Long waits, small spaces, and compassionate care: Memories of race and medicine in a mid-twentieth-century southern community

Bulletin of the History of Medicine

Volumn 74, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 107-137

  Pohl, Lynn Marie ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

AFRICAN AMERICAN; ARTICLE; CAUCASIAN; EMPATHY; GENERAL HOSPITAL; HEALTH PERSONNEL ATTITUDE; HISTORY; HOSPITAL ADMISSION; HOSPITAL PERSONNEL; HUMAN; HUMAN RELATION; INTERVIEW; PHYSICIAN; PRIVATE HOSPITAL; PSYCHOLOGICAL ASPECT; SOCIAL PROBLEM; UNITED STATES;

AFRICAN AMERICANS; ATTITUDE OF HEALTH PERSONNEL; EMPATHY; EUROPEAN CONTINENTAL ANCESTRY GROUP; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; HOSPITALS, GENERAL; HOSPITALS, PRIVATE; HUMANS; INTERVIEWS; MISSISSIPPI; PERSONNEL, HOSPITAL; PHYSICIANS; PROFESSIONAL-PATIENT RELATIONS; RACE RELATIONS; WAITING LISTS;

EID: 0034146252     PISSN: 00075140     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/bhm.2000.0035     Document Type: Article

References (198)

1. Lillie Mae Shanklin, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 18 June 1996.
2. Robert Bledsoe, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 4 June 1997.
3. Charles E. Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Rosemary Stevens, In Sickness and In Wealth: American Hospitals in the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1989).
4. Charles E. Rosenberg, The Care of Strangers: The Rise of America's Hospital System (New York: Basic Books, 1987); Rosemary Stevens, In Sickness and In Wealth: American Hospitals in the Twentieth Century (New York: Basic Books, 1989).
5. Edward Beardsley notes that black patients were excluded from or provided inadequate medical facilities in at least 60 percent of southern hospitals in the late 1950s: Edward Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow: The Desegregation of Southern Hospitals, 1945-70," Bull. Hist. Med., 1986, 60: 367-86, see esp. p. 371.
6. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
7. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
8. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
9. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
10. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
11. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
12. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
13. Ibid.; Edward H. Beardsley, A History of Neglect: Health Care for Blacks and Mill Workers in the Twentieth-Century South (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1987). For other works on the racial segregation and desegregation of medical facilities and medical organizations, see idem, "Making Separate, Equal: Black Physicians and the Problems of Medical Segregation in the Pre-World War II South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1983, 57: 382-96; Vanessa Northington Gamble, Making a Place for Ourselves: The Black Hospital Movement, 1920-1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); Darlene Clark Hine, Black Women in White: Racial Conflict and Cooperation in the Nursing Profession, 1890-1950 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989); David McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine: Blacks in Philadelphia Health Care, 1910-1965 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989); P. Preston Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights, 1945-1963: The Case of Simpkins v. Moses H. Cone Memorial Hospital," Ann. Intern. Med., 1997, 126: 898-906; and Todd L. Savitt, "Entering a White Profession: Black Physicians in the New South, 1880-1920," Bull. Hist. Med., 1987, 61: 507-40.
14. The stories of the African-American and white interviewees were inevitably shaped by my identity as a white historian in her twenties who grew up in Greenville but whose family is not originally from there. African Americans probably would not reveal to me the same stories they might reveal to a black interviewer, just as whites might have told different stories to a four-generation white southerner.
15. Alessandro Portelli, The Death of Luigi Trastulli and Other Stories: Form and Meaning in Oral History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), p. 54.
16. Ibid., pp. 2, 26, 50-53, 63; quotation on p. 2. See also Regina Markell Morantz, Cynthia Stodola Pomerleau, and Carol Hansen Fenichel, eds. In Her Own Words: Oral Histories of Women Physicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. xii; Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 5-13, 83; and David Thelen, "Memory and American History," J. Amer. Hist., 1989, 75: 1117-29. On the use of oral history in the history of medicine, see Nancy Tomes, Oral History in the History of Medicine," ibid., 1991, 78: 607-17.
17. Ibid., pp. 2, 26, 50-53, 63; quotation on p. 2. See also Regina Markell Morantz, Cynthia Stodola Pomerleau, and Carol Hansen Fenichel, eds. In Her Own Words: Oral Histories of Women Physicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. xii; Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 5-13, 83; and David Thelen, "Memory and American History," J. Amer. Hist., 1989, 75: 1117-29. On the use of oral history in the history of medicine, see Nancy Tomes, Oral History in the History of Medicine," ibid., 1991, 78: 607-17.
18. Ibid., pp. 2, 26, 50-53, 63; quotation on p. 2. See also Regina Markell Morantz, Cynthia Stodola Pomerleau, and Carol Hansen Fenichel, eds. In Her Own Words: Oral Histories of Women Physicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. xii; Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 5-13, 83; and David Thelen, "Memory and American History," J. Amer. Hist., 1989, 75: 1117-29. On the use of oral history in the history of medicine, see Nancy Tomes, Oral History in the History of Medicine," ibid., 1991, 78: 607-17.
19. Ibid., pp. 2, 26, 50-53, 63; quotation on p. 2. See also Regina Markell Morantz, Cynthia Stodola Pomerleau, and Carol Hansen Fenichel, eds. In Her Own Words: Oral Histories of Women Physicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. xii; Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 5-13, 83; and David Thelen, "Memory and American History," J. Amer. Hist., 1989, 75: 1117-29. On the use of oral history in the history of medicine, see Nancy Tomes, Oral History in the History of Medicine," ibid., 1991, 78: 607-17.
20. Ibid., pp. 2, 26, 50-53, 63; quotation on p. 2. See also Regina Markell Morantz, Cynthia Stodola Pomerleau, and Carol Hansen Fenichel, eds. In Her Own Words: Oral Histories of Women Physicians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1982), p. xii; Michael Frisch, A Shared Authority: Essays on the Craft and Meaning of Oral and Public History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), pp. 5-13, 83; and David Thelen, "Memory and American History," J. Amer. Hist., 1989, 75: 1117-29. On the use of oral history in the history of medicine, see Nancy Tomes, Oral History in the History of Medicine," ibid., 1991, 78: 607-17.
21. William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son (New York: Knopf, 1941). See also John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 125. On the Mississippi Delta and conditions for African Americans in the Deep South, see James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 254-55, 306; Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, "Mississippi Delta Planters and Debates over Mechanization, Labor, and Civil Rights in the 1940s," J. Southern Hist., 1994, 60: 263-84; and Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), pp. 447-53.
22. William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son (New York: Knopf, 1941). See also John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 125. On the Mississippi Delta and conditions for African Americans in the Deep South, see James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 254-55, 306; Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, "Mississippi Delta Planters and Debates over Mechanization, Labor, and Civil Rights in the 1940s," J. Southern Hist., 1994, 60: 263-84; and Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), pp. 447-53.
23. William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son (New York: Knopf, 1941). See also John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 125. On the Mississippi Delta and conditions for African Americans in the Deep South, see James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 254-55, 306; Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, "Mississippi Delta Planters and Debates over Mechanization, Labor, and Civil Rights in the 1940s," J. Southern Hist., 1994, 60: 263-84; and Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), pp. 447-53.
24. William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son (New York: Knopf, 1941). See also John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 125. On the Mississippi Delta and conditions for African Americans in the Deep South, see James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 254-55, 306; Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, "Mississippi Delta Planters and Debates over Mechanization, Labor, and Civil Rights in the 1940s," J. Southern Hist., 1994, 60: 263-84; and Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), pp. 447-53.
25. William Alexander Percy, Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son (New York: Knopf, 1941). See also John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 125. On the Mississippi Delta and conditions for African Americans in the Deep South, see James C. Cobb, The Most Southern Place on Earth: The Mississippi Delta and the Roots of Regional Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 254-55, 306; Nan Elizabeth Woodruff, "Mississippi Delta Planters and Debates over Mechanization, Labor, and Civil Rights in the 1940s," J. Southern Hist., 1994, 60: 263-84; and Leon F. Litwack, Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow (New York: Knopf, 1998), pp. 447-53.
26. "Testimony of Patrick A. Dunne, Mayor, Greenville, Washington County, Miss.," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 2: Administration of Justice, February 16-20, 1965, p. 293 (Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson, Miss.; hereafter MDAH).
27. David McBride, From TB to AIDS: Epidemics among Urban Blacks since 1900 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), p. 154. Of course, African-American leaders and activists made demands for adequate health care for blacks long before the 1960s. See, for example, W. E. B. Du Bois, The Health and Physique of the Negro American (1906; New York: Arno Press, 1968). David McBride also notes how whites used disease, such as the high mortality rates of blacks from tuberculosis, to justify school segregation: McBride, From TB to AIDS (n. 11), p. 151.
28. David McBride, From TB to AIDS: Epidemics among Urban Blacks since 1900 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), p. 154. Of course, African-American leaders and activists made demands for adequate health care for blacks long before the 1960s. See, for example, W. E. B. Du Bois, The Health and Physique of the Negro American (1906; New York: Arno Press, 1968). David McBride also notes how whites used disease, such as the high mortality rates of blacks from tuberculosis, to justify school segregation: McBride, From TB to AIDS (n. 11), p. 151.
29. David McBride, From TB to AIDS: Epidemics among Urban Blacks since 1900 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991), p. 154. Of course, African-American leaders and activists made demands for adequate health care for blacks long before the 1960s. See, for example, W. E. B. Du Bois, The Health and Physique of the Negro American (1906; New York: Arno Press, 1968). David McBride also notes how whites used disease, such as the high mortality rates of blacks from tuberculosis, to justify school segregation: McBride, From TB to AIDS (n. 11), p. 151.
30. Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), pp. 14-19, 43-66. During the Civil Rights hearings in 1965, James Edwards, chair of the Washington County NAACP, and Noble Frisby, an African-American physician, praised Greenville for its "liberal newspaper" and its police force, but not the county sheriff's force: "Testimony of Dr. Noble L. Frisby and Mr. James Edwards, Washington County, Miss.," in Hearings (n. 10), pp. 283-84 (MDAH). On the Civil Rights movement in Mississippi, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966).
31. Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), pp. 14-19, 43-66. During the Civil Rights hearings in 1965, James Edwards, chair of the Washington County NAACP, and Noble Frisby, an African-American physician, praised Greenville for its "liberal newspaper" and its police force, but not the county sheriff's force: "Testimony of Dr. Noble L. Frisby and Mr. James Edwards, Washington County, Miss.," in Hearings (n. 10), pp. 283-84 (MDAH). On the Civil Rights movement in Mississippi, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966).
32. Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), pp. 14-19, 43-66. During the Civil Rights hearings in 1965, James Edwards, chair of the Washington County NAACP, and Noble Frisby, an African-American physician, praised Greenville for its "liberal newspaper" and its police force, but not the county sheriff's force: "Testimony of Dr. Noble L. Frisby and Mr. James Edwards, Washington County, Miss.," in Hearings (n. 10), pp. 283-84 (MDAH). On the Civil Rights movement in Mississippi, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966).
33. Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), pp. 14-19, 43-66. During the Civil Rights hearings in 1965, James Edwards, chair of the Washington County NAACP, and Noble Frisby, an African-American physician, praised Greenville for its "liberal newspaper" and its police force, but not the county sheriff's force: "Testimony of Dr. Noble L. Frisby and Mr. James Edwards, Washington County, Miss.," in Hearings (n. 10), pp. 283-84 (MDAH). On the Civil Rights movement in Mississippi, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966).
34. Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), pp. 14-19, 43-66. During the Civil Rights hearings in 1965, James Edwards, chair of the Washington County NAACP, and Noble Frisby, an African-American physician, praised Greenville for its "liberal newspaper" and its police force, but not the county sheriff's force: "Testimony of Dr. Noble L. Frisby and Mr. James Edwards, Washington County, Miss.," in Hearings (n. 10), pp. 283-84 (MDAH). On the Civil Rights movement in Mississippi, see Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981); Charles M. Payne, I've Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); and James Silver, Mississippi: The Closed Society (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1966).
35. James Clark Fifield, ed., American and Canadian Hospitals (Minneapolis: Midwest Publishers, 1933), p. 649.
36. Nell H. Thomas, with Clinton Bagley, The King's Daughters Hospital 1894-1994: A Century of Serving (Greenville: Delta Design Group, 1994), p. 3 (William Alexander Percy Memorial Library, Greenville, Miss.; hereafter Percy Library); Elaine Corder, "The History of King's Daughters Hospital," Washington County Historical Society, 31 May 1981, Programs of 1981 (1982), p. 53 (Percy Library).
37. Nell H. Thomas, with Clinton Bagley, The King's Daughters Hospital 1894-1994: A Century of Serving (Greenville: Delta Design Group, 1994), p. 3 (William Alexander Percy Memorial Library, Greenville, Miss.; hereafter Percy Library); Elaine Corder, "The History of King's Daughters Hospital," Washington County Historical Society, 31 May 1981, Programs of 1981 (1982), p. 53 (Percy Library).
38. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
39. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
40. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
41. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
42. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
43. On the concern of whites that cases of syphilis among Mississippi Delta blacks posed a threat to the supply of labor and the community's well-being, see David Cohn, Where I Was Born and Raised (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1948), pp. 86-87, 204. On white attitudes toward cases of syphilis among African Americans, see James H. Jones, Bad Blood: The Tuskegee Syphilis Experiment (New York: Free Press, 1981), esp. pp. 24-29, 44-46, 56-59; and Allan M. Brandt, "Racism and Research: The Case of the Tuskegee Syphilis Study," in Sickness and Health in America: Readings in the History of Medicine and Public Health, 2d ed revised, ed. Judith Walzer Leavitt and Ronald L. Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), pp. 331-13. On African-American attitudes toward the Tuskegee syphilis experiment, sec Susan L. Smith, Sick and Tired of Bang Sick and Tired: Black Women's Health Activism in America, 1890-1950 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 85-111. On the perception by whites of their need to keep black laborers healthy, see Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), pp. 55-56; and John S. Haller Jr., "The Physician versus the Negro: Medical and Anthropological Concepts of Race in the Late Nineteenth Century," Bull. Hist. Med., 1970, 44: 154-67, see esp. p. 166.
44. See Elizabeth Fee, "Sin vs. Science: Venereal Disease in Baltimore in the Twentieth Century," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1988, 43: 141-64, see esp. pp. 145-47;
45. Stuart Galishoff, "Germs Know No Color Line: Black Health and Public Policy in Atlanta, 1900-1918," ibid., 1985, 40: 22-41;
46. James H. Jones, Bad Blood (n. 15), p. 44;
47. McBride, From TB to AIDS (n. 11), pp. 28-29;
48. Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 37, 40;
49. and Marion M. Torchia, The Tuberculosis Movement and the Race Question, 1890-1950," Bull. Hist. Med., 1975, 49: 152-68, see esp. p. 157. Evelynn Hammonds cites a 1910 JAMA article in which a physician warns: "the worn-out prostitute of today may be the woman you employ as your maid tomorrow"
50. (Evelynn Hammonds, "Missing Persons: African American Women, AIDS, and the History of Disease," Radical America, 1990, 24: 18-19).
51. On concerns about the increasing costs of indigent patients at hospitals, such as Duke Hospital in Durham, N.C., see P. Preston Reynolds, "Watts Hospital, 1895-1976: Paternalism and Race: The Evolution of a Southern Institution in Durham, North Carolina" (Ph.D. diss., Duke University, 1986), p. 249.
52. On the Hill-Burton Act, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 205-7; Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), pp. 348-50; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 216-19.
53. On the Hill-Burton Act, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 205-7; Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), pp. 348-50; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 216-19.
54. On the Hill-Burton Act, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 205-7; Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), pp. 348-50; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 216-19.
55. On the efforts of black physicians and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People to put pressure on hospitals to desegregate through court cases, see Beardsley, "Good-bye Jim Crow" (n. 4), pp. 369-80;
56. and Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5).
57. Foster Davis, "Hospital to Lose Federal Support," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 30 June 1965, p. 1; Foster Davis, "Cooling Problems Have Hospital in Hot Spot, Sources Say," ibid., 22 September 1965, p. 1.
58. Foster Davis, "Hospital to Lose Federal Support," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 30 June 1965, p. 1; Foster Davis, "Cooling Problems Have Hospital in Hot Spot, Sources Say," ibid., 22 September 1965, p. 1.
59. The Medicare Act was passed in 1965 as part of the Social Security Act to assist persons over sixty-five in obtaining and paying for professional medical care. See Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 281-93.
60. "100 Hospitals Are Holdouts," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 6 JuIy 1966, p. 22.
61. Davis, "Cooling Problems" (n. 20); letter from Roy Meyers to Washington Country Board of Supervisors, 28 July 1967, Board of Supervisors Minute Books #42 and #45 (Washington County Courthouse, Greenville, Miss.); Maurice Brown, interview by author, Leland, Miss., 5 June 1996. On the important role of federal agencies and programs in hospital desegregation, see McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine (n. 5), pp. 187, 196; and Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 244-46, 259-60.
62. Davis, "Cooling Problems" (n. 20); letter from Roy Meyers to Washington Country Board of Supervisors, 28 July 1967, Board of Supervisors Minute Books #42 and #45 (Washington County Courthouse, Greenville, Miss.); Maurice Brown, interview by author, Leland, Miss., 5 June 1996. On the important role of federal agencies and programs in hospital desegregation, see McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine (n. 5), pp. 187, 196; and Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 244-46, 259-60.
63. Davis, "Cooling Problems" (n. 20); letter from Roy Meyers to Washington Country Board of Supervisors, 28 July 1967, Board of Supervisors Minute Books #42 and #45 (Washington County Courthouse, Greenville, Miss.); Maurice Brown, interview by author, Leland, Miss., 5 June 1996. On the important role of federal agencies and programs in hospital desegregation, see McBride, Integrating the City of Medicine (n. 5), pp. 187, 196; and Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 244-46, 259-60.
64. "Hospital Head Expects Nod on Medicare," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 1 December 1966, p. 10.
65. Ibid.
66. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
67. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
68. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
69. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
70. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
71. Division of Research, College of Business and Industry, Mississippi State University, Mississippi Statistical Abstract 1969, comp. and ed. Jack A. Cockran (State College, Miss., 1970), p. 125. See also Testimony of Matthew John Page," Hearings before the United States Commission on Civil Rights, vol. 1, February 1965, p. 210 (MDAH). A total of fifty-five black physicians practiced in all of Mississippi: see Dittmer, Local People (n. 9), p. 387. On the limitations on medical education and opportunities for African-American physicians, see Beardsley, "Making Separate Equal" (n. 5); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 3-44; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5).
72. John Carr, "Medicare Denied to Hospital Again," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 20 September 1967, p. 1.
73. Ed Williams, "General Hospital in Red, Trustees See Grim Future," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 21 February 1968, p. 1. See also Pic Firmin, "Medicare-Segregation Fight Takes Hospital Toll: 58 Beds Gone," ibid., 16 August 1967, p. 1; "HEW Approves Medicare for General Hospital," ibid., 27 September 1967, p. 1.
74. Ed Williams, "General Hospital in Red, Trustees See Grim Future," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 21 February 1968, p. 1. See also Pic Firmin, "Medicare-Segregation Fight Takes Hospital Toll: 58 Beds Gone," ibid., 16 August 1967, p. 1; "HEW Approves Medicare for General Hospital," ibid., 27 September 1967, p. 1.
75. Ed Williams, "General Hospital in Red, Trustees See Grim Future," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 21 February 1968, p. 1. See also Pic Firmin, "Medicare-Segregation Fight Takes Hospital Toll: 58 Beds Gone," ibid., 16 August 1967, p. 1; "HEW Approves Medicare for General Hospital," ibid., 27 September 1967, p. 1.
76. Minutes of the Monthly Meeting of the Board of Directors of the King's Daughters Hospital, 15 February 1966; ibid., 21 December 1971; Minutes of the Called Meeting of the Board of Directors of the King's Daughters Hospital, 28 January 1972 (all in King's Daughters Hospital, Greenville, Miss.); Ida Mae Dunaway, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 12 June 1996.
77. See Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); and Steven M. Stowe, "Obstetrics and the Work of Doctoring in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century American South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 540-66.
78. See Todd L. Savitt, Medicine and Slavery: The Diseases and Health Care of Blacks in Antebellum Virginia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978); and Steven M. Stowe, "Obstetrics and the Work of Doctoring in the Mid-Nineteenth-Century American South," Bull. Hist. Med., 1990, 64: 540-66.
79. On the treatment of enslaved blacks by a white physician, a free or slave black person, or the white mistress in the antebellum South, see Kenneth F. Kiple with Virginia Himmelsteib King, Another Dimension to the Black Diaspora: Diet, Disease, and Racism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 164-72.
80. George P. Rawick, ed., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, Supplement, Series 1, vol. 10: Mississippi Narratives, part 5 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1977), p. 2056.
81. George P. Rawick, ed., The American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, Supplement, Series 1, vol. 10: Mississippi Narratives, part 5 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1977), p. 2056.
82. Ibid., vol. 8: Mississippi Narratives, part 3, p. 1087.
83. Ibid., vol. 8: Mississippi Narratives, part 3, p. 1087.
84. Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), p. 320. On the transitions occurring in the provision of professional health care for blacks during Reconstruction, see Gaines M. Foster, "The Limitations of Federal Health Care for Freedmen, 1863-1868," J. Southern Hist., 1982, 48: 349-72; Marshall Scott Legan, "Disease and the Freedmen in Mississippi during Reconstruction," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1973, 28: 257-67; and Todd L. Savitt, "Politics in Medicine: The Georgia Freedmen's Bureau and the Organization of Health Care," Civil War Hist., 1982, 28: 45-62.
85. Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), p. 320. On the transitions occurring in the provision of professional health care for blacks during Reconstruction, see Gaines M. Foster, "The Limitations of Federal Health Care for Freedmen, 1863-1868," J. Southern Hist., 1982, 48: 349-72; Marshall Scott Legan, "Disease and the Freedmen in Mississippi during Reconstruction," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1973, 28: 257-67; and Todd L. Savitt, "Politics in Medicine: The Georgia Freedmen's Bureau and the Organization of Health Care," Civil War Hist., 1982, 28: 45-62.
86. Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), p. 320. On the transitions occurring in the provision of professional health care for blacks during Reconstruction, see Gaines M. Foster, "The Limitations of Federal Health Care for Freedmen, 1863-1868," J. Southern Hist., 1982, 48: 349-72; Marshall Scott Legan, "Disease and the Freedmen in Mississippi during Reconstruction," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1973, 28: 257-67; and Todd L. Savitt, "Politics in Medicine: The Georgia Freedmen's Bureau and the Organization of Health Care," Civil War Hist., 1982, 28: 45-62.
87. Joel Williamson, After Slavery: The Negro in South Carolina during Reconstruction, 1861-1877 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965), p. 320. On the transitions occurring in the provision of professional health care for blacks during Reconstruction, see Gaines M. Foster, "The Limitations of Federal Health Care for Freedmen, 1863-1868," J. Southern Hist., 1982, 48: 349-72; Marshall Scott Legan, "Disease and the Freedmen in Mississippi during Reconstruction," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1973, 28: 257-67; and Todd L. Savitt, "Politics in Medicine: The Georgia Freedmen's Bureau and the Organization of Health Care," Civil War Hist., 1982, 28: 45-62.
88. Todd Savitt shows that only white physicians were allowed to perform surgery on black patients at most southern hospitals. Although black physicians were always in high demand, some black patients chose to go to white physicians even when black physicians were available. Savitt argues that this was so because white physicians had traditionally treated black patients during the years of slavery, and because whites were constantly asserting the inferiority and incompetence of blacks: Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 509, 517-18, 525, 528.
89. On African-American home health remedies, folk medicine, and attitudes toward professional medicine in the twentieth century, see Beardsley, History of Neglect (n. 5), pp. 33-35, 295; Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 158-59; and Loudell F. Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993).
90. On African-American home health remedies, folk medicine, and attitudes toward professional medicine in the twentieth century, see Beardsley, History of Neglect (n. 5), pp. 33-35, 295; Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 158-59; and Loudell F. Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993).
91. On African-American home health remedies, folk medicine, and attitudes toward professional medicine in the twentieth century, see Beardsley, History of Neglect (n. 5), pp. 33-35, 295; Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 158-59; and Loudell F. Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1993).
92. Chalmers Archer, Jr., Growing Up Black in Rural Mississippi: Memories of a Family, Heritage of a Place (New York: Walker, 1992), p. 89.
93. Ibid., p. 90.
94. ibid., pp. 94-95. Some African Americans in rural Mississippi rarely saw white medical doctors. Bernita Washington recalled going to a physician only once while growing up in the Mississippi Delta: see Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 29. Douglas Conner, in his memoir on his Starkville, Miss., medical practice, notes that blacks in town usually went to white physicians, while rural blacks went to black physicians in surrounding areas if they were in need of professional medicine: Douglas L. Conner with John F. Marszalek, A Black Physician's Story: Bringing Hope in Mississippi (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1985), p. 78.
95. ibid., pp. 94-95. Some African Americans in rural Mississippi rarely saw white medical doctors. Bernita Washington recalled going to a physician only once while growing up in the Mississippi Delta: see Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 29. Douglas Conner, in his memoir on his Starkville, Miss., medical practice, notes that blacks in town usually went to white physicians, while rural blacks went to black physicians in surrounding areas if they were in need of professional medicine: Douglas L. Conner with John F. Marszalek, A Black Physician's Story: Bringing Hope in Mississippi (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1985), p. 78.
96. ibid., pp. 94-95. Some African Americans in rural Mississippi rarely saw white medical doctors. Bernita Washington recalled going to a physician only once while growing up in the Mississippi Delta: see Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 29. Douglas Conner, in his memoir on his Starkville, Miss., medical practice, notes that blacks in town usually went to white physicians, while rural blacks went to black physicians in surrounding areas if they were in need of professional medicine: Douglas L. Conner with John F. Marszalek, A Black Physician's Story: Bringing Hope in Mississippi (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1985), p. 78.
97. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
98. Dorothy Jackson, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 30 May 1996.
99. Jerome Hirsch, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 12 June 1996.
100. On the powerful meanings of blood in regard to race, see Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); and Keith Wailoo, Drawing Blood: Technology and Disease Identity in Twentieth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp. 134-61.
101. On the powerful meanings of blood in regard to race, see Spencie Love, One Blood: The Death and Resurrection of Charles R. Drew (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); and Keith Wailoo, Drawing Blood: Technology and Disease Identity in Twentieth-Century America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), pp. 134-61.
102. Hirsch interview (n. 42). Neither Jerome Hirsch nor any of the other white physicians mentioned black midwives, to whom black women were more likely to turn than to white physicians in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Hortense Powerdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939), p. 199. On black midwives in the Deep South, see Onnie Lee Logan as told to Katherine Clark, Motherwit: An Alabama Midwife's Story (New York: Button, 1989); Margaret Charles Smith and Linda Janet Holmes, Listen to Me Good: The Life Story of an Alabama Midwife (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996); Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 118-24; and Susan L. Smith, "White Nurses, Black Midwives, and Public Health in Mississippi, 1920-1950" Nursing Hist. Rev., 1994, 2: 29-49.
103. Hirsch interview (n. 42). Neither Jerome Hirsch nor any of the other white physicians mentioned black midwives, to whom black women were more likely to turn than to white physicians in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Hortense Powerdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939), p. 199. On black midwives in the Deep South, see Onnie Lee Logan as told to Katherine Clark, Motherwit: An Alabama Midwife's Story (New York: Button, 1989); Margaret Charles Smith and Linda Janet Holmes, Listen to Me Good: The Life Story of an Alabama Midwife (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996); Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 118-24; and Susan L. Smith, "White Nurses, Black Midwives, and Public Health in Mississippi, 1920-1950" Nursing Hist. Rev., 1994, 2: 29-49.
104. Hirsch interview (n. 42). Neither Jerome Hirsch nor any of the other white physicians mentioned black midwives, to whom black women were more likely to turn than to white physicians in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Hortense Powerdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939), p. 199. On black midwives in the Deep South, see Onnie Lee Logan as told to Katherine Clark, Motherwit: An Alabama Midwife's Story (New York: Button, 1989); Margaret Charles Smith and Linda Janet Holmes, Listen to Me Good: The Life Story of an Alabama Midwife (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996); Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 118-24; and Susan L. Smith, "White Nurses, Black Midwives, and Public Health in Mississippi, 1920-1950" Nursing Hist. Rev., 1994, 2: 29-49.
105. Hirsch interview (n. 42). Neither Jerome Hirsch nor any of the other white physicians mentioned black midwives, to whom black women were more likely to turn than to white physicians in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Hortense Powerdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939), p. 199. On black midwives in the Deep
106. Hirsch interview (n. 42). Neither Jerome Hirsch nor any of the other white physicians mentioned black midwives, to whom black women were more likely to turn than to white physicians in the first half of the twentieth century. See, for example, Hortense Powerdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: Viking Press, 1939), p. 199. On black midwives in the Deep South, see Onnie Lee Logan as told to Katherine Clark, Motherwit: An Alabama Midwife's Story (New York: Button, 1989); Margaret Charles Smith and Linda Janet Holmes, Listen to Me Good: The Life Story of an Alabama Midwife (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1996); Smith, Sick and Tired (n. 15), pp. 118-24; and Susan L. Smith, "White Nurses, Black Midwives, and Public Health in Mississippi, 1920-1950" Nursing Hist. Rev., 1994, 2: 29-49.
107. A Delta Democrat Times article said that General Hospital administrator Roy Meyers "knew of at least two Negro doctors in the community who have treated white patients" ("Hospital Not Eligible for Medicare Program," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 25 March 1966, p. 1).
108. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
109. Iris Yeldell Stacker, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 18 June 1996.
110. Douglas L. Conner, A Black Physician's Story (n. 39), p. 79. On white patients going to black physicians for treatment of venereal diseases, see Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), p. 529. White patients would also go to black physicians because they charged lower fees than white physicians: ibid., p. 528.
111. Douglas L. Conner, A Black Physician's Story (n. 39), p. 79. On white patients going to black physicians for treatment of venereal diseases, see Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), p. 529. White patients would also go to black physicians because they charged lower fees than white physicians: ibid., p. 528.
112. Douglas L. Conner, A Black Physician's Story (n. 39), p. 79. On white patients going to black physicians for treatment of venereal diseases, see Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), p. 529. White patients would also go to black physicians because they charged lower fees than white physicians: ibid., p. 528.
113. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
114. On enslaved and free African-American women who were valued by whites for their medical skills, see Kiple with King, Another Dimension (n. 31), p. 168.
115. On the limited educational opportunities available to black nurses, particularly in the South, and the efforts of black hospitals and training schools to overcome the racist structure of white medical education, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 3-84.
116. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
117. John C. Suares, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 11 June 1996.
118. Ibid.; subsequent quotations in this paragraph are from this interview.
119. Vanessa Gamble documents an Alabama law in the 1920s prohibiting white women nurses from treating black men: "Penalties for violation of the statute were a fine of between ten and two hundred dollars. In addition, a prison sentence of up to six months could be imposed" (Gamble, Making a Place [n. 5], p. 82).
120. Suares interview (n. 53).
121. Gertha M. Bridges, interview by Daisy M. Greene, 29 June 1977, Washington County-Mississippi Department of Archives and History Oral History Project, p. 2 (Percy Library). Also cited courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
122. Ibid., p. 7.
123. Ibid., p. 5.
124. Ibid., p. 5
125. Ibid., p. 7.
126. Jasper Austin Charles, interview by Daisy M. Greene, 4 July 1978, Washington County-Mississippi Department of Archives and History Oral History Project, p. 21 (Percy Library). Also cited courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History.
127. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
128. Ibid.
129. Ibid.
130. "It's a Woman's World - Emergency Room Nurses," [Greenville], Delta Democrat Times, 8 March 1972, p. 5. Darlene Clark Hine shows how black nurses learned that healing was not simply a matter of attending to a patient's disease in isolation from the patient's social surroundings: Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5).
131. "It's a Woman's World - Emergency Room Nurses," [Greenville], Delta Democrat Times, 8 March 1972, p. 5. Darlene Clark Hine shows how black nurses learned that healing was not simply a matter of attending to a patient's disease in isolation from the patient's social surroundings: Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5).
132. Suares interview (n. 53); subsequent quotations in this paragraph are from this interview.
133. On lower-income patients as clinical material for medical schools, see Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 62-63.
134. On the attitude of medical physicians in the first several decades of the twentieth century that it was "unprofessional" to try to make a profit from medical work, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 216, 230-31. On the decline of charity in professional medicine, see Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), esp. p. 269.
135. On the attitude of medical physicians in the first several decades of the twentieth century that it was "unprofessional" to try to make a profit from medical work, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 216, 230-31. On the decline of charity in professional medicine, see Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), esp. p. 269.
136. Suares interview (n. 53).
137. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
138. Ibid. On the reduction of patients to bodily organs and diseases, regardless of race, see, for example, Wailoo, Drawing Blood (n. 43), esp. p. 63.
139. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
140. Jackson interview (n. 41); subsequent quotations in this paragraph are from this interview.
141. The General Hospital administration did not make a formal request to the Washington County Board of Supervisors for the funds to pay for the air-conditioning of the black wing until August 1965. In the request, hospital administrator Roy Meyers mentioned the "question of integration" as a looming issue: letter from Roy F. Meyers to the Washington County Board of Supervisors, 9 August 1965, Board of Supervisors Minute Book #40 (Washington County Courthouse, Greenville, Miss.).
142. Logan, Motherwit (n. 44), pp. 101-2.
143. Endesha Ida Mae Dunaway, From the Mississippi Delta: A Memoir (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), pp. 111-12, 296, 242 p. 111.
144. Ibid., p. 112.
145. Ibid., p. 296.
146. Historians such as Spencie Love and Vanessa Gamble have documented the tragic accounts of African Americans dying because they were refused medical care from white hospitals. Spencie Love examines the false rumor that spread throughout the black community after the death of the prominent black physician Charles Drew, that he had been turned away from a hospital and consequently bled to death. The myth was important, Love argues, because it reflected the experiences of so many blacks who were refused treatment when in desperate need for medical attention: Love, One Blood (n. 43). See also Charles E. Wynes, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). Vanessa Gamble notes how whites would not accept blacks into their hospitals even in emergency cases: Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 13, 22. On the preference of black patients for black hospitals, see ibid. On the refusal of whites to treat blacks at white hospitals or on white wings, see also Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), pp. 898-99. Loudell Snow, drawing from interviews with mostly elderly African Americans, notes that many blacks continued to have a negative view of the hospital in the post-1970s: Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 31.
147. Historians such as Spencie Love and Vanessa Gamble have documented the tragic accounts of African Americans dying because they were refused medical care from white hospitals. Spencie Love examines the false rumor that spread throughout the black community after the death of the prominent black physician Charles Drew, that he had been turned away from a hospital and consequently bled to death. The myth was important, Love argues, because it reflected the experiences of so many blacks who were refused treatment when in desperate need for medical attention: Love, One Blood (n. 43). See also Charles E. Wynes, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). Vanessa Gamble notes how whites would not accept blacks into their hospitals even in emergency cases: Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 13, 22. On the preference of black patients for black hospitals, see ibid. On the refusal of whites to treat blacks at white hospitals or on white wings, see also Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), pp. 898-99. Loudell Snow, drawing from interviews with mostly elderly African Americans, notes that many blacks continued to have a negative view of the hospital in the post-1970s: Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 31.
148. Historians such as Spencie Love and Vanessa Gamble have documented the tragic accounts of African Americans dying because they were refused medical care from white hospitals. Spencie Love examines the false rumor that spread throughout the black community after the death of the prominent black physician Charles Drew, that he had been turned away from a hospital and consequently bled to death. The myth was important, Love argues, because it reflected the experiences of so many blacks who were refused treatment when in desperate need for medical attention: Love, One Blood (n. 43). See also Charles E. Wynes, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). Vanessa Gamble notes how whites would not accept blacks into their hospitals even in emergency cases: Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 13, 22. On the preference of black patients for black hospitals, see ibid. On the refusal of whites to treat blacks at white hospitals or on white wings, see also Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), pp. 898-99. Loudell Snow, drawing from interviews with mostly elderly African Americans, notes that many blacks continued to have a negative view of the hospital in the post-1970s: Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 31.
149. Historians such as Spencie Love and Vanessa Gamble have documented the tragic accounts of African Americans dying because they were refused medical care from white hospitals. Spencie Love examines the false rumor that spread throughout the black community after the death of the prominent black physician Charles Drew, that he had been turned away from a hospital and consequently bled to death. The myth was important, Love argues, because it reflected the experiences of so many blacks who were refused treatment when in desperate need for medical attention: Love, One Blood (n. 43). See also Charles E. Wynes, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). Vanessa Gamble notes how whites would not accept blacks into their hospitals even in emergency cases: Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 13, 22. On the preference of black patients for black hospitals, see ibid. On the refusal of whites to treat blacks at white hospitals or on white wings, see also Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), pp. 898-99. Loudell Snow, drawing from interviews with mostly elderly African Americans, notes that many blacks continued to have a negative view of the hospital in the post-1970s: Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 31.
150. Historians such as Spencie Love and Vanessa Gamble have documented the tragic accounts of African Americans dying because they were refused medical care from white hospitals. Spencie Love examines the false rumor that spread throughout the black community after the death of the prominent black physician Charles Drew, that he had been turned away from a hospital and consequently bled to death. The myth was important, Love argues, because it reflected the experiences of so many blacks who were refused treatment when in desperate need for medical attention: Love, One Blood (n. 43). See also Charles E. Wynes, Charles Richard Drew: The Man and the Myth (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988). Vanessa Gamble notes how whites would not accept blacks into their hospitals even in emergency cases: Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5), pp. 13, 22. On the preference of black patients for black hospitals, see ibid. On the refusal of whites to treat blacks at white hospitals or on white wings, see also Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), pp. 898-99. Loudell Snow, drawing from interviews with mostly elderly African Americans, notes that many blacks continued to have a negative view of the hospital in the post-1970s: Snow, Walkin' over Medicine (n. 36), p. 31.
151. Bridges interview (n. 57), p. 7.
152. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
153. Suares interview (n. 53).
154. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
155. Ibid. Shanklin was also trenchant in her recognition of unequal pay. On the efforts of black hospital workers to unionize for better wages and conditions, see Gregg L. Michel, "'Union Power, Soul Power': Unionizing Hopkins University Hospital, 1959-1974," Labor Hist., 1996, 38: 28-66; and Karen Brodkin Sacks, Caring by the Hour: Women, Work, and Organizing at Duke University Medical Center (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988).
156. Ibid. Shanklin was also trenchant in her recognition of unequal pay. On the efforts of black hospital workers to unionize for better wages and conditions, see Gregg L. Michel, "'Union Power, Soul Power': Unionizing Hopkins University Hospital, 1959-1974," Labor Hist., 1996, 38: 28-66; and Karen Brodkin Sacks, Caring by the Hour: Women, Work, and Organizing at Duke University Medical Center (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988).
157. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
158. On Meharry Medical College, see Darlene Clark Hine, "The Pursuit of Professional Equality: Meharry Medical College, 1921-1938, A Case Study," in New Perspectives on Black Educational History, ed. Vincent P. Franklin and James D. Anderson (Boston: G. K. Hall, 1978), pp. 173-92. The other black medical school was Howard University School of Medicine in Washington, D.C.
159. Matthew Page, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 3 April 1996.
160. Ibid.
161. Matthew Page, interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 18 June 1996.
162. "Hospital Not Eligible" (n. 45).
163. Page, April interview (n. 88). On African-American physicians who struggled against racial segregation and discrimination, see Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5); and Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5).
164. Page, April interview (n. 88). On African-American physicians who struggled against racial segregation and discrimination, see Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5); and Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5).
165. Page, April interview (n. 88). On African-American physicians who struggled against racial segregation and discrimination, see Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4); Gamble, Making a Place (n. 5); and Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5).
166. Wanda Ross, interview by author, Leland, Miss., 8 July 1996; subsequent quotations in this paragraph are from this interview.
167. For an example of a black physician who was not allowed to treat any white women, see Beardsley, "Good-bye tojim Crow" (n. 4), p. 384. On white physicians acting as back-ups in case a white patient refused to be treated by the black physician on call, see Conner, Black Physician's Story (n. 39), p. 82.
168. For an example of a black physician who was not allowed to treat any white women, see Beardsley, "Good-bye tojim Crow" (n. 4), p. 384. On white physicians acting as back-ups in case a white patient refused to be treated by the black physician on call, see Conner, Black Physician's Story (n. 39), p. 82.
169. Suares interview (n. 53). P. Preston Reyolds describes the black wings of some segregated hospitals as located in a basement, an attic, or a separate, smaller building: Reynolds, "Hospitals and Civil Rights" (n. 5), p. 898.
170. Suares interview (n. 53).
171. Hirsch interview (n. 42).
172. Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4), p. 367.
173. Shanklin interview (n. 1).
174. Ibid.
175. Ross interview (n. 93); subsequent quotations in this paragraph are from this interview.
176. On white nurses refusing to work with black nurses, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 62, 106. Hine also shows that white nurses were resentful about the domestic stigma that they thought black women brought to the profession.
177. On white patients' opposition to hospital desegregation or the admitting of black patients to white hospitals, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 245, 257; and Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4), pp. 370, 379. Beardsley cites a telling quotation from a Charleston, S.C., newspaper article condemning the courts for "forcing racial integration down the throats of patients" (ibid., p. 380); white nurses evidently were not an issue.
178. On white patients' opposition to hospital desegregation or the admitting of black patients to white hospitals, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 245, 257; and Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4), pp. 370, 379. Beardsley cites a telling quotation from a Charleston, S.C., newspaper article condemning the courts for "forcing racial integration down the throats of patients" (ibid., p. 380); white nurses evidently were not an issue.
179. On white patients' opposition to hospital desegregation or the admitting of black patients to white hospitals, see Reynolds, "Watts Hospital" (n. 17), pp. 245, 257; and Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4), pp. 370, 379. Beardsley cites a telling quotation from a Charleston, S.C., newspaper article condemning the courts for "forcing racial integration down the throats of patients" (ibid., p. 380); white nurses evidently were not an issue.
180. Roy D. Campbell, Jr., interview by author, Greenville, Miss., 7 June 1996.
181. Dunaway interview (n. 29).
182. Beardsley, "Good-bye to Jim Crow" (n. 4), p. 377.
183. Brown interview (n. 23).
184. Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 188.
185. Brown interview (n. 23).
186. "Hospital Eyes Male-Female Segregation," [Greenville] Delta Democrat Times, 20 March 1968, p. 2.
187. On the African-American woman nurse and nurturer in the antebellum period, see Savitt, Medicine and Slavery (n. 30), pp. 180, 182-83. On the image of African-American women as natural nurturers and as angels of mercy to the black community, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 3, 12-15, 76. On black women "prized as nurses" by whites, see Cohn, Where I Was Born (n. 15), p. 84. On whites who claimed deep attachment to the black women who worked for their families, see, for example, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 206-7.
188. On the African-American woman nurse and nurturer in the antebellum period, see Savitt, Medicine and Slavery (n. 30), pp. 180, 182-83. On the image of African-American women as natural nurturers and as angels of mercy to the black community, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 3, 12-15, 76. On black women "prized as nurses" by whites, see Cohn, Where I Was Born (n. 15), p. 84. On whites who claimed deep attachment to the black women who worked for their families, see, for example, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 206-7.
189. On the African-American woman nurse and nurturer in the antebellum period, see Savitt, Medicine and Slavery (n. 30), pp. 180, 182-83. On the image of African-American women as natural nurturers and as angels of mercy to the black community, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 3, 12-15, 76. On black women "prized as nurses" by whites, see Cohn, Where I Was Born (n. 15), p. 84. On whites who claimed deep attachment to the black women who worked for their families, see, for example, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 206-7.
190. On the African-American woman nurse and nurturer in the antebellum period, see Savitt, Medicine and Slavery (n. 30), pp. 180, 182-83. On the image of African-American women as natural nurturers and as angels of mercy to the black community, see Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), pp. 3, 12-15, 76. On black women "prized as nurses" by whites, see Cohn, Where I Was Born (n. 15), p. 84. On whites who claimed deep attachment to the black women who worked for their families, see, for example, Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896-1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 206-7.
191. John C. Burnham, "American Medicine's Golden Age: What Happened to It?" in Leavitt and Numbers, Sickness and Health (n. 15), pp. 248-58.
192. On the increasing costs and the increasing skepticism toward medicine in the 1970s, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 379-91, 406-8; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 256, 270, 305. By leading to the closure of an overwhelming majority of black hospitals, desegregation also meant that black physicians and nurses would lose the professional autonomy and social prestige that they had gained from working at black hospitals, and black patients would lose a place that had always provided health care to them. See Gamble, Makings Place (n. 5), pp. 11-14, 182-96; Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 62; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 508, 513.
193. On the increasing costs and the increasing skepticism toward medicine in the 1970s, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 379-91, 406-8; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 256, 270, 305. By leading to the closure of an overwhelming majority of black hospitals, desegregation also meant that black physicians and nurses would lose the professional autonomy and social prestige that they had gained from working at black hospitals, and black patients would lose a place that had always provided health care to them. See Gamble, Makings Place (n. 5), pp. 11-14, 182-96; Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 62; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 508, 513.
194. On the increasing costs and the increasing skepticism toward medicine in the 1970s, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 379-91, 406-8; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 256, 270, 305. By leading to the closure of an overwhelming majority of black hospitals, desegregation also meant that black physicians and nurses would lose the professional autonomy and social prestige that they had gained from working at black hospitals, and black patients would lose a place that had always provided health care to them. See Gamble, Makings Place (n. 5), pp. 11-14, 182-96; Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 62; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 508, 513.
195. On the increasing costs and the increasing skepticism toward medicine in the 1970s, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 379-91, 406-8; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 256, 270, 305. By leading to the closure of an overwhelming majority of black hospitals, desegregation also meant that black physicians and nurses would lose the professional autonomy and social prestige that they had gained from working at black hospitals, and black patients would lose a place that had always provided health care to them. See Gamble, Makings Place (n. 5), pp. 11-14, 182-96; Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 62; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 508, 513.
196. On the increasing costs and the increasing skepticism toward medicine in the 1970s, see Starr, Social Transformation (n. 18), pp. 379-91, 406-8; and Stevens, In Sickness (n. 3), pp. 256, 270, 305. By leading to the closure of an overwhelming majority of black hospitals, desegregation also meant that black physicians and nurses would lose the professional autonomy and social prestige that they had gained from working at black hospitals, and black patients would lose a place that had always provided health care to them. See Gamble, Makings Place (n. 5), pp. 11-14, 182-96; Hine, Black Women in White (n. 5), p. 62; and Savitt, "Entering a White Profession" (n. 5), pp. 508, 513.
197. On the persistence throughout the twentieth century of higher mortality and morbidity rates for black Americans than for white Americans for many diseases, despite technological innovation and hospital desegregation, see McBride, From TB to AIDS (n. 11), p. 2.
198. Hirsch interview (n. 42).