Multinational enterprise in ancient Phoenicia

Business History

Volumn 42, Issue 2, 2000, Pages 17-42

  Moore, K J ^a   Lewis, D C ^b  

^a UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

^b UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; INDUSTRIAL STRUCTURE; MULTINATIONAL ENTERPRISE; TRADE FLOW;

MEDITERRANEAN REGION;

EID: 0034020569     PISSN: 00076791     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/00076790000000219     Document Type: Article

References (113)

1. This material is adapted from a forthcoming book by the same authors, Birth of the Multinational: 2000 Years of Ancient Business History - From Ashur to Augustus, to be published by the Copenhagen Business School Press.
2. J. Dunning, Multinational Enterprises and The Global Economy (Wokingham, 1993), p.96.
3. For example in W. Rostow, The World Economy: History and Prospect (Texas, 1978); D. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, MA, 1990); J. Powelson, Centuries of Economic Endeavor (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994).
4. For example in W. Rostow, The World Economy: History and Prospect (Texas, 1978); D. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, MA, 1990); J. Powelson, Centuries of Economic Endeavor (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994).
5. For example in W. Rostow, The World Economy: History and Prospect (Texas, 1978); D. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, MA, 1990); J. Powelson, Centuries of Economic Endeavor (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994).
6. For example in W. Rostow, The World Economy: History and Prospect (Texas, 1978); D. North, Structure and Change in Economic History (New York, 1981); A. Chandler, Scale and Scope: The Dynamics of Industrial Capitalism (Cambridge, MA, 1990); J. Powelson, Centuries of Economic Endeavor (Ann Arbor, MI, 1994).
7. For example, L. Orlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia (The Hague, 1970); M. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and Its Colonies (Copenhagen, 1976); M. Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade (Cambridge, 1987).
8. For example, L. Orlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia (The Hague, 1970); M. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and Its Colonies (Copenhagen, 1976); M. Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade (Cambridge, 1987).
9. For example, L. Orlin, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia (The Hague, 1970); M. Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and Its Colonies (Copenhagen, 1976); M. Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West: Politics, Colonies and Trade (Cambridge, 1987).
10. Dunning, Multinational Enterprises, p.3.
11. Two other important theories which seek to explain foreign activities of firms are the internalisation theory of the MNE; for some key works in the area, see P. Buckley and M. Casson, The Future of the Multinational Enterprise (London, 1976); J. Hennart, A Theory of Multinational Enterprise (Ann Arbor, MI, 1982); and for the macro-economics theory of foreign direct investment best represented by Kojima, see his 'Reorganization of North-South Trade: Japan's Foreign Economics Policy for the 1970s', Hitosubashi Journal of Economics, Vol.23 (1973), pp.630-40, and K. Kojima, 'Japanese Direct Investment Abroad', Social Science Research Institute Monograph Series 1 (Tokyo, 1990)
12. Two other important theories which seek to explain foreign activities of firms are the internalisation theory of the MNE; for some key works in the area, see P. Buckley and M. Casson, The Future of the Multinational Enterprise (London, 1976); J. Hennart, A Theory of Multinational Enterprise (Ann Arbor, MI, 1982); and for the macro-economics theory of foreign direct investment best represented by Kojima, see his 'Reorganization of North-South Trade: Japan's Foreign Economics Policy for the 1970s', Hitosubashi Journal of Economics, Vol.23 (1973), pp.630-40, and K. Kojima, 'Japanese Direct Investment Abroad', Social Science Research Institute Monograph Series 1 (Tokyo, 1990)
13. Two other important theories which seek to explain foreign activities of firms are the internalisation theory of the MNE; for some key works in the area, see P. Buckley and M. Casson, The Future of the Multinational Enterprise (London, 1976); J. Hennart, A Theory of Multinational Enterprise (Ann Arbor, MI, 1982); and for the macro-economics theory of foreign direct investment best represented by Kojima, see his 'Reorganization of North-South Trade: Japan's Foreign Economics Policy for the 1970s', Hitosubashi Journal of Economics, Vol.23 (1973), pp.630-40, and K. Kojima, 'Japanese Direct Investment Abroad', Social Science Research Institute Monograph Series 1 (Tokyo, 1990)
14. Two other important theories which seek to explain foreign activities of firms are the internalisation theory of the MNE; for some key works in the area, see P. Buckley and M. Casson, The Future of the Multinational Enterprise (London, 1976); J. Hennart, A Theory of Multinational Enterprise (Ann Arbor, MI, 1982); and for the macro-economics theory of foreign direct investment best represented by Kojima, see his 'Reorganization of North-South Trade: Japan's Foreign Economics Policy for the 1970s', Hitosubashi Journal of Economics, Vol.23 (1973), pp.630-40, and K. Kojima, 'Japanese Direct Investment Abroad', Social Science Research Institute Monograph Series 1 (Tokyo, 1990)
15. For an further discussion of internalisation advantages, see Buckley and Casson, The Future of the Multinational, and G. Ietto-Gillies, International Production: Trends, Theories, Effects (Oxford, 1992).
16. For an further discussion of internalisation advantages, see Buckley and Casson, The Future of the Multinational, and G. Ietto-Gillies, International Production: Trends, Theories, Effects (Oxford, 1992).
17. P. Buckley, 'The Role of Management in Internalisation Theory', Management International Review, Vol.33 No.3 (1993), p. 198.
18. Ietto-Gillies, International Production, and Dunning, Multinational Enterprises.
19. A. Rugman, 'A New Theory of the Multinational Enterprise: Internationalization versus Internalization', Columbia Journal of World Business, Vol.29 (Spring 1980), p.26.
20. Ibid., A New Theory; M. Casson, The Firm and the Market (Oxford, 1987); letto-Gillies, International Production.
21. Ibid., A New Theory; M. Casson, The Firm and the Market (Oxford, 1987); letto-Gillies, International Production.
22. Ibid., A New Theory; M. Casson, The Firm and the Market (Oxford, 1987); letto-Gillies, International Production.
23. A. Rugman and M. Gestrin, The Strategic Response of Multinational Enterprises to NAFTA', Columbia Journal of World Business, Vol.28 (1993), p. 19.
24. J. Dunning, 'The Globalization of Firms and the Competitiveness of Countries: Some Implications for the Theory of International Production', in J. Dunning (ed.), Globalization of Firms and The Competitiveness of Nations (Lund, Sweden, 1990).
25. Rugman and Gestrin, The Strategic Response, p. 19.
26. Dunning, The Globalization of Firms.
27. K. Moore and D. Lewis, The First MNEs: Assyria Circa 2000 BC', Management International Review, No.2 (1998).
28. A. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East, Volume 1 (London, 1994), p. 111.
29. State-owned multinational enterprises (SOEs) were a growing phenomenon until the mid-1980s. In 1965. 19 of the world's largest 200 industrial enterprises outside the US were SOEs; by 1985 there were 35 on the same list, including 18 foreign direct investments, Dunning, Multinational Enterprises, pp.40-50. Few would question these firms as being 'real' MNEs.
30. R. Clifford, 'Phoenician Religion', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No.279 (August 1990), pp.55-64; D. Harden, The Phoenicians, pp.82-6.
31. R. Clifford, 'Phoenician Religion', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No.279 (August 1990), pp.55-64; D. Harden, The Phoenicians, pp.82-6.
32. According to Etsuo Abe and Robert Fitzgerald, Japanese society is an ideal archetype of this model: 'Just as individuals were linked to families, families were linked to village communities, and village communities looked to local lords for protection and favour, just as local lords looked to the Tokugawa shogunate. Consequently, hierarchical connections had a political and military purpose as well as an economic and social one, and, within this "vertical society", membership of a group became closely tied to personal identity.' E. Abe and R. Fitzgerald, 'Japanese Economic Success', Business History (1995). p.11.
33. M. Heltzer, 'A Recently Discovered Phoenician Inscription and the Problem of the Guilds of Metal-Casters', Atti del I Congresso Internazionale di Studi fenici e punici, Roma, 5-10 Novembre 1979
34. Rome, Consiglio Nazionale della Ricerche, 3 vols: Vol.1, pp.119-23, 124, 135. Abdihaqab is thought to have lived around the period of 1100-1050 BC.
35. Heltzer, 'Phoenician Inscription', p. 136; E. Linder, 'Ugarit, A Canaanite Thalassocracy', in G.D. Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake, Indiana, 1981), p.35; A.F. Rainey, 'Business Agents at Ugarit', in Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect, pp.313-21.
36. Heltzer, 'Phoenician Inscription', p. 136; E. Linder, 'Ugarit, A Canaanite Thalassocracy', in G.D. Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake, Indiana, 1981), p.35; A.F. Rainey, 'Business Agents at Ugarit', in Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect, pp.313-21.
37. Heltzer, 'Phoenician Inscription', p. 136; E. Linder, 'Ugarit, A Canaanite Thalassocracy', in G.D. Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic (Winona Lake, Indiana, 1981), p.35; A.F. Rainey, 'Business Agents at Ugarit', in Young (ed.), Ugarit in Retrospect, pp.313-21.
38. Heltzer, 'Phoenician Inscription', pp. 140-42.
39. Ibid., pp. 142-3, 147; Under, 'Ugarit', p.35.
40. Ibid., pp. 142-3, 147; Under, 'Ugarit', p.35.
41. According to Y. Kunio, the Japanese 'government is an important source of funds' for the trading companies, including low interest and relief loans without which many of their ventures might be unprofitable. Y. Kunio, Sogo Shosha: The Vanguard of the Japanese Economy (New York, 1982). p.275.
42. Linder describes the grain enterprise as 'monopolized by the king and shipped by his fleet', 'Ugarit', p.33.
43. Heltzer, 'Phoenician Inscription', pp. 135-7.
44. Rainey, 'Business Agents', p.314.
45. Ibid., p.315.
46. 'The Journey of Wen-Amon to Phoenicia', text in M.E. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West (Cambridge, 1996), Appendix II, p.298.
47. According to M.E. Aubet, The presence of the powerful Urkatel suggests that there may have existed in Phoenicia from earliest times a highly developed private commerce, operating in circles very close to the palace or directly subordinate to the royal house. In that case, the hubur might be organised corporations or shipping consortia running a regular trade between the Phoenician coast and Egypt and operating with complete autonomy under the protection of a wealthy man'. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.93.
48. R.R. Stieglitz, The Geopolitics of the Phoenician Littoral in the Early Iron Age', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, No.279 (August 1990), p. 11.
49. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, pp.27, 29-32, 35.
50. I Kings 5:11; Sabatino Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, English translation by Alastair Hamilton (London, 1968). p.13.
51. M. Elat, 'The Monarchy and The Development of Trade in Ancient Israel', in E. Lipinski (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, Proceedings of the International NJ, 3rd edn. 1969), p.134. This craftsman-god, also worshipped as Kothar, was even more involved in the market, building palaces for Baal from the cedars of Lebanon and trading across the Levant and the Aegean: 'There now, be off on thy way to Kaphtor, the throne that he sits on, Hikpat the land of his portion' (p. 138).
52. M. Silver, Economic Structures of Antiquity (Westport, CT, 1995), pp.6-7, 18-19, 25-7.
53. Ibid., p.32.
54. 'In explaining financial connections among cults or administrative controls of one cult by another or the sharing of temples or the merger of cults or temple complexes, the economist would of course be inclined to stress explanations in terms of efficient organisation or the exercise by mother cults of quality controls over franchiser cults or economies of scale or scope. Standard explanations stress battles over supremacy and cultic imperialism or mere "friendly connections" between sites worshipping the same diety.' Silver, Economic Structures, p.33.
55. Ibid., p. 10.
56. Ibid., p.8.
57. II Kings 9-10 recounts the Israelite coup and the slaughter of the Melkart hierarchy in Samaria; chapter 11 records a parallel revolt against Queen Athaiah in Judah led by the temple priest Jehoiada restoring both the Davidic line and the traditional Hebrew worship. I Kings 18 relates the story of the confrontation between Elijah and the state-supported priests who undoubtedly supervised Tyrian business activity in northern Israel. Carmel may well have been the site of a joint Israelite-Tyrian shrine to Melkart. Stern, 'New Evidence', p.32. In the commercial context of this presence, Elijah's taunt that Baal was 'on a journey' (I Kings 18:27) takes on new significance.
58. One of Pritchard's Assyrian texts records Ashurnasirpal II (883-59 BC) receiving 'tribute of the seacoast from the inhabitants of Tyre, Sidon, Byblos' in the form of 'gold, silver, tin, copper, copper containers, linen garments with multicolored trimmings, large and small monkeys, ebony, boxwood, [and] ivory from walrus tusk.' Pritchard, Ancient Texts, pp.276-81.
59. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, pp.18-21; see as well the Esarhaddon texts in Pritchard, Ancient Texts pp.290-91.
60. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, pp.18-21; see as well the Esarhaddon texts in Pritchard, Ancient Texts pp.290-91.
61. Treaty of Esarhaddon with Baal of Tyre, Pritchard, Ancient Texts, p.534.
62. Ibid., p.534.
63. E. Lipinski, 'Les Phéniciens à Ninivé au temps des Sargonide: Ahonbasti, Portier en chef', Atti del I Congresso Internazionale di Studi fenici e punici, Roma, 5-10 Novembre 1979 (Rome, 1983), Vol.I, pp.125-34.
64. A.L. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade in the First Millennium BC', Journal of Cuneiform Studies, Vol.21 (1967), p.253.
65. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239-40. Most of the iron for the Assyrian army came from mines in the region of Aram-Damascus. Syrian mines supplied the armies of the Assyrian king Adad-Nirari III (810-783 BC) with 14, 000 kilograms of iron ore. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239, 241, 246-7. From 1000 BC on 'the West was the major source of the iron used by the Assyrian war machine'. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', p.241.
66. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239-40. Most of the iron for the Assyrian army came from mines in the region of Aram-Damascus. Syrian mines supplied the armies of the Assyrian king Adad-Nirari III (810-783 BC) with 14, 000 kilograms of iron ore. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239, 241, 246-7. From 1000 BC on 'the West was the major source of the iron used by the Assyrian war machine'. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', p.241.
67. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239-40. Most of the iron for the Assyrian army came from mines in the region of Aram-Damascus. Syrian mines supplied the armies of the Assyrian king Adad-Nirari III (810-783 BC) with 14, 000 kilograms of iron ore. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', pp.239, 241, 246-7. From 1000 BC on 'the West was the major source of the iron used by the Assyrian war machine'. Oppenheim, 'Essay in Overland Trade', p.241.
68. In 1940 manufacturing accounted for 59 per cent, food 12 per cent and textiles 17 per cent of the Japanese economy. Abe and Fitzgerald, Japanese Economic Success, pp. 1-2.
69. Ibid., pp.3-4, 7-8.
70. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.45; Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.98. Phoenician metal-working shops in Cyprus 'communicated directly with a nearby temple' whose walls were covered with graffiti of ships. Silver, Economic Structures, p. 19.
71. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.45; Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.98. Phoenician metal-working shops in Cyprus 'communicated directly with a nearby temple' whose walls were covered with graffiti of ships. Silver, Economic Structures, p. 19.
72. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.45; Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.98. Phoenician metal-working shops in Cyprus 'communicated directly with a nearby temple' whose walls were covered with graffiti of ships. Silver, Economic Structures, p. 19.
73. One should also keep in mind that the Princes of Tyre knew how vulnerable they were to Assyrian economic pressure in terms of food. Witness the record of Esarhaddon's attack on Tyre: 'I withheld from them [i.e. the inhabitants of besieged Tyre] food and [fresh] water which sustains life.' Pritchard, Ancient Texts, p.292.
74. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.99.
75. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.234.
76. Diodorus Siculus, Vol.34:35, English translation by C.H. Oldfather (Cambridge, MA, 1939).
77. A. Blanco-Freijeiro and J.M. Luzón, 'Pre-Roman Silver Miners at Riotinto', Antiquity, Vol.XLIII (1969), p.125.
78. R.J. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History: Iberians, Phoenicians and Greeks (London, 1988), pp. 150-51; A. Blanco-Freijeiro and B. Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva (EAH) (Barcelona, 1981), pp.96-8, 101, 104-6, 113-14. According to Aubet, 'we are dealing with an advanced technology and a well-organised mining enterprise. It is not by chance that all this activity in Rio Tinto began at the same time as the first traces of a Phoenician presence appear in the region.' Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.238
79. R.J. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History: Iberians, Phoenicians and Greeks (London, 1988), pp. 150-51; A. Blanco-Freijeiro and B. Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva (EAH) (Barcelona, 1981), pp.96-8, 101, 104-6, 113-14. According to Aubet, 'we are dealing with an advanced technology and a well-organised mining enterprise. It is not by chance that all this activity in Rio Tinto began at the same time as the first traces of a Phoenician presence appear in the region.' Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.238
80. R.J. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History: Iberians, Phoenicians and Greeks (London, 1988), pp. 150-51; A. Blanco-Freijeiro and B. Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva (EAH) (Barcelona, 1981), pp.96-8, 101, 104-6, 113-14. According to Aubet, 'we are dealing with an advanced technology and a well-organised mining enterprise. It is not by chance that all this activity in Rio Tinto began at the same time as the first traces of a Phoenician presence appear in the region.' Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.238
81. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.240; Blanco-Freijeiro and Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva, pp.104-6, 113-14; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.152-3.
82. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.240; Blanco-Freijeiro and Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva, pp.104-6, 113-14; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.152-3.
83. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.240; Blanco-Freijeiro and Rothenberg, Exploración Arqueometalúrgica de Huelva, pp.104-6, 113-14; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.152-3.
84. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, pp.240-41.
85. Oldfather, Diodorus Siculus, Vol.35:2-5.
86. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.200.
87. Harden, The Phoenicians, p.63.
88. Aubet, Phoenicians and the West, p.202.
89. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.99; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.42-3; F. Barreca, 'The Phoenician and Punic Civilization in Sardinia', Miriam S. Balmuth (ed.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology, Volume II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), pp.152-3; F.M. Cross, 'Phoenicians in Sardinia: The Epigraphical Evidence', in Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert J. Rowland (eds.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology (Ann Arbor, MI, 1987), pp.55-6.
90. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.99; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.42-3; F. Barreca, 'The Phoenician and Punic Civilization in Sardinia', Miriam S. Balmuth (ed.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology, Volume II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), pp.152-3; F.M. Cross, 'Phoenicians in Sardinia: The Epigraphical Evidence', in Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert J. Rowland (eds.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology (Ann Arbor, MI, 1987), pp.55-6.
91. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.99; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.42-3; F. Barreca, 'The Phoenician and Punic Civilization in Sardinia', Miriam S. Balmuth (ed.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology, Volume II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), pp.152-3; F.M. Cross, 'Phoenicians in Sardinia: The Epigraphical Evidence', in Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert J. Rowland (eds.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology (Ann Arbor, MI, 1987), pp.55-6.
92. Moscati, The World of the Phoenicians, p.99; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.42-3; F. Barreca, 'The Phoenician and Punic Civilization in Sardinia', Miriam S. Balmuth (ed.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology, Volume II, Sardinia in the Mediterranean (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), pp.152-3; F.M. Cross, 'Phoenicians in Sardinia: The Epigraphical Evidence', in Miriam S. Balmuth and Robert J. Rowland (eds.), Studies In Sardinian Archaeology (Ann Arbor, MI, 1987), pp.55-6.
93. Aubet Phoenicians and the West, p.203; 'In this case, the founding of the colony led to a need to bring the coast and the coastal valleys swiftly under its sway, that is, to establish economic and territorial autonomy in relation to the interior and to guarantee peaceful exploitation of the agricultural land and metal deposits' (p.207).
94. Ibid., pp.205-7; Barreca, 'Phoenicians and Punic', pp.152-4.
95. Ibid., pp.205-7; Barreca, 'Phoenicians and Punic', pp.152-4.
96. M.C.F. Castro, Iberia in Prehistory (Oxford, 1995), pp.177, 183-4.
97. Y. Tsirkin, 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements in Spain', Edward Lipinski (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, pp.548-51, 563.
98. Tsirkin, 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.557; Castro, Iberia in Prehistory, pp. 182-4, 191-2; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.43-4.
99. Tsirkin, 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.557; Castro, Iberia in Prehistory, pp. 182-4, 191-2; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.43-4.
100. Tsirkin, 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.557; Castro, Iberia in Prehistory, pp. 182-4, 191-2; Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.43-4.
101. Among the Iberian towns near the Guadalquivir, the graves of Carmona showed a healthy market for the luxuries produced by these subsidiaries and those in Gades. Tynan craftsmen-importers skilled in finishing ivory created 'a provincial Phoenician workshop within seventh-century BC Carmona itself. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.64-5. Both here and at El Carambolo near Seville, Phoenician technology in gold- and ivory-working, as well as jewellery-making was transferred to native Iberian workshops, whose artisans became as adept as their tutors. An elaborate necklace found near Seville, however may well have come from Gadir itself'. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.66. The clearest example of transnational technology transfer, however, took place in the explosive growth of the Iberian pottery industry, which instead of a household skill, became a mass-production trade after 650 BC. All over southern Spain workshops arose turning out large quantities of the popular grey and red Tyrian stylishly jugs decorated with bands of red, black and maroon paint. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.68.
102. Among the Iberian towns near the Guadalquivir, the graves of Carmona showed a healthy market for the luxuries produced by these subsidiaries and those in Gades. Tynan craftsmen-importers skilled in finishing ivory created 'a provincial Phoenician workshop within seventh-century BC Carmona itself. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.64-5. Both here and at El Carambolo near Seville, Phoenician technology in gold- and ivory-working, as well as jewellery-making was transferred to native Iberian workshops, whose artisans became as adept as their tutors. An elaborate necklace found near Seville, however may well have come from Gadir itself'. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.66. The clearest example of transnational technology transfer, however, took place in the explosive growth of the Iberian pottery industry, which instead of a household skill, became a mass-production trade after 650 BC. All over southern Spain workshops arose turning out large quantities of the popular grey and red Tyrian stylishly jugs decorated with bands of red, black and maroon paint. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.68.
103. Among the Iberian towns near the Guadalquivir, the graves of Carmona showed a healthy market for the luxuries produced by these subsidiaries and those in Gades. Tynan craftsmen-importers skilled in finishing ivory created 'a provincial Phoenician workshop within seventh-century BC Carmona itself. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, pp.64-5. Both here and at El Carambolo near Seville, Phoenician technology in gold- and ivory-working, as well as jewellery-making was transferred to native Iberian workshops, whose artisans became as adept as their tutors. An elaborate necklace found near Seville, however may well have come from Gadir itself'. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.66. The clearest example of transnational technology transfer, however, took place in the explosive growth of the Iberian pottery industry, which instead of a household skill, became a mass-production trade after 650 BC. All over southern Spain workshops arose turning out large quantities of the popular grey and red Tyrian stylishly jugs decorated with bands of red, black and maroon paint. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.68.
104. M. Gras, P. Rouillard and J. Teixidor, 'The Phoenicians and Death', Berytus, Archaelogical Studies, Vol.XXXIX (1991), p.145.
105. Tsirkin, 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.557.
106. Gras, Rouillard and Teixidor, 'Phoenicians and Death', p.145.
107. Barreca, 'Phoenicians and Punic', p.152.
108. Tsirkin 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.559; Kition also directed IberoPhoenician exports to the Aegean, although direct trade between Spain and Greece also existed. Greek vessels and Cypriot artifacts were found in both Malta and in Iberian and Ibero-Phoenician tombs before 700 BC. Ibid., pp.559-60.
109. Tsirkin 'Economy of the Phoenician Settlements', p.559; Kition also directed IberoPhoenician exports to the Aegean, although direct trade between Spain and Greece also existed. Greek vessels and Cypriot artifacts were found in both Malta and in Iberian and Ibero-Phoenician tombs before 700 BC. Ibid., pp.559-60.
110. Isaiah 23:1.
111. T.J. Gamito, Social Complexity in Southwest Iberia: 800-300 BC: The Case of Tartessos, B.A.R. International Series 439 (Oxford, 1988), p.54 (emphasis added).
112. Harrison, Spain at the Dawn of History, p.42 (emphasis added).
113. C.J. McMillan, The Japanese Industrial System (New York, rev. edn. 1996), pp.56-7.