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Volumn 47, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 13-22

Chechnya versus Tatarstan: Understanding ethnopolitics in post-communist Russia

(1)  Sharafutdinova, Gulnaz a  

a NONE

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EID: 0034147011     PISSN: 10758216     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/10758216.2000.11655873     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (21)

References (76)
  • 1
    • 0004289698 scopus 로고
    • February 17
    • The text of the treaty was published in Rossiiskaia gazeta (February 17, 1994). For interpretations and analysis, see Hafeez Malik, "Tatarstan's Treaty with Russia: Autonomy or Independence," Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 18, no. 2 (1994): 1-36; and Elizabeth Teague, "Center-Periphery Relations in the Russian Federation," in National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Roman Szporluk (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), pp. 21-57.
    • (1994) Rossiiskaia Gazeta
  • 2
    • 0002164713 scopus 로고
    • Tatarstan's treaty with Russia: Autonomy or independence
    • The text of the treaty was published in Rossiiskaia gazeta (February 17, 1994). For interpretations and analysis, see Hafeez Malik, "Tatarstan's Treaty with Russia: Autonomy or Independence," Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 18, no. 2 (1994): 1-36; and Elizabeth Teague, "Center-Periphery Relations in the Russian Federation," in National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Roman Szporluk (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), pp. 21-57.
    • (1994) Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies , vol.18 , Issue.2 , pp. 1-36
    • Malik, H.1
  • 3
    • 0001998962 scopus 로고
    • Center-periphery relations in the Russian Federation
    • ed. Roman Szporluk Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe
    • The text of the treaty was published in Rossiiskaia gazeta (February 17, 1994). For interpretations and analysis, see Hafeez Malik, "Tatarstan's Treaty with Russia: Autonomy or Independence," Journal of South Asian and Middle Eastern Studies 18, no. 2 (1994): 1-36; and Elizabeth Teague, "Center-Periphery Relations in the Russian Federation," in National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia, ed. Roman Szporluk (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1994), pp. 21-57.
    • (1994) National Identity and Ethnicity in Russia and the New States of Eurasia , pp. 21-57
    • Teague, E.1
  • 4
    • 85037768847 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Under asymmetrical federalism, the center may have different relationships with each subject of the federation, accounting for regional historical, economic, or cultural differences.
  • 5
    • 85037775598 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Although the Chechen government unilaterally proclaimed full independence in late 1991, its independence was not really recognized by Russia or the international community. Thus Chechnya is treated in this article as a de jure part of the Russian state, albeit not under de facto Russian control.
  • 6
    • 85037759635 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Ethno-politics is the umbrella term for a government's broad range of policies and strategies to manage ethnic differences.
  • 7
    • 0003696562 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Madison: University of Wisconsin Press
    • These approaches were identified by Crawford Young in The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay? (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993). David Lake and Donald Rothchild also adopted this categorization in "Ethnic Fears and Global Engagement: The International Spread and Management of Ethnic Conflict" (University of California at San Diego, Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, 1996). Quotations in this section are from Lake and Rothchild, pp. 6-7.
    • (1993) The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay?
    • Young, C.1
  • 8
    • 0003835069 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • University of California at San Diego, Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation. Quotations in this section are from Lake and Rothchild
    • These approaches were identified by Crawford Young in The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism: The Nation-State at Bay? (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1993). David Lake and Donald Rothchild also adopted this categorization in "Ethnic Fears and Global Engagement: The International Spread and Management of Ethnic Conflict" (University of California at San Diego, Institute on Global Conflict and Cooperation, 1996). Quotations in this section are from Lake and Rothchild, pp. 6-7.
    • (1996) Ethnic Fears and Global Engagement: The International Spread and Management of Ethnic Conflict , pp. 6-7
    • Lake, D.1    Rothchild, D.2
  • 10
    • 85037766567 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Lake and Rothchild provide an excellent bibliography on the issues of ethnic conflict.
  • 12
    • 0003462380 scopus 로고
    • London: Verso
    • First introduced by Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), the constructivist approach was used by Crawford Young, The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism; and Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
    • (1983) Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism
    • Anderson, B.1
  • 13
    • 0003696562 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • First introduced by Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), the constructivist approach was used by Crawford Young, The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism; and Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
    • The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism
    • Young, C.1
  • 14
    • 0003710729 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Cambridge University Press
    • First introduced by Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (London: Verso, 1983), the constructivist approach was used by Crawford Young, The Rising Tide of Cultural Pluralism; and Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996).
    • (1996) Nationalism Reframed: Nationhood and the National Question in the New Europe
    • Brubaker, R.1
  • 15
    • 0003517617 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • London: Sage
    • Other explanations have also been proposed for the conflict in Chechnya. For example, in Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Conflict in and After the Soviet Union: The Mind Aflame (London: Sage, 1997), pp. 183-85, Valerii Tishkov notes conspiracy theories emphasizing oil and money, rumors that Moscow staged the war to shore up support for Yeltsin, and arguments that the Chechen people are engaged in a struggle against Russian imperialism. Although these categories might be useful in analyzing the Chechen crisis, they are not appropriate for Tatarstan. Furthermore, they are subsumed in the three modes of explanation elaborated in this article.
    • (1997) Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Conflict in and after the Soviet Union: The Mind Aflame , pp. 183-185
    • Chechnya1
  • 16
    • 85037780791 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The Russian Federation has eighty-nine constituent units, of which thirty-one are designated "ethnic republics," meaning that they have a large non-Russian populace. Chechnya was one of the few republics where the titular population was a majority. Although Tatars only slightly outnumbered Russians in Tatarstan, the Tatar ethnic group was considerably larger than the Chechen ethnic group.
  • 17
    • 0002351474 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: Nova Science
    • Instead of signing the Federation Treaty, the government of Tatarstan held a referendum on March 21,1992. Voters were asked, "Do you agree that the republic of Tatarstan is a sovereign state, a subject of international law, building its relations with the Russian Federation and other republics and states on the basis of treaties between equal partners?" Although the referendum was declared illegal by the Russian Constitutional Court, sovereignty was approved by 61.4 percent of the voters. Dudaev went much further. He unilaterally proclaimed the secession of the Chechen Republic from the Russian Federation. See Yu. V. Nikolaev, The Chechen Tragedy: Who Is to Blame? (New York: Nova Science, 1996), p. 25.
    • (1996) The Chechen Tragedy: Who is to Blame? , pp. 25
    • Nikolaev, Yu.V.1
  • 18
    • 0003199216 scopus 로고
    • Nationalism, regionalism, and federalism: Center-periphery relations in post-communist Russia
    • ed. Gail Lapidus Boulder, CO: Westview Press
    • Gail Lapidus and Edward Walker, "Nationalism, Regionalism, and Federalism: Center-Periphery Relations in Post-Communist Russia," in The New Russia: Troubled Transformation, ed. Gail Lapidus (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1995), p. 97.
    • (1995) The New Russia: Troubled Transformation , pp. 97
    • Lapidus, G.1    Walker, E.2
  • 19
    • 85037755892 scopus 로고
    • Kazan, December, available in English
    • The Constitution of the Republic of Tatarstan (Kazan, December 1994), pp. 50, 53 (available in English at www.tatar.ru).
    • (1994) The Constitution of the Republic of Tatarstan , pp. 50
  • 20
    • 0002314794 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Contemporary ethnosocial and ethnopolitical processes in Tatarstan
    • ed. Leokadia Drobizheva, Rose Gottemoeller, Catherine M. Kelleher, and Lee Walker Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe
    • Roza N. Musina, "Contemporary Ethnosocial and Ethnopolitical Processes in Tatarstan," in Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Soviet World: Case Studies and Analysis, ed. Leokadia Drobizheva, Rose Gottemoeller, Catherine M. Kelleher, and Lee Walker (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996), p. 205.
    • (1996) Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Soviet World: Case Studies and Analysis , pp. 205
    • Musina, R.N.1
  • 21
    • 85037776230 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Who determines the self in the politics of self-determination? Identity and preference formation in Tatarstan's nationalist mobilization
    • Boston, September
    • Radical nationalist movements included the Tatar Public Center (TOTs) and Ittifaq, a radical nationalist party led by the charismatic Fauziia Bairamova. For research on nationalist mobilization in Tatartstan, see Elise Giuliano, "Who Determines the Self in the Politics of Self-Determination? Identity and Preference Formation in Tatarstan's Nationalist Mobilization" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston, September 1998).
    • (1998) Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association
    • Giuliano, E.1
  • 23
    • 0002039250 scopus 로고
    • Mintimer Shaimiev: First President of Tatarstan Kazan: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatelstvo
    • R.A. Mustafin, Mintimer Shaimiev: Pervyi President Tatarstana (Mintimer Shaimiev: First President of Tatarstan) (Kazan: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatelstvo, 1995), p. 107. For an excellent analysis of the process of renegotiating the relationship between Tatarstan and Moscow, see Ann E. Robertson, "Yeltsin, Shaimiev, and Dudaev Negotiating Autonomy for Tatarstan and Chechnya," in Unity or Separation: Center-Periphery Relations in the Former Soviet Union, ed. Terry D. Clark, Daniel R. Kempton, and Tamara J. Resler (Westport, CT: Praeger, forthcoming 2000).
    • (1995) Mintimer Shaimiev: Pervyi President Tatarstana , pp. 107
    • Mustafin, R.A.1
  • 24
    • 38849104453 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Yeltsin, Shaimiev, and Dudaev negotiating autonomy for Tatarstan and Chechnya
    • ed. Terry D. Clark, Daniel R. Kempton, and Tamara J. Resler Westport, CT: Praeger, forthcoming
    • R.A. Mustafin, Mintimer Shaimiev: Pervyi President Tatarstana (Mintimer Shaimiev: First President of Tatarstan) (Kazan: Tatarskoe knizhnoe izdatelstvo, 1995), p. 107. For an excellent analysis of the process of renegotiating the relationship between Tatarstan and Moscow, see Ann E. Robertson, "Yeltsin, Shaimiev, and Dudaev Negotiating Autonomy for Tatarstan and Chechnya," in Unity or Separation: Center-Periphery Relations in the Former Soviet Union, ed. Terry D. Clark, Daniel R. Kempton, and Tamara J. Resler (Westport, CT: Praeger, forthcoming 2000).
    • (2000) Unity or Separation: Center-Periphery Relations in the Former Soviet Union
    • Robertson, A.E.1
  • 25
    • 85037781825 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Nikolaev, Chechen Tragedy, p. 5; Tishkov, Ethnicity, Nationalism, and Conflict, p. 209.
    • Chechen Tragedy , pp. 5
    • Nikolaev1
  • 28
    • 0002033811 scopus 로고
    • Grozny
    • Konstitutsiia Chechenskoi Respublik (Grozny, 1992). The Chechen constitution is reprinted in Diane Curran, Fiona Hill, and Elena Kostritsyna, The Search for Peace in Chechnya: A Sourcebook, 1994-1996 (Cambridge: Harvard University Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, March 1997).
    • (1992) Konstitutsiia Chechenskoi Respublik
  • 29
    • 0002024270 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Cambridge: Harvard University Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, March
    • Konstitutsiia Chechenskoi Respublik (Grozny, 1992). The Chechen constitution is reprinted in Diane Curran, Fiona Hill, and Elena Kostritsyna, The Search for Peace in Chechnya: A Sourcebook, 1994-1996 (Cambridge: Harvard University Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, March 1997).
    • (1997) The Search for Peace in Chechnya: A Sourcebook, 1994-1996
    • Curran, D.1    Hill, F.2    Kostritsyna, E.3
  • 30
    • 85037777326 scopus 로고
    • The Chechen factor
    • August 24, reprinted in Joint Publications Research Service, Central Eurasia: Military Affairs [hereinafter, JPRS:UMA] 94-036
    • For example, during Dudaev's presidency the Chechen parliament had only one Russian deputy; Liubov Piatiletova, "The Chechen Factor," Pravda (August 24, 1994), reprinted in Joint Publications Research Service, Central Eurasia: Military Affairs [hereinafter, JPRS:UMA] (94-036): 4.
    • (1994) Pravda , pp. 4
    • Piatiletova, L.1
  • 32
    • 85037762527 scopus 로고
    • Chechen dancing the 'Dikr,'
    • April 11
    • Interview with Dzhokhar Dudaev by St. Petersburg rights campaigner Antuan Araklian; prepared for publication by Boris Rovda. "Chechen Dancing the 'Dikr,'" Trud (April 11, 1994), translated in Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Central Eurasia [hereinafter, FBIS:SOV] (95-069).
    • (1994) Trud
    • Rovda, B.1
  • 33
    • 0003468399 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • [hereinafter, FBIS:SOV] 95-069
    • Interview with Dzhokhar Dudaev by St. Petersburg rights campaigner Antuan Araklian; prepared for publication by Boris Rovda. "Chechen Dancing the 'Dikr,'" Trud (April 11, 1994), translated in Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: Central Eurasia [hereinafter, FBIS:SOV] (95-069).
    • Daily Report: Central Eurasia
  • 36
    • 0002024274 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The new priority in nationalities policy is the Russian people
    • October 4
    • Ramazan Abdulatipov, deputy chair of the Russian government in 1997 and responsible for federal nationalities policy, highlighted this idea, noting that "there is extreme competition for room, for the privatization of property, for jobs, simply for survival... [in the Caucasus]." See interview with Ramazan Abdulatipov, "The New Priority in Nationalities Policy Is the Russian People," Trud (October 4,1997), translated in World News Connection, Daily Report: Central Eurasia [hereinafter, WNC:SOV] (9-7280) (electronic version).
    • (1997) Trud
    • Abdulatipov, R.1
  • 37
    • 0003468399 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • [hereinafter, WNC:SOV] (9-7280) electronic version
    • Ramazan Abdulatipov, deputy chair of the Russian government in 1997 and responsible for federal nationalities policy, highlighted this idea, noting that "there is extreme competition for room, for the privatization of property, for jobs, simply for survival... [in the Caucasus]." See interview with Ramazan Abdulatipov, "The New Priority in Nationalities Policy Is the Russian People," Trud (October 4,1997), translated in World News Connection, Daily Report: Central Eurasia [hereinafter, WNC:SOV] (9-7280) (electronic version).
    • Daily Report: Central Eurasia
  • 39
    • 84917436089 scopus 로고
    • Moscow: Center for Complex Social Research and Marketing
    • V.A. Tishkov, E.L. Beliaeva, and G.V. Marchenko suggest that oil exports from Chechnya brought major dividends to the governing elite, including Dudaev. See their Chechenskii krizis (Chechen Crisis) (Moscow: Center for Complex Social Research and Marketing, 1995), p. 25. In contrast, Carlotta Gall and Thomas de Waal doubt that Dudaev was personally corrupt; see their Chechnya: Calamity in the Crisis (New York: New York University Press, 1998), p. 126. Dudaev probably did not have any financial motive. Taimaz Abubakarov, the minister of economy and finance in Chechnya during 1991-94, has also denied that he was corrupt. See his Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva: Pravda i vymysel (The Regime of Dzhokar Dudaev: Truth and Fantasy) (Moscow: Insan, 1998). Dudaev was driven by the pursuit of power and glory.
    • (1995) Chechenskii Krizis (Chechen Crisis) , pp. 25
  • 40
    • 0009172831 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: New York University Press
    • V.A. Tishkov, E.L. Beliaeva, and G.V. Marchenko suggest that oil exports from Chechnya brought major dividends to the governing elite, including Dudaev. See their Chechenskii krizis (Chechen Crisis) (Moscow: Center for Complex Social Research and Marketing, 1995), p. 25. In contrast, Carlotta Gall and Thomas de Waal doubt that Dudaev was personally corrupt; see their Chechnya: Calamity in the Crisis (New York: New York University Press, 1998), p. 126. Dudaev probably did not have any financial motive. Taimaz Abubakarov, the minister of economy and finance in Chechnya during 1991-94, has also denied that he was corrupt. See his Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva: Pravda i vymysel (The Regime of Dzhokar Dudaev: Truth and Fantasy) (Moscow: Insan, 1998). Dudaev was driven by the pursuit of power and glory.
    • (1998) Chechnya: Calamity in the Crisis , pp. 126
    • Gall, C.1    De Waal, T.2
  • 41
    • 0346881123 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Moscow: Insan
    • V.A. Tishkov, E.L. Beliaeva, and G.V. Marchenko suggest that oil exports from Chechnya brought major dividends to the governing elite, including Dudaev. See their Chechenskii krizis (Chechen Crisis) (Moscow: Center for Complex Social Research and Marketing, 1995), p. 25. In contrast, Carlotta Gall and Thomas de Waal doubt that Dudaev was personally corrupt; see their Chechnya: Calamity in the Crisis (New York: New York University Press, 1998), p. 126. Dudaev probably did not have any financial motive. Taimaz Abubakarov, the minister of economy and finance in Chechnya during 1991-94, has also denied that he was corrupt. See his Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva: Pravda i vymysel (The Regime of Dzhokar Dudaev: Truth and Fantasy) (Moscow: Insan, 1998). Dudaev was driven by the pursuit of power and glory.
    • (1998) Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva: Pravda i Vymysel (The Regime of Dzhokar Dudaev: Truth and Fantasy)
    • Abubakarov, T.1
  • 42
    • 0002329365 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Kazan: Foreign Relations Department of the President of the Republic of Tatarstan
    • About 2.6 billion tons of oil has been extracted from the republic since 1946. Proven reserves are estimated to yield about 25 million tons annually for thirty years; T. Akulov, ed., Republic of Tatarstan: Investor's Guide, 1998 (Kazan: Foreign Relations Department of the President of the Republic of Tatarstan, 1998), p. 23. See also the brochure The Republic of Tatarstan: A Path-Breaker in Political and Economic Reform (Kazan: Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Tatarstan, n.d.), p. 18.
    • (1998) Republic of Tatarstan: Investor's Guide, 1998 , pp. 23
    • Akulov, T.1
  • 43
    • 0003401394 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Kazan: Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Tatarstan, n.d.
    • About 2.6 billion tons of oil has been extracted from the republic since 1946. Proven reserves are estimated to yield about 25 million tons annually for thirty years; T. Akulov, ed., Republic of Tatarstan: Investor's Guide, 1998 (Kazan: Foreign Relations Department of the President of the Republic of Tatarstan, 1998), p. 23. See also the brochure The Republic of Tatarstan: A Path-Breaker in Political and Economic Reform (Kazan: Chamber of Commerce and Industry of the Republic of Tatarstan, n.d.), p. 18.
    • The Republic of Tatarstan: A Path-Breaker in Political and Economic Reform , pp. 18
  • 44
    • 0003486765 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • New York: HarperCollins
    • The concept of political pathology is operationalized by structural functionalists as "political fragmentation, polarization, and the declining effectiveness of policy-making institutions"; Gabriel A. Almond and Bingham G. Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics Today (New York: HarperCollins, 1996), p. 17. This term carries a conservative bias as it views stability as a "normal state" of any system. An instrumentalist analysis of social elites will be used to correct for the inherent conservatism of the constructivist framework.
    • (1996) Comparative Politics Today , pp. 17
    • Almond, G.A.1    Powell B.G., Jr.2
  • 45
    • 0004341145 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Abubakarov, Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva, p. 13. Until 1991 Chechnya was part of the Chechen-Ingush Republic, but in 1992 the Russian parliament approved the creation of a separate Ingush Republic.
    • Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva , pp. 13
    • Abubakarov1
  • 46
    • 85037759384 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • The former Checheno-Ingushetia: Interethnic relations and ethnic conflicts
    • ed. Leokadia Drobizheva, Rose Gottemoeller, Catherine M. Kelleher, and Lee Walker Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe
    • Galina U. Soldatova, "The Former Checheno-Ingushetia: Interethnic Relations and Ethnic Conflicts," in Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Soviet World: Case Studies and Analysis, ed. Leokadia Drobizheva, Rose Gottemoeller, Catherine M. Kelleher, and Lee Walker (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996), p. 209,
    • (1996) Ethnic Conflict in the Post-Soviet World: Case Studies and Analysis , pp. 209
    • Soldatova, G.U.1
  • 47
    • 84908495729 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Ironically, Dudaev might not have come to power in the first place if not for Moscow politicians. Two main hypotheses are offered in this regard. One holds that Ruslan Khasbulatov, then first deputy chair of Russia's Supreme Soviet, had his own ambitions to leadership in Chechnya, and therefore, when Dudaev appeared on the scene, pressured Doku Zavgaev, then the first secretary of Chechnya, not to use force against the radical nationalists who were challenging the establishment. Thus, Dudaev did not face strong resistance to his radical aspirations from the "old" regime. The other explanation is that Khasbulatov and Yeltsin saw Dudaev and the Chechen Congress as allies in the struggle against Gorbachev and, therefore, warned Zavgaev not to use force against the nationalist protests organized by the Chechen National Congress. See Lieven, Chechnya, p. 60.
    • Chechnya , pp. 60
    • Lieven1
  • 49
    • 0004341145 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Abubakarov (Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva, p. 30), for example, mentions that power was divided among four centers - the president, the parliament, the government administration, and the city assembly of Grozny.
    • Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva , pp. 30
    • Abubakarov1
  • 50
    • 85037773776 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Abubakarov actually employed this term to describe Chechnya under Dudaev (Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva, p. 30).
    • Rezhim Dzhokhara Dudaeva , pp. 30
    • Dudaev1
  • 51
    • 85037759631 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • One could argue that the criminalization of economic and political structures was not confined to Chechnya and characterized Russia as a whole. However, Chechnya represented a special case with regard to organized crime, for the "Chechen mafia" was a specific, well-recognized criminal conglomeration in Russia. It seems plausible to view Chechnya as a pathological region in this respect, since the dividing line between government and criminal structures had simply ceased to exist.
  • 53
    • 85037757624 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Gall and de Waal mention Umar Avturkhanov, Ruslan Labazanov, and Yaragi Mamodaev as the leading figures of different opposition groups. They cooperated with and were financed by the federal government in Moscow (ibid., pp. 141-43).
    • Chechnya , pp. 141-143
  • 54
    • 85037781825 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • By 1994 all Jews had been forced to leave Chechnya (Nikolaev, Chechen Tragedy, p. 50).
    • Chechen Tragedy , pp. 50
    • Nikolaev1
  • 55
    • 85037781825 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • This is especially relevant to Dudaev's opponents. Anyone who opposed the Dudaev regime was simply eliminated. Nikolaev provides substantial evidence of the killing of ethnic Chechens by the Dudaev regime (Chechen Tragedy, pp. 50-51).
    • Chechen Tragedy , pp. 50-51
  • 56
    • 85037772236 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Gall and de Waal suggest that 80 percent of the heavy equipment and 75 percent of the small arms were stolen from the Grozny garrison (Chechnya, p. 113).
    • Chechnya , pp. 113
  • 59
    • 85037775891 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • While Russia underwent a radical economic liberalization, the government of Tatarstan took a milder approach, gradually introducing market reforms while still subsidizing food prices, delaying privatization, and providing a broader social safety net.
  • 60
    • 85037768918 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • My appreciation for the role of the individual in social life was acquired from political psychology courses with Dr. Jerrold Post at the George Washington University.
  • 61
    • 84908495729 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • In fact, Dudaev was the only ethnic Chechen general in the Soviet army (Lieven, Chechnya, p. 58; see also Nikolaev, Chechen Tragedy, pp. 15-16).
    • Chechnya , pp. 58
    • Lieven1
  • 62
    • 85037781825 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • In fact, Dudaev was the only ethnic Chechen general in the Soviet army (Lieven, Chechnya, p. 58; see also Nikolaev, Chechen Tragedy, pp. 15-16).
    • Chechen Tragedy , pp. 15-16
    • Nikolaev1
  • 64
    • 85037763205 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • Dudaev's hostility to Russia and denigration of Russians seem to have bordered on the irrational, especially given the geographical proximity of the two countries and the fact that an independent Chechnya would not have been able to isolate itself from its neighbors.
  • 65
    • 85037778095 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • For his full biography (written in a very "positive" light), see Mustafin, Mintimer Shaimiev.
    • Mintimer Shaimiev
    • Mustafin1
  • 66
    • 85037773458 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Mustafin calls him "a sensible conservative" (ibid., p. 8).
    • Mintimer Shaimiev , pp. 8
  • 67
    • 0002158418 scopus 로고
    • Mustafin quotes Shaimiev's 1992 Rossiia interview: "what kind of sensible politician could go for breaking it [the geopolitical situation and the established ties with Russia]? It is another question to negotiate with the Russian government on absolutely equal footing and solve all the problems" (ibid., p. 107).
    • (1992) Rossiia
    • Shaimiev1
  • 68
    • 85037776700 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • Mustafin quotes Shaimiev's 1992 Rossiia interview: "what kind of sensible politician could go for breaking it [the geopolitical situation and the established ties with Russia]? It is another question to negotiate with the Russian government on absolutely equal footing and solve all the problems" (ibid., p. 107).
    • Rossiia , pp. 107
  • 69
    • 85037783921 scopus 로고
    • Shaimiev ready to act as Chechnya conflict mediator
    • Kazan December 23, translated in FBIS:SOV January 6
    • Interestingly, Shaimiev was considered the best candidate to mediate between the federal government and the Chechen leaders. His offer to serve as mediator in the conflict enhanced his image as a peacemaker. See "Shaimiev Ready to Act as Chechnya Conflict Mediator," Izvestiia Tatarstana [Kazan] (December 23, 1994), translated in FBIS:SOV (January 6, 1995).
    • (1994) Izvestiia Tatarstana [Kazan]
  • 71
    • 0004280850 scopus 로고
    • April 1, and March 3
    • It is not surprising, therefore, that Shaimiev, who ranked thirty-fourth in a list of Russia's top politicians in April 1993, moved to tenth place by March 1994 (Nezavisimaia gazeta, April 1, 1993, and March 3, 1994). His reputation rose dramatically between 1993 and 1998. Shaimiev ranked fifth in the list of best lobbyists in Russia and as third-best regional lobbyist in 1997 (Nezavisimaia gazeta, February 26, 1998, and April 14,1998).
    • (1993) Nezavisimaia Gazeta
  • 72
    • 0004280842 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • February 26, 1998 , and April 14
    • It is not surprising, therefore, that Shaimiev, who ranked thirty-fourth in a list of Russia's top politicians in April 1993, moved to tenth place by March 1994 (Nezavisimaia gazeta, April 1, 1993, and March 3, 1994). His reputation rose dramatically between 1993 and 1998. Shaimiev ranked fifth in the list of best lobbyists in Russia and as third-best regional lobbyist in 1997 (Nezavisimaia gazeta, February 26, 1998, and April 14,1998).
    • (1998) Nezavisimaia Gazeta
  • 73
  • 75
    • 85037760020 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • The same could be said with regard to Dudaev's position toward the Russian government.
  • 76
    • 85037771350 scopus 로고    scopus 로고
    • note
    • After uniting with Moscow mayor Iurii Luzhkov's Fatherland (Otechestvo) movement, the Otechestvo-Vsia Rossia electoral bloc was expected to gain a significant number of legislative seats in the December 1999 elections. However, after a negative media campaign against them, the bloc polled only 13.1 percent on the party-list ballot.


* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.