitive approach also became apparent in the influential racial science of the philologist Hans Günther, who based his construction of racial constitutional types on similar premises of an intuitive gaze. According to Günther, the "image-forming gaze" (das bildnerische Sehen) of the observer had to grasp the all-important racial core of the racial essence of individuals: Hans Günther, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (Munich: Lehmann, 1922), pp. 1-12. See also Michael Hau and Mitchell G. Ash, "Der normale Körper, seelisch erblickt," in Gesichter der Weimarer Republik: Eine physiognomische Kulturgeschichte, eds. Claudia Schmölders and Sander L. Gilman (Cologne: Dumont, 2000), pp. 12-31.
136. The danger of an intuitive approach also became apparent in the influential racial science of the philologist Hans Günther, who based his construction of racial constitutional types on similar premises of an intuitive gaze. According to Günther, the "image-forming gaze" (das bildnerische Sehen) of the observer had to grasp the all-important racial core of the racial essence of individuals: Hans Günther, Rassenkunde des deutschen Volkes (Munich: Lehmann, 1922), pp. 1-12. See also Michael Hau and Mitchell G. Ash, "Der normale Körper, seelisch erblickt," in Gesichter der Weimarer Republik: Eine physiognomische Kulturgeschichte, eds. Claudia Schmölders and Sander L. Gilman (Cologne: Dumont, 2000), pp. 12-31.