Climate change and the rise of political complexity in western Uganda

Journal of African History

Volumn 41, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 1-28

  Robertshaw, Peter ^a   Taylor, David ^b  

^a CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY   (United States)

^b NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CLIMATE CHANGE; DROUGHT; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; POLITICAL CHANGE;

UGANDA;

EID: 0034016638     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853799007653     Document Type: Article

References (299)

1. Often referred to as the 'interlacustrine' region.
2. J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London, 1863); James Grant, A Walk Across Africa (Edinburgh and London, 1864); and a few years later, S.W. Baker, The Albert N'yanza (London, 1866); H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878).
3. J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London, 1863); James Grant, A Walk Across Africa (Edinburgh and London, 1864); and a few years later, S.W. Baker, The Albert N'yanza (London, 1866); H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878).
4. J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London, 1863); James Grant, A Walk Across Africa (Edinburgh and London, 1864); and a few years later, S.W. Baker, The Albert N'yanza (London, 1866); H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878).
5. J. H. Speke, Journal of the Discovery of the Source of the Nile (London, 1863); James Grant, A Walk Across Africa (Edinburgh and London, 1864); and a few years later, S.W. Baker, The Albert N'yanza (London, 1866); H. M. Stanley, Through the Dark Continent (London, 1878).
6. Most notably, Mrs A. B. (Ruth) Fisher, Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda (London, 1911); Père J.-L. Gorju, Entre le Victoria, l'Albert et l'Edouard (Rennes, 1920); and later J. Roscoe, The Bakitara (Cambridge, 1923).
7. Most notably, Mrs A. B. (Ruth) Fisher, Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda (London, 1911); Père J.-L. Gorju, Entre le Victoria, l'Albert et l'Edouard (Rennes, 1920); and later J. Roscoe, The Bakitara (Cambridge, 1923).
8. Most notably, Mrs A. B. (Ruth) Fisher, Twilight Tales of the Black Baganda (London, 1911); Père J.-L. Gorju, Entre le Victoria, l'Albert et l'Edouard (Rennes, 1920); and later J. Roscoe, The Bakitara (Cambridge, 1923).
9. See J. E. G. Sutton, 'The antecedents of the interlacustrine kingdoms', Journal of African History, 34 (1993), 33-64, especially 34; also D. L. Schoenbrun, 'A past whose time has come: historical context and history in eastern Africa's Great Lakes', History and Theory, 32 (1993), 32-56, especially 36-40.
10. See J. E. G. Sutton, 'The antecedents of the interlacustrine kingdoms', Journal of African History, 34 (1993), 33-64, especially 34; also D. L. Schoenbrun, 'A past whose time has come: historical context and history in eastern Africa's Great Lakes', History and Theory, 32 (1993), 32-56, especially 36-40.
11. E. I. Steinhart, Conflict and Collaboration: The Kingdoms of Western Uganda, 1890-1907 (Princeton, 1977).
12. Often written as 'Chwezi'.
13. The seminal work is J. W. Nyakatura, Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara (Kampala, 1947), which was published in English as G. N. Uzoigwe (ed.) (trans. T. Muganwa), Anatomy of an African Kingdom : A History of Bunyoro-Kitara (New York, 1973).
14. The seminal work is J. W. Nyakatura, Abakama ba Bunyoro Kitara (Kampala, 1947), which was published in English as G. N. Uzoigwe (ed.) (trans. T. Muganwa), Anatomy of an African Kingdom : A History of Bunyoro-Kitara (New York, 1973).
15. The longest list to gain widespread acceptance was that assembled by Sir Tito Winyi, the mukama (king) of Bunyoro for much of the colonial period, who wrote under the pseudonym of 'K. W.'; K. W., 'The kings of Bunyoro-Kitara', Uganda Journal, 3 (1935), 155-60; 4(1936), 75-83; 5 (1937), 53-69. Use of the term 'Bunyoro-Kitara' implied that the Bito were the legitimate heirs to the ancient kingdom of Kitara, a historical construct championed by Nyakatura, Abakama. Geographically, 'Kitara' is commonly used to refer to a broad swath of western Uganda centered around the modern town of Mubende; see Sutton, 'Antecedents', 39-41 for a thorough discussion of the concept of 'Kitara'.
16. The longest list to gain widespread acceptance was that assembled by Sir Tito Winyi, the mukama (king) of Bunyoro for much of the colonial period, who wrote under the pseudonym of 'K. W.'; K. W., 'The kings of Bunyoro-Kitara', Uganda Journal, 3 (1935), 155-60; 4(1936), 75-83; 5 (1937), 53-69. Use of the term 'Bunyoro-Kitara' implied that the Bito were the legitimate heirs to the ancient kingdom of Kitara, a historical construct championed by Nyakatura, Abakama. Geographically, 'Kitara' is commonly used to refer to a broad swath of western Uganda centered around the modern town of Mubende; see Sutton, 'Antecedents', 39-41 for a thorough discussion of the concept of 'Kitara'.
17. The longest list to gain widespread acceptance was that assembled by Sir Tito Winyi, the mukama (king) of Bunyoro for much of the colonial period, who wrote under the pseudonym of 'K. W.'; K. W., 'The kings of Bunyoro-Kitara', Uganda Journal, 3 (1935), 155-60; 4(1936), 75-83; 5 (1937), 53-69. Use of the term 'Bunyoro-Kitara' implied that the Bito were the legitimate heirs to the ancient kingdom of Kitara, a historical construct championed by Nyakatura, Abakama. Geographically, 'Kitara' is commonly used to refer to a broad swath of western Uganda centered around the modern town of Mubende; see Sutton, 'Antecedents', 39-41 for a thorough discussion of the concept of 'Kitara'.
18. The longest list to gain widespread acceptance was that assembled by Sir Tito Winyi, the mukama (king) of Bunyoro for much of the colonial period, who wrote under the pseudonym of 'K. W.'; K. W., 'The kings of Bunyoro-Kitara', Uganda Journal, 3 (1935), 155-60; 4(1936), 75-83; 5 (1937), 53-69. Use of the term 'Bunyoro-Kitara' implied that the Bito were the legitimate heirs to the ancient kingdom of Kitara, a historical construct championed by Nyakatura, Abakama. Geographically, 'Kitara' is commonly used to refer to a broad swath of western Uganda centered around the modern town of Mubende; see Sutton, 'Antecedents', 39-41 for a thorough discussion of the concept of 'Kitara'.
19. This calculation was first proposed by Roland Oliver, 'The traditional histories of Buganda, Bunyoro and Nkore', Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 85 (1955), 111-7; see also R. Oliver, 'Ancient capital sites of Ankole', Uganda Journal, 23 (1959), 51-63.
20. This calculation was first proposed by Roland Oliver, 'The traditional histories of Buganda, Bunyoro and Nkore', Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 85 (1955), 111-7; see also R. Oliver, 'Ancient capital sites of Ankole', Uganda Journal, 23 (1959), 51-63.
21. Fisher, Twilight Tales designated the Tembuzi as 'The reign of the gods', passim; but see C. A. Buchanan, 'The Kitara complex: the historical tradition of Western Uganda to the sixteenth century' (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University, 1974); J. B. Webster, 'The reign of the gods', in J. B. Webster (ed.), Chronology, Migration and Drought in Interlacustrine Africa (New York, 1979), 125-43 for efforts to reassert the historicity of the Tembuzi.
22. Fisher, Twilight Tales designated the Tembuzi as 'The reign of the gods', passim; but see C. A. Buchanan, 'The Kitara complex: the historical tradition of Western Uganda to the sixteenth century' (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University, 1974); J. B. Webster, 'The reign of the gods', in J. B. Webster (ed.), Chronology, Migration and Drought in Interlacustrine Africa (New York, 1979), 125-43 for efforts to reassert the historicity of the Tembuzi.
23. Fisher, Twilight Tales designated the Tembuzi as 'The reign of the gods', passim; but see C. A. Buchanan, 'The Kitara complex: the historical tradition of Western Uganda to the sixteenth century' (Ph.D. thesis, Indiana University, 1974); J. B. Webster, 'The reign of the gods', in J. B. Webster (ed.), Chronology, Migration and Drought in Interlacustrine Africa (New York, 1979), 125-43 for efforts to reassert the historicity of the Tembuzi.
24. Uzoigwe, Anatomy, 1 is the classic statement of the geographical extent of supposed Cwezi domination, while R. Oliver, 'A question about the Bacwezi', Uganda Journal, 17 (1953) 135-7 presents the definitive argument for this interpretation.
25. Uzoigwe, Anatomy, 1 is the classic statement of the geographical extent of supposed Cwezi domination, while R. Oliver, 'A question about the Bacwezi', Uganda Journal, 17 (1953) 135-7 presents the definitive argument for this interpretation.
26. See, for example, D. Kihumuro-Apuuli, A Thousand Years of Bunyoro-Kitara Kingdom : The Kingdom and the Rulers (Kampala, 1994).
27. See, for example, Shane D. Doyle, 'An environmental history of the kingdom of Bunyoro in Western Uganda, from c. 1860 to 1940' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1998), 17.
28. For example, B. A. Ogot, 'The Great Lakes region', in D. T. Niane (ed.), General History of Africa IV : Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century (Paris, 1984), 503-4, writes of a 'loosely organized empire ' extending over a vast area stretching into modern Kenya, Rwanda and Tanzania.
29. Oliver, 'A question'.
30. Ibid.
31. Iris Berger, 'Deities, dynasties and oral tradition: the history and legend of the Abacwezi', in J. C. Miller (ed.), The African Past Speaks (Folkestone, 1980), 61-81.
32. Most famously, C. C. Wrigley, 'Some thoughts on the Bacwezi', Uganda Journal, 22 (1958), 11-17.
33. Also known as 'Bigo bya Mugenyi', which is usually translated as 'forts of the stranger'.
34. P. L. Shinnie, 'Excavations at Bigo', Uganda Journal, 24. (1960), 16-28; Merrick Posnansky, 'Bigo bya Mugenyi', Uganda Journal, 33 (1969), 125-50.
35. P. L. Shinnie, 'Excavations at Bigo', Uganda Journal, 24. (1960), 16-28; Merrick Posnansky, 'Bigo bya Mugenyi', Uganda Journal, 33 (1969), 125-50.
36. E. C. Lanning, 'Ancient earthworks in western Uganda', Uganda Journal, 17 (1953), 51-62; 'The Munsa Earthworks', Uganda Journal, 19 (1955), 177-82; 'The earthworks at Kibengo, Mubende District', Uganda Journal, 24 (1960), 183-96.
37. E. C. Lanning, 'Ancient earthworks in western Uganda', Uganda Journal, 17 (1953), 51-62; 'The Munsa Earthworks', Uganda Journal, 19 (1955), 177-82; 'The earthworks at Kibengo, Mubende District', Uganda Journal, 24 (1960), 183-96.
38. E. C. Lanning, 'Ancient earthworks in western Uganda', Uganda Journal, 17 (1953), 51-62; 'The Munsa Earthworks', Uganda Journal, 19 (1955), 177-82; 'The earthworks at Kibengo, Mubende District', Uganda Journal, 24 (1960), 183-96.
39. Lanning, 'Kibengo', 195; Posnansky, 'Bigo', 146.
40. Lanning, 'Kibengo', 195; Posnansky, 'Bigo', 146.
41. Posnansky, 'Bigo', 135.
42. M. Posnansky, 'Kingship, archaeology and historical myth', Uganda Journal, 30 (1966), 1-12; R. Oliver, 'The East African interior', in R. Oliver (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa. Vol. III : c. 1050-7600 (Cambridge, 1977), 632.
43. M. Posnansky, 'Kingship, archaeology and historical myth', Uganda Journal, 30 (1966), 1-12; R. Oliver, 'The East African interior', in R. Oliver (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa. Vol. III : c. 1050-7600 (Cambridge, 1977), 632.
44. Ogot, 'Great Lakes', 503-4.
45. Oliver, 'East African interior', 634.
46. P. R. Schmidt, Historical Archaeology : A Structural Approach in an African Culture (Westport, 1978).
47. Berger, 'Deities'; idem, Religion and Resistance (Tervuren, 1981).
48. Berger, 'Deities'; idem, Religion and Resistance (Tervuren, 1981).
49. For want of a better word, these might be termed 'chiefdoms', the inhabitants of each of which might number between several hundred and several thousand.
50. R. L. Tantala, 'The early history of Kitara in western Uganda: Process models of religious and political change' (Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1989).
51. Ibid. 682-8.
52. Much of the first years of this work was ably summarized by Sutton, 'Antecedents'.
53. In the decades following Posnansky's work at the site, Bigo became enveloped in thorn bush and difficult to reach by vehicle.
54. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history: a short reflective history', in P. Robertshaw (ed.), A History of African Archaeology (London, 1990), 252-70. However, Tantala, 'Early history', 207, offers some historical evidence of a connection between Bigo and the Cwezi.
55. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history: a short reflective history', in P. Robertshaw (ed.), A History of African Archaeology (London, 1990), 252-70. However, Tantala, 'Early history', 207, offers some historical evidence of a connection between Bigo and the Cwezi.
56. Tantala, 'Early history', 634, speculates that Kateboha may have been a praise-name used in a pre-Cwezi polity in the area around Munsa.
57. Initial results of the Ntusi work are discussed in Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-7, and much more is said about this site below.
58. Connah remarked: 'Two tonnes of excavated potsherds [are] unlikely to tell us anything of the origins and character of the semi-mythical Bacwezi dynasty'. See G. Connah, 'The salt of Bunyoro: seeking the origins of an African kingdom', Antiquity, 65 (1991), 480.
59. Sometimes known as Lake Mwitanzige or Lake Rutanzige.
60. Graham Connah, Kibiro : The Salt of Bunyoro, Past and Present (London, 1996).
61. Peter Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey, ceramic analysis, and state formation in western Uganda', African Archaeological Review, 12 (1994), 108.
62. Ibid. 112-9.
63. Ibid. 126-8.
64. Sutton, 'Antecedents'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'.
65. Sutton, 'Antecedents'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'.
66. Peter Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks: a preliminary report on recent excavations', Azania, 32 (1997), 1-20.
67. Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 127; see also Peter Robertshaw, 'Seeking and keeping power in Bunyoro-Kitara, Uganda', in S. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa (Cambridge, 1999), 129.
68. Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 127; see also Peter Robertshaw, 'Seeking and keeping power in Bunyoro-Kitara, Uganda', in S. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms: Pathways to Complexity in Africa (Cambridge, 1999), 129.
69. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
70. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
71. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
72. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
73. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
74. D. A. M. Reid, 'The role of cattle in the later Iron Age communities of southern Uganda' (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1991); D. A. M. Reid and J. Meredith, 'Houses, pots and more cows: the 1991 excavation season at Ntusi', Nyame Akuma, 40 (1993), 58-61; Connah, Kibiro; Peter Robertshaw, E. R. Kamuhangire, D. A. M. Reid, R. L. Young, S. T. Childs and N. Pearson, 'Archaeological research in Bunyoro-Kitara: preliminary results', Nyame Akuma, 48 (1997), 70-77; and ranging more widely, see P. R. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views on a history of landscape change in East Africa', Journal of African History, 38 (1997), 393-421; M. Rachel MacLean, 'Late Stone Age and Early Iron Age settlement in the interlacustrine region: a district case study', Azania, 29-30 (1994-95), 296-302.
75. D. Jolly, D. Taylor, R. Marchant, A. Hamilton, R. Bonnefille, G. Buchet and G. Riollet, 'Vegetation dynamics in central Africa since 18,000 yr B.P.: pollen records from the interlacustrine highlands of Burundi, Rwanda and western Uganda', Journal of Biogeography, 24 (1997), 495-512 provides a summary of much of the new palynological evidence. For studies of changing lake levels, see K. R. M. Beuning, M. R. Talbot and K. Kelts, 'A revised 30,000-year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history of Lake Albert, East Africa', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 136 (1997), 259-79; A. S. Cohen, M. R. Talbot, S. M. Awramik, D. L. Dettman and P. Abell, 'Lake level and paleoenvironmental history of Lake Tanganyika, Africa, as inferred from late Holocene and modern stromatolites', Geological Society of America Bulletin, 109 (1997), 444-60; J. C. Stager, B. Cumming and L. Meeker, 'A high resolution 11,400-yr diatom record from Lake Victoria, East Africa', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 81-9.
76. D. Jolly, D. Taylor, R. Marchant, A. Hamilton, R. Bonnefille, G. Buchet and G. Riollet, 'Vegetation dynamics in central Africa since 18,000 yr B.P.: pollen records from the interlacustrine highlands of Burundi, Rwanda and western Uganda', Journal of Biogeography, 24 (1997), 495-512 provides a summary of much of the new palynological evidence. For studies of changing lake levels, see K. R. M. Beuning, M. R. Talbot and K. Kelts, 'A revised 30,000-year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history of Lake Albert, East Africa', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 136 (1997), 259-79; A. S. Cohen, M. R. Talbot, S. M. Awramik, D. L. Dettman and P. Abell, 'Lake level and paleoenvironmental history of Lake Tanganyika, Africa, as inferred from late Holocene and modern stromatolites', Geological Society of America Bulletin, 109 (1997), 444-60; J. C. Stager, B. Cumming and L. Meeker, 'A high resolution 11,400-yr diatom record from Lake Victoria, East Africa', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 81-9.
77. D. Jolly, D. Taylor, R. Marchant, A. Hamilton, R. Bonnefille, G. Buchet and G. Riollet, 'Vegetation dynamics in central Africa since 18,000 yr B.P.: pollen records from the interlacustrine highlands of Burundi, Rwanda and western Uganda', Journal of Biogeography, 24 (1997), 495-512 provides a summary of much of the new palynological evidence. For studies of changing lake levels, see K. R. M. Beuning, M. R. Talbot and K. Kelts, 'A revised 30,000-year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history of Lake Albert, East Africa', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 136 (1997), 259-79; A. S. Cohen, M. R. Talbot, S. M. Awramik, D. L. Dettman and P. Abell, 'Lake level and paleoenvironmental history of Lake Tanganyika, Africa, as inferred from late Holocene and modern stromatolites', Geological Society of America Bulletin, 109 (1997), 444-60; J. C. Stager, B. Cumming and L. Meeker, 'A high resolution 11,400-yr diatom record from Lake Victoria, East Africa', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 81-9.
78. D. Jolly, D. Taylor, R. Marchant, A. Hamilton, R. Bonnefille, G. Buchet and G. Riollet, 'Vegetation dynamics in central Africa since 18,000 yr B.P.: pollen records from the interlacustrine highlands of Burundi, Rwanda and western Uganda', Journal of Biogeography, 24 (1997), 495-512 provides a summary of much of the new palynological evidence. For studies of changing lake levels, see K. R. M. Beuning, M. R. Talbot and K. Kelts, 'A revised 30,000-year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history of Lake Albert, East Africa', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 136 (1997), 259-79; A. S. Cohen, M. R. Talbot, S. M. Awramik, D. L. Dettman and P. Abell, 'Lake level and paleoenvironmental history of Lake Tanganyika, Africa, as inferred from late Holocene and modern stromatolites', Geological Society of America Bulletin, 109 (1997), 444-60; J. C. Stager, B. Cumming and L. Meeker, 'A high resolution 11,400-yr diatom record from Lake Victoria, East Africa', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 81-9.
79. David L. Schoenbrun, A Green Place, A Good Place (Oxford, 1998).
80. The classic text in this regard is J. B. Webster (ed.), Chronology, Migration and Drought in Interlacustrine Africa (London, 1979).
81. The method is clearly explained in J. B. Webster, 'Noi! Noi! Famines as an aid to interlacustrine chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology, 1-37.
82. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
83. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
84. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
85. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
86. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
87. For the most recent reviews of these data for the periods relevant to this paper, see K. Fraedrich, J. Jiang, F.-W. Gerstengarbe and P.C. Werner, 'Multiscale detection of abrupt climate change: applications to River Nile flood levels', International Journal of Climatology, 17 (1997), 1301-15; S. E. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations of Lake Victoria and other lakes in the northern Rift Valley of East Africa', in J. T. Lehman, (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 7-29, and 'Environmental change within the historical period', in W. A. Adams, A. S. Goudie and A. R. Orme (eds.), The Physical Geography of Africa (Oxford, 1996), 60-87. An important climatological interpretation of records of Nile River discharge was provided by F. A. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods and their implications for climate change', Science, 112 (1981), 1142-5. Perhaps the most ambitious attempt to correlate oral traditions with the Rodah Nilometer data was R. S. Herring, 'Hydrology and chronology', in Webster (ed.), Chronology. In addition to historiographical criticisms of this and similar work, Herring used a faulty interpretation of the Nilometer records; see P. Harvey, 'The archaeology of the Southern Sudan: environmental context', in J. Mack and P. Robertshaw (eds.), Culture History in the Southern Sudan (Nairobi, 1982), 7-18.
88. David P. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford, 1974), especially 105-14 for a discussion of the Nyoro case. See also idem, 'Reflections on early interlacustrine chronology: an essay in source criticism', Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 27-46; idem, 'Ganda and Nyoro kinglists in a newly literate world', in J. C. Miller (ed.), The African Past Speaks (Folkestone, 1980), 240-61 ; idem, 'Royal tombs and preterhuman ancestors; a devil's advocacy', Paideuma, 23 (1977), 205-19.
89. David P. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford, 1974), especially 105-14 for a discussion of the Nyoro case. See also idem, 'Reflections on early interlacustrine chronology: an essay in source criticism', Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 27-46; idem, 'Ganda and Nyoro kinglists in a newly literate world', in J. C. Miller (ed.), The African Past Speaks (Folkestone, 1980), 240-61 ; idem, 'Royal tombs and preterhuman ancestors; a devil's advocacy', Paideuma, 23 (1977), 205-19.
90. David P. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford, 1974), especially 105-14 for a discussion of the Nyoro case. See also idem, 'Reflections on early interlacustrine chronology: an essay in source criticism', Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 27-46; idem, 'Ganda and Nyoro kinglists in a newly literate world', in J. C. Miller (ed.), The African Past Speaks (Folkestone, 1980), 240-61 ; idem, 'Royal tombs and preterhuman ancestors; a devil's advocacy', Paideuma, 23 (1977), 205-19.
91. David P. Henige, The Chronology of Oral Tradition: Quest for a Chimera (Oxford, 1974), especially 105-14 for a discussion of the Nyoro case. See also idem, 'Reflections on early interlacustrine chronology: an essay in source criticism', Journal of African History, 15 (1974), 27-46; idem, 'Ganda and Nyoro kinglists in a newly literate world', in J. C. Miller (ed.), The African Past Speaks (Folkestone, 1980), 240-61 ; idem, 'Royal tombs and preterhuman ancestors; a devil's advocacy', Paideuma, 23 (1977), 205-19.
92. Compare, for example, the relatively precise dates discussed in E. I. Steinhart, 'The kingdoms of the march: speculations on social and political change', in Webster (ed.), Chronology, 202-3, with the more circumspect presentation by the same author in 'The emergence of Bunyoro : the tributary mode of production and the formation of the state, 1400-1900', in A. I. Salim (ed.), State Formation in Eastern Africa (London, 1984), 81.
93. Compare, for example, the relatively precise dates discussed in E. I. Steinhart, 'The kingdoms of the march: speculations on social and political change', in Webster (ed.), Chronology, 202-3, with the more circumspect presentation by the same author in 'The emergence of Bunyoro : the tributary mode of production and the formation of the state, 1400-1900', in A. I. Salim (ed.), State Formation in Eastern Africa (London, 1984), 81.
94. Tantala, 'Early history', 479-85. See also Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 221, for a more ambitious reconstruction, which has both similarities to and differences from that which we offer in this article.
95. Tantala, 'Early history', 479-85. See also Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 221, for a more ambitious reconstruction, which has both similarities to and differences from that which we offer in this article.
96. The title of Webster's edited volume exemplifies this perspective.
97. For an excellent example, see Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 220-2.
98. For famine as metaphor, see David Henige, Oral Historiography (New York, 1982), 89-90.
99. See, for example, discussion in Steinhart, 'Kingdoms of the march', 201-5.
100. An exception, for southern but not eastern Africa, to this generalization is T. N. Huffman, 'Archaeological evidence for climatic change during the last 2000 years in southern Africa', Quaternary International, 33 (1996), 55-60. However, the climatic changes of the last two thousand years probably appear very minor to those archaeologists trained as prehistorians and familiar with the environmental upheavals of the Pleistocene-Holocene transition.
101. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 58.
102. 'Palynology' is the study of pollen; in this case it refers to the identification of pollen recovered from sediments obtained by drilling cores in the beds of swamps and lakes. Organic remains within the cores allow radiocarbon dates to be obtained for the sediments and hence for pollen recovered at different depths within the cores. Identification of the pollen permits reconstruction of changes in vegetation through time that may be explained by reference to climatic changes and/or anthropogenic (human-induced) factors, such as forest clearance for agriculture.
103. See, for example, Schmidt, 'Archaeological views'; MacLean, 'Late Stone Age'.
104. See, for example, Schmidt, 'Archaeological views'; MacLean, 'Late Stone Age'.
105. The Pleistocene-Holocene transition.
106. For a summary, see Alan C. Hamilton, Environmental History of East Africa : A Study of the Quaternary (London, 1982).
107. 'Limnological' means 'pertaining to lakes'. In this case, limnological research includes geomorphological studies of former lake levels, analysis of sediments from lake beds, and identification and interpretation of assemblages (collections) of stromatolites (algae encased in calcareous shell, also known as diatoms) and gastropods (shelled molluscs, e.g. snails, that move by means of a wide muscular foot).
108. See, for example, R. A. Laseski, 'Modern pollen data and Holocene climate change in Eastern Africa' (Ph.D. thesis, Brown University, 1983). This study is anchored by only a single radiocarbon date that must bear an enormous interpretative weight. Problems of interpretation are made even more severe in this case because the pollen data referred to are from a different sedimentary environment (Kiizi Marsh) to the one from which the single radiocarbon date was obtained (Ikimba Lake). Thus Schmidt's interpretation of the data ('Archaeological views' : 400-401), that a degraded resource base may have forced the abandonment of iron production in Buhaya, major shifts north in population and an increased importance of pastorahsm, must be regarded as tenuous.
109. See, for example, R. A. Laseski, 'Modern pollen data and Holocene climate change in Eastern Africa' (Ph.D. thesis, Brown University, 1983). This study is anchored by only a single radiocarbon date that must bear an enormous interpretative weight. Problems of interpretation are made even more severe in this case because the pollen data referred to are from a different sedimentary environment (Kiizi Marsh) to the one from which the single radiocarbon date was obtained (Ikimba Lake). Thus Schmidt's interpretation of the data ('Archaeological views' : 400-401), that a degraded resource base may have forced the abandonment of iron production in Buhaya, major shifts north in population and an increased importance of pastorahsm, must be regarded as tenuous.
110. Radiocarbon dates for the last few centuries, though accurate, are particularly imprecise because of the pronounced fluctuations in the production of radiocarbon in the upper atmosphere during this period. See M. Stuiver and P. J. Reimer, 'High-precision calibration of the radiocarbon time-scale A.D. 1950 - 500 B.C.', Radiocarbon, 28 (1986), 805-38.
111. See, for example. Steinhart, 'Kingdoms of the march', 203 ; Tantala, 'Early history', 484.
112. See, for example. Steinhart, 'Kingdoms of the march', 203 ; Tantala, 'Early history', 484.
113. A Green Place, 221.
114. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 54.
115. Tantala, 'Early history', 485.
116. See, for example, Steinhart, 'Kingdoms of the march', 202. However, it is also the case that short-terrn droughts, rather than periods of reduced rainfall, would have reduced the available grass for cattle, making the animals weak and hence more susceptible to disease.
117. We do so below.
118. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods', 1144.
119. Nicholson, 'Environmental change', 65.
120. Many organic sediments from pollen cores and charcoal samples from archaeological sites have been dated recently by means of accelerator mass spectrometer (AMS) radiocarbon dating, which provides more precise age estimates to be obtained from smaller samples than is possible with conventional radiocarbon dating procedures. In the case of some archaeological sites in western Uganda, AMS dates have also been supplemented by thermoluminescence (TL) dating of potsherds. Radiocarbon dates given in the footnotes to this paper are calibrated to one a using the Radiocarbon Calibration Program 3.0.3c; see M. Stuiver and P. J. Reimer, 'Extended C-14 data-base and revised CALIB 3.0 C-14 Age calibration program', Radiocarbon, 35 (1993), 215-30. Thus 3305-3102 B.C. means that there is a 68 per cent probability of the true age falling within this calibrated (cal.) age range.
121. D. Taylor, R. Marchant and P. Robertshaw, 'A sediment-based history of medium altitude forest in central Africa: a record from Kabata Swamp, Ndale volcanic field, Uganda', Journal of Ecology, 87 (1999), 303-15.
122. D. Taylor and R. Marchant, 'Human impact in south-west Uganda : long term records from the Rukiga Highlands, Kigezi', Azania, 29-30 (1994-5), 283-95.
123. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
124. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
125. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
126. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
127. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
128. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
129. See, for example, Grove, The Little Ice Age (1988); N. Brown, 'Climate change and human history: some indications from Europe, A.D. 400 -1400', Environmental Pollution, 83 (1994), 37-43; J-Q. Fang, 'Establishment of a data bank from records of climatic disasters and anomalies in ancient Chinese documents', International Journal of Climatology, 12 (1992), 499-519; J-Q. Fang and G. LIU, 'Relationship between climate change and the nomad southward migration in eastern Asia', Climate Change, 20 (1992), 151-69; and for Africa itself, see Nicholson, 'Environmental change'; F. A. Hassan, 'Abrupt Holocene climatic events in Africa', in G. Pwiti and R. Soper (eds.), Aspects of African Archaeology : Papers from the ioth Congress of the PanAfrican Association for Prehistory and Related Studies (Harare, 1996), 83-9; P. D. Tyson and J. A. Lindesay, 'The climate of the last 2,000 years in southern Africa', The Holocene, 2 (1992), 271-8.
130. Sutton, 'Antecedents'.
131. Reid, 'Role'; idem, 'Ntusi and the development of social complexity in southern Uganda', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 621-7; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'.
132. Reid, 'Role'; idem, 'Ntusi and the development of social complexity in southern Uganda', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 621-7; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'.
133. Reid, 'Role'; idem, 'Ntusi and the development of social complexity in southern Uganda', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 621-7; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'.
134. Robertshaw, 'Munsa earthworks'.
135. Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research'.
136. Ibid.
137. Schoenbrun, A Green Place, and various articles cited below.
138. David L. Schoenbrun, 'We are what we eat: ancient agriculture between the Great Lakes', Journal of African History, 34 (1993), 1-31 ; Christopher Ehret, The Classical Age of Eastern and Southern Africa : A History, 1000 B.C. to A.D. 300 (Charlottesville, 1998).
139. David L. Schoenbrun, 'We are what we eat: ancient agriculture between the Great Lakes', Journal of African History, 34 (1993), 1-31 ; Christopher Ehret, The Classical Age of Eastern and Southern Africa : A History, 1000 B.C. to A.D. 300 (Charlottesville, 1998).
140. First described by Mary Leakey ; see M. D. Leakey, W. E. Owen and L. S. B. Leakey, Dimple-based Pottery from Central Kavirondo, Kenya Colony (Nairobi, 1948).
141. Robert Soper, 'A general review of the Early Iron Age of the southern half of Africa', Azania, 6 (1972), 5-37; Francis L. Van Noten, 'The Early Iron Age in the Interlacustrine region: the diffusion of iron technology', Azania, 24 (1979), 61-80; P. R. Schmidt, 'Early Iron Age settlements and industrial locales in West Lake', Tanzania Notes and Records, 84-5 (1980), 77-94; M-C. Van Grunderbeek, 'Chronologie de l'âge du fer ancien au Burundi, au Rwanda et dans la région des Grands Lacs', Azania, 27 (1992), 53-80.
142. Robert Soper, 'A general review of the Early Iron Age of the southern half of Africa', Azania, 6 (1972), 5-37; Francis L. Van Noten, 'The Early Iron Age in the Interlacustrine region: the diffusion of iron technology', Azania, 24 (1979), 61-80; P. R. Schmidt, 'Early Iron Age settlements and industrial locales in West Lake', Tanzania Notes and Records, 84-5 (1980), 77-94; M-C. Van Grunderbeek, 'Chronologie de l'âge du fer ancien au Burundi, au Rwanda et dans la région des Grands Lacs', Azania, 27 (1992), 53-80.
143. Robert Soper, 'A general review of the Early Iron Age of the southern half of Africa', Azania, 6 (1972), 5-37; Francis L. Van Noten, 'The Early Iron Age in the Interlacustrine region: the diffusion of iron technology', Azania, 24 (1979), 61-80; P. R. Schmidt, 'Early Iron Age settlements and industrial locales in West Lake', Tanzania Notes and Records, 84-5 (1980), 77-94; M-C. Van Grunderbeek, 'Chronologie de l'âge du fer ancien au Burundi, au Rwanda et dans la région des Grands Lacs', Azania, 27 (1992), 53-80.
144. Robert Soper, 'A general review of the Early Iron Age of the southern half of Africa', Azania, 6 (1972), 5-37; Francis L. Van Noten, 'The Early Iron Age in the Interlacustrine region: the diffusion of iron technology', Azania, 24 (1979), 61-80; P. R. Schmidt, 'Early Iron Age settlements and industrial locales in West Lake', Tanzania Notes and Records, 84-5 (1980), 77-94; M-C. Van Grunderbeek, 'Chronologie de l'âge du fer ancien au Burundi, au Rwanda et dans la région des Grands Lacs', Azania, 27 (1992), 53-80.
145. MacLean, 'Late Stone Age'.
146. Reid, 'Role'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'; Graham Connah, 'The cultural and chronological context of Kibiro, Uganda', African Archaeological Review, 14 (1997), 25-67.
147. Reid, 'Role'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'; Graham Connah, 'The cultural and chronological context of Kibiro, Uganda', African Archaeological Review, 14 (1997), 25-67.
148. Reid, 'Role'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'; Graham Connah, 'The cultural and chronological context of Kibiro, Uganda', African Archaeological Review, 14 (1997), 25-67.
149. Merrick Posnansky, 'Dimple-based pottery from Uganda', Man, 168 (1961), 141-2; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 115; Andrew Reid, 'Early settlement
150. Merrick Posnansky, 'Dimple-based pottery from Uganda', Man, 168 (1961), 141-2; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 115; Andrew Reid, 'Early settlement and social organization in the Interlacustrine region', Azania, 29-30 (1994-5), 307.
151. Merrick Posnansky, 'Dimple-based pottery from Uganda', Man, 168 (1961), 141-2; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 115; Andrew Reid, 'Early settlement and social organization in the Interlacustrine region', Azania, 29-30 (1994-5), 307.
152. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views', 413.
153. Field research by Robertshaw; moreover, the only radiocarbon result earlier than the second millennium A.D. was obtained from charcoal recovered from a pit containing rouletted, later Iron Age pottery. See also Jeremy Meredith, 'Preliminary pottery report on the 1987 Mubende Hill excavations', Ms.
154. Reid, 'Role'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'.
155. Reid, 'Role'; Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'.
156. M-C. Van Grunderbeek, E. Roche and H. Doutrelepont, Le premier âge du fer au Rwandi et au Burundi : Archéologie et environnement (Brussels, 1983); F. L. Van Noten, Histoire archéologique du Rwanda (Tervuren, 1983), 35 ; C. Desmedt, 'Poteries anciennes décorées à la roulette dans la Région des Grands Lacs', African Archaeological Review, 9 (1991), 161-96; Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks', 17.
157. M-C. Van Grunderbeek, E. Roche and H. Doutrelepont, Le premier âge du fer au Rwandi et au Burundi : Archéologie et environnement (Brussels, 1983); F. L. Van Noten, Histoire archéologique du Rwanda (Tervuren, 1983), 35 ; C. Desmedt, 'Poteries anciennes décorées à la roulette dans la Région des Grands Lacs', African Archaeological Review, 9 (1991), 161-96; Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks', 17.
158. M-C. Van Grunderbeek, E. Roche and H. Doutrelepont, Le premier âge du fer au Rwandi et au Burundi : Archéologie et environnement (Brussels, 1983); F. L. Van Noten, Histoire archéologique du Rwanda (Tervuren, 1983), 35 ; C. Desmedt, 'Poteries anciennes décorées à la roulette dans la Région des Grands Lacs', African Archaeological Review, 9 (1991), 161-96; Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks', 17.
159. M-C. Van Grunderbeek, E. Roche and H. Doutrelepont, Le premier âge du fer au Rwandi et au Burundi : Archéologie et environnement (Brussels, 1983); F. L. Van Noten, Histoire archéologique du Rwanda (Tervuren, 1983), 35 ; C. Desmedt, 'Poteries anciennes décorées à la roulette dans la Région des Grands Lacs', African Archaeological Review, 9 (1991), 161-96; Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks', 17.
160. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views', 414-5.
161. Reid, 'Role'.
162. David L. Schoenbrun, 'Cattle herds and banana gardens: the historical geography of the western Great Lakes region, ca. A.D. 800-1500', African Archaeological Review, ii (1993), 39-72.
163. Ibid.
164. Ibid., 55; David L. Schoenbrun, 'Social aspects of agricultural change between the Great Lakes, A.D. 500 to 1000', Azania 29-30 (1994-5), 270-82.
165. Ibid., 55; David L. Schoenbrun, 'Social aspects of agricultural change between the Great Lakes, A.D. 500 to 1000', Azania 29-30 (1994-5), 270-82.
166. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-3.
167. Ibid. See also Reid, 'Role'; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'. Reid (pers. comm.) reports that three dispersed areas of the site have radiocarbon dates that overlap in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Elsewhere, however, he states that the settlement 'achieved its greatest extent in the fifteenth century shortly before its abandonment'; Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7.
168. Ibid. See also Reid, 'Role'; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'. Reid (pers. comm.) reports that three dispersed areas of the site have radiocarbon dates that overlap in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Elsewhere, however, he states that the settlement 'achieved its greatest extent in the fifteenth century shortly before its abandonment'; Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7.
169. Ibid. See also Reid, 'Role'; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'. Reid (pers. comm.) reports that three dispersed areas of the site have radiocarbon dates that overlap in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Elsewhere, however, he states that the settlement 'achieved its greatest extent in the fifteenth century shortly before its abandonment'; Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7.
170. Ibid. See also Reid, 'Role'; Reid and Meredith, 'Houses, pots'. Reid (pers. comm.) reports that three dispersed areas of the site have radiocarbon dates that overlap in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Elsewhere, however, he states that the settlement 'achieved its greatest extent in the fifteenth century shortly before its abandonment'; Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7.
171. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-5; Reid, 'Ntusi', 623.
172. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-5; Reid, 'Ntusi', 623.
173. Ibid.
174. Reid, 'Ntusi', 623; Sutton, 'Antecedents', 56; see also J. E. G. Sutton, 'Ntusi and the dams', Azania, 20 (1985), 172-5.
175. Reid, 'Ntusi', 623; Sutton, 'Antecedents', 56; see also J. E. G. Sutton, 'Ntusi and the dams', Azania, 20 (1985), 172-5.
176. Reid, 'Ntusi', 623; Sutton, 'Antecedents', 56; see also J. E. G. Sutton, 'Ntusi and the dams', Azania, 20 (1985), 172-5.
177. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52.
178. Cattle bones dominate the faunal remains; see Reid, 'Ntusi'.
179. There are numerous grindstones, storage pits and probable grain harvesting knives; some sorghum seeds were also recovered. See Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-57; Reid, 'Ntusi', 624.
180. There are numerous grindstones, storage pits and probable grain harvesting knives; some sorghum seeds were also recovered. See Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52-57; Reid, 'Ntusi', 624.
181. Reid, 'Ntusi', 624-5.
182. Reid, 'Ntusi', 623.
183. In archaeological jargon, a two-level site size hierarchy.
184. Reid, 'Ntusi', 626. 'Chiefdom' is used here in the technical sense to refer to polities at a level intermediate between village-level polities and bureaucratic states. 'Simple chiefdom' similarly refers to a polity that integrates a population of about 1,000 people. For further discussion, see T. K. Earle, ' Chiefdoms in archaeological and ethnohistorical perspective', Annual Review of Anthropology, 16 (1987), 279-308.
185. Reid, 'Ntusi', 626. 'Chiefdom' is used here in the technical sense to refer to polities at a level intermediate between village-level polities and bureaucratic states. 'Simple chiefdom' similarly refers to a polity that integrates a population of about 1,000 people. For further discussion, see T. K. Earle, ' Chiefdoms in archaeological and ethnohistorical perspective', Annual Review of Anthropology, 16 (1987), 279-308.
186. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 54, believes that the mounds are symptomatic of the dense population of the settlement; presumably, in his opinion, there were few places available where rubbish could be tossed.
187. Support for this notion is provided by Schoenbrun's argument, 'Social aspects', 276, that chiefship was dependent upon highly productive food systems and that a chief's power lay partly in his ability to distribute wealth. Feasts held during agricultural festivals probably provided the main mechanism for this distribution; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 105-6. Reid, 'Ntusi', 625, also links an increase in ceramic vessel-size at Ntusi in comparison with Urewe pottery as an indication of the importance of 'social storage' of agricultural produce at Ntusi.
188. Support for this notion is provided by Schoenbrun's argument, 'Social aspects', 276, that chiefship was dependent upon highly productive food systems and that a chief's power lay partly in his ability to distribute wealth. Feasts held during agricultural festivals probably provided the main mechanism for this distribution; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 105-6. Reid, 'Ntusi', 625, also links an increase in ceramic vessel-size at Ntusi in comparison with Urewe pottery as an indication of the importance of 'social storage' of agricultural produce at Ntusi.
189. Support for this notion is provided by Schoenbrun's argument, 'Social aspects', 276, that chiefship was dependent upon highly productive food systems and that a chief's power lay partly in his ability to distribute wealth. Feasts held during agricultural festivals probably provided the main mechanism for this distribution; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 105-6. Reid, 'Ntusi', 625, also links an increase in ceramic vessel-size at Ntusi in comparison with Urewe pottery as an indication of the importance of 'social storage' of agricultural produce at Ntusi.
190. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 56. There are no dates for the construction of the basin and associated mounds, so they may not be contemporary with the rest of the site. Indeed, other than spatial proximity, there is no evidence to link these features with the ancient settlement at Ntusi; Reid, 'Role' 186.
191. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 56. There are no dates for the construction of the basin and associated mounds, so they may not be contemporary with the rest of the site. Indeed, other than spatial proximity, there is no evidence to link these features with the ancient settlement at Ntusi; Reid, 'Role' 186.
192. D. A. M. Reid, 'Ntusi and its hinterland: further investigations of the Later Iron Age and pastoral ecology in southern Uganda', Nyame Akuma, 33 (1990), 26-8.
193. Reid, 'Ntusi', 623.
194. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52; though Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7, argues for a fifteenth- century floruit.
195. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 52; though Reid, 'Ntusi', 626-7, argues for a fifteenth-century floruit.
196. Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey'.
197. Unless, of course, it still awaits discovery by archaeologists!
198. Buchanan, 'Kitara complex'; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, ch. 6.
199. Buchanan, 'Kitara complex'; Schoenbrun, A Green Place, ch. 6.
200. See also Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 100.
201. Peter Robertshaw, 'Women, labor, and state formation in western Uganda', in E. Bacus and L. Lucero (eds.), Complex Polities in the Ancient Tropical World, (Washington, 1999), in press.
202. Both the need for labour and some of the means by which leaders sought to acquire it are discussed by Tantala, 'Early history', from historical evidence. See Schoenbrun, 'Social aspects', for relevant linguistic data. David L. Schoenbrun, 'The (in)visible roots of Bunyoro-Kitara and Buganda in the Lakes region: A.D. 800-1300', in S. K. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms, 136-50, has a useful discussion of how leaders may have attempted to harness different forms of power, which Schoenbrun labels 'instrumental' and 'creative' power. See also David L. Schoenbrun, 'An intellectual history of power: usable pasts from the Great Lakes region', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 693-702.
203. Both the need for labour and some of the means by which leaders sought to acquire it are discussed by Tantala, 'Early history', from historical evidence. See Schoenbrun, 'Social aspects', for relevant linguistic data. David L. Schoenbrun, 'The (in)visible roots of Bunyoro-Kitara and Buganda in the Lakes region: A.D. 800-1300', in S. K. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms, 136-50, has a useful discussion of how leaders may have attempted to harness different forms of power, which Schoenbrun labels 'instrumental' and 'creative' power. See also David L. Schoenbrun, 'An intellectual history of power: usable pasts from the Great Lakes region', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 693-702.
204. Both the need for labour and some of the means by which leaders sought to acquire it are discussed by Tantala, 'Early history', from historical evidence. See Schoenbrun, 'Social aspects', for relevant linguistic data. David L. Schoenbrun, 'The (in)visible roots of Bunyoro-Kitara and Buganda in the Lakes region: A.D. 800-1300', in S. K. McIntosh (ed.), Beyond Chiefdoms, 136-50, has a useful discussion of how leaders may have attempted to harness different forms of power, which Schoenbrun labels 'instrumental' and 'creative' power. See also David L. Schoenbrun, 'An intellectual history of power: usable pasts from the Great Lakes region', in Pwiti and Soper, Aspects of African Archaeology, 693-702.
205. Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'.
206. Ibid.
207. Copper was important in later royal regalia; see Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 170; Eugenia Hebert, Red Gold of Africa (Madison, 1984).
208. Copper was important in later royal regalia; see Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 170; Eugenia Hebert, Red Gold of Africa (Madison, 1984).
209. Connah, Kibiro. Glass beads were also discovered at Ntusi; see above.
210. Ibid.; see also Tantala, 'Early history', 485.
211. Ibid.; see also Tantala, 'Early history', 485.
212. Schoenbrun, '(In)visible roots', 'Intellectual history'.
213. Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 108.
214. The earliest AMS radiocarbon reading is A.D. 1296-1415.
215. Data from Robertshaw's excavations. The suggestion in Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research', 75, that Kasunga dates only to the last couple of centuries has been refuted by AMS radiocarbon dates obtained after the article was written and by recent pottery analysis, though it is correct to state that parts of the site were settled within the last 200 years.
216. Andrew Reid, pers. comm.; Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research'.
217. Reid, 'Ntusi', 625.
218. Robertshaw, 'Seeking and keeping power', employed Kopytoff's model of the 'internal African frontier' to elucidate these processes; see I. Kopytoff, 'The internal African frontier : the making of African political culture ', in I. Kopytoff (ed.), The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington, 1987), 3-84.
219. Robertshaw, 'Seeking and keeping power', employed Kopytoff's model of the 'internal African frontier' to elucidate these processes; see I. Kopytoff, 'The internal African frontier : the making of African political culture ', in I. Kopytoff (ed.), The African Frontier: The Reproduction of Traditional African Societies (Bloomington, 1987), 3-84.
220. Complex chiefdoms are larger than 'simple chiefdoms' since they integrate populations that may number in the tens of thousands, though we suspect that populations of 10,000 may be on the high side for these Ugandan polities. See Earle, 'Chiefdoms', 288.
221. Posnansky, 'Bigo'.
222. Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'.
223. Lanning, 'Kibengo'; Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research'.
224. Lanning, 'Kibengo'; Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research'.
225. The dating evidence, while imprecise, does not contradict the hypothesis that the sites were contemporary. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history', 263-4, argued for a relatively late date for Bigo. However, Schmidt based his interpretations in part on a misprint in the Bigo excavation report (Posnansky, 'Bigo', 135) of the radiocarbon date obtained from the laboratory sample GX-0519; this date is A.D. 1370±90 rather than A.D. 1570±90 (uncalibrated). The correct date is reported in B. M. Fagan, 'Radiocarbon dates for sub-Saharan Africa- IV, Journal of African History, 7 (1966), 498. (We thank John Sutton for bringing this to our attention.) This re-evaluation of the Bigo dates suggests, albeit tentatively, that Bigo is at least as early as the date of the construction of the earthworks at Munsa (c. 1450-1600) and Kibengo (c. 1400-1650). Indeed, Bigo may be slightly earlier than Munsa and Kibengo, though later than the apogee of Ntusi. If Bigo is indeed the earliest of the large earthworks, this supports the arguments we make below. Most of the dates for Munsa are reported in Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'. Four AMS and four TL dates are available for Kibengo; Robertshaw, in prep.
226. The dating evidence, while imprecise, does not contradict the hypothesis that the sites were contemporary. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history', 263-4, argued for a relatively late date for Bigo. However, Schmidt based his interpretations in part on a misprint in the Bigo excavation report (Posnansky, 'Bigo', 135) of the radiocarbon date obtained from the laboratory sample GX-0519; this date is A.D. 1370±90 rather than A.D. 1570±90 (uncalibrated). The correct date is reported in B. M. Fagan, 'Radiocarbon dates for sub-Saharan Africa- IV, Journal of African History, 7 (1966), 498. (We thank John Sutton for bringing this to our attention.) This re-evaluation of the Bigo dates suggests, albeit tentatively, that Bigo is at least as early as the date of the construction of the earthworks at Munsa (c. 1450-1600) and Kibengo (c. 1400-1650). Indeed, Bigo may be slightly earlier than Munsa and Kibengo, though later than the apogee of Ntusi. If Bigo is indeed the earliest of the large earthworks, this supports the arguments we make below. Most of the dates for Munsa are reported in Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'. Four AMS and four TL dates are available for Kibengo; Robertshaw, in prep.
227. The dating evidence, while imprecise, does not contradict the hypothesis that the sites were contemporary. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history', 263-4, argued for a relatively late date for Bigo. However, Schmidt based his interpretations in part on a misprint in the Bigo excavation report (Posnansky, 'Bigo', 135) of the radiocarbon date obtained from the laboratory sample GX-0519; this date is A.D. 1370±90 rather than A.D. 1570±90 (uncalibrated). The correct date is reported in B. M. Fagan, 'Radiocarbon dates for sub-Saharan Africa- IV, Journal of African History, 7 (1966), 498. (We thank John Sutton for bringing this to our attention.) This re-evaluation of the Bigo dates suggests, albeit tentatively, that Bigo is at least as early as the date of the construction of the earthworks at Munsa (c. 1450-1600) and Kibengo (c. 1400-1650). Indeed, Bigo may be slightly earlier than Munsa and Kibengo, though later than the apogee of Ntusi. If Bigo is indeed the earliest of the large earthworks, this supports the arguments we make below. Most of the dates for Munsa are reported in Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'. Four AMS and four TL dates are available for Kibengo; Robertshaw, in prep.
228. The dating evidence, while imprecise, does not contradict the hypothesis that the sites were contemporary. P. R. Schmidt, 'Oral traditions, archaeology and history', 263-4, argued for a relatively late date for Bigo. However, Schmidt based his interpretations in part on a misprint in the Bigo excavation report (Posnansky, 'Bigo', 135) of the radiocarbon date obtained from the laboratory sample GX-0519; this date is A.D. 1370±90 rather than A.D. 1570±90 (uncalibrated). The correct date is reported in B. M. Fagan, 'Radiocarbon dates for sub-Saharan Africa- IV, Journal of African History, 7 (1966), 498. (We thank John Sutton for bringing this to our attention.) This re-evaluation of the Bigo dates suggests, albeit tentatively, that Bigo is at least as early as the date of the construction of the earthworks at Munsa (c. 1450-1600) and Kibengo (c. 1400-1650). Indeed, Bigo may be slightly earlier than Munsa and Kibengo, though later than the apogee of Ntusi. If Bigo is indeed the earliest of the large earthworks, this supports the arguments we make below. Most of the dates for Munsa are reported in Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'. Four AMS and four TL dates are available for Kibengo; Robertshaw, in prep.
229. Posnansky, 'Bigo', 143.
230. Reid, pers. comm.
231. Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'.
232. Robertshaw et al., 'Archaeological research'.
233. Lanning, 'Kibengo', 183.
234. Sutton, 'Antecedents', 50.
235. E. R. Kamuhangire, pers. comm.; Reid, 'Role'.
236. E. R. Kamuhangire, pers. comm.; Reid, 'Role'.
237. The hypothesis that the ditches served to defend people, rather than cattle, from attack also merits consideration. Such an interpretation fits the inner enclosures at the sites where the elite lived and/or conducted activities on behalf of the community at large. However, the great length of the outer enclosures and the many causeways that crossed them surely precluded their use for defence against determined enemies. (We thank members of the audience at the annual lecture of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, London 1997, for the insights provided during lively discussion.)
238. E. C. Lanning, 'The death of chieftain Kateboha', Uganda Journal, 23 (1959), 186-8.
239. Robertshaw, in prep.
240. Posnansky, 'Bigo', Fig. g, no. 4; also P. L. Shinnie, 'Excavations', Fig. 14, nos. 1 and 2.
241. Posnansky, 'Bigo', Fig. g, no. 4; also P. L. Shinnie, 'Excavations', Fig. 14, nos. 1 and 2.
242. Stanley Ambrose, pers. comm.
243. S. H. Ambrose, 'Stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of human diet in Africa', Journal of Human Evolution, 15 (1986), 707-31.
244. The dating of these changes is tentative, given the rarity of radiocarbon dates for the most recent occupation levels at the earthworks. The most recent dates for Munsa and Kibengo are A.D. 1530-1710 and A.D. 1502-1652 respectively.
245. Robertshaw, 'Archaeological survey', 116, 128.
246. S. R. Karugire, A History of the Kingdom of Nkore (Oxford, 1971);
247. E. I. Steinhart, 'Ankole: pastoral hegemony', in H. Claessen and P. Skalnik (eds.), The Early State (The Hague, 1978), 131-50.
248. There is frustratingly little archaeological evidence for this period; however, see M. Posnansky, 'The excavation of an Ankole capital site at Bweyorere', Uganda Journal, 32 (1968), 165-82; A. Reid and P. Robertshaw, 'A new look at Ankole capitals', Azania, 22 (1987), 83-8. In suggesting an eighteenth-century date for the rise of the Bito and Hinda dynasties, we are loosely following some of the conclusions presented by Edward Steinhart; see, for example, E. I. Steinhart, 'Herders and farmers: the tributary mode of production in western Uganda', in C. C. Stewart and D. Crummy (eds.), Modes of Production in Africa (Beverly Hills, 1981), 114-55; idem, 'Emergence of Bunyoro'.
249. There is frustratingly little archaeological evidence for this period; however, see M. Posnansky, 'The excavation of an Ankole capital site at Bweyorere', Uganda Journal, 32 (1968), 165-82; A. Reid and P. Robertshaw, 'A new look at Ankole capitals', Azania, 22 (1987), 83-8. In suggesting an eighteenth-century date for the rise of the Bito and Hinda dynasties, we are loosely following some of the conclusions presented by Edward Steinhart; see, for example, E. I. Steinhart, 'Herders and farmers: the tributary mode of production in western Uganda', in C. C. Stewart and D. Crummy (eds.), Modes of Production in Africa (Beverly Hills, 1981), 114-55; idem, 'Emergence of Bunyoro'.
250. There is frustratingly little archaeological evidence for this period; however, see M. Posnansky, 'The excavation of an Ankole capital site at Bweyorere', Uganda Journal, 32 (1968), 165-82; A. Reid and P. Robertshaw, 'A new look at Ankole capitals', Azania, 22 (1987), 83-8. In suggesting an eighteenth-century date for the rise of the Bito and Hinda dynasties, we are loosely following some of the conclusions presented by Edward Steinhart; see, for example, E. I. Steinhart, 'Herders and farmers: the tributary mode of production in western Uganda', in C. C. Stewart and D. Crummy (eds.), Modes of Production in Africa (Beverly Hills, 1981), 114-55; idem, 'Emergence of Bunyoro'.
251. There is frustratingly little archaeological evidence for this period; however, see M. Posnansky, 'The excavation of an Ankole capital site at Bweyorere', Uganda Journal, 32 (1968), 165-82; A. Reid and P. Robertshaw, 'A new look at Ankole capitals', Azania, 22 (1987), 83-8. In suggesting an eighteenth-century date for the rise of the Bito and Hinda dynasties, we are loosely following some of the conclusions presented by Edward Steinhart; see, for example, E. I. Steinhart, 'Herders and farmers: the tributary mode of production in western Uganda', in C. C. Stewart and D. Crummy (eds.), Modes of Production in Africa (Beverly Hills, 1981), 114-55; idem, 'Emergence of Bunyoro'.
252. Lakes Albert (619 m. above sea level) and Kivu (1460 m. above sea level) have also provided important evidence of climate change during the last glacial and Holocene periods, particularly of drier episodes. A substantial fall in Lake Albert occurred sometime between 7007-6776 B.C. and 1679 B.C. and Lake Kivu lacked an outlet to Lake Tanganyika from around 2553-2470 B.C. to A.D. 820-881. See R. E. Hecky, 'The Kivu-Tanganyika Basin: the last 14,000 years', Polskie archiwum Hydrobiologii, 25 (1978), 159-65; Beuning et al., 'Revised 30,000 year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history'.
253. Lakes Albert (619 m. above sea level) and Kivu (1460 m. above sea level) have also provided important evidence of climate change during the last glacial and Holocene periods, particularly of drier episodes. A substantial fall in Lake Albert occurred sometime between 7007-6776 B.C. and 1679 B.C. and Lake Kivu lacked an outlet to Lake Tanganyika from around 2553-2470 B.C. to A.D. 820-881. See R. E. Hecky, 'The Kivu- Tanganyika Basin: the last 14,000 years', Polskie archiwum Hydrobiologii, 25 (1978), 159-65; Beuning et al., 'Revised 30,000 year palaeoclimatic and palaeohydrologic history'.
254. We thus agree with the suggestion of Nicholson, 'Environmental change', that Nile River flood minima relate to the volume of water supplied during the main wet season in the highlands of equatorial Africa, including western Uganda. There are, of course, problems with the direct interpretation of Nilometer readings, which are briefly described by Nicholson, ibid. 65. These problems include the faking of river levels in order to alter tax revenues, shifts in the location of the Nilometer, variations in the technique used to measure water depth, gaps in the record (for example, those between A.D. 1470 and 1835) and silting of the riverbed over time. For these reasons, Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations', cautions against reading too much into absolute differences in Nilometer readings while maintaining that relative differences in summer minimum levels' can be considered a reasonably direct indicator of the fluctuations of Lake Victoria' (p. 14). These levels are also influenced by high floods of the previous year (ibid.).
255. We thus agree with the suggestion of Nicholson, 'Environmental change', that Nile River flood minima relate to the volume of water supplied during the main wet season in the highlands of equatorial Africa, including western Uganda. There are, of course, problems with the direct interpretation of Nilometer readings, which are briefly described by Nicholson, ibid. 65. These problems include the faking of river levels in order to alter tax revenues, shifts in the location of the Nilometer, variations in the technique used to measure water depth, gaps in the record (for example, those between A.D. 1470 and 1835) and silting of the riverbed over time. For these reasons, Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations', cautions against reading too much into absolute differences in Nilometer readings while maintaining that relative differences in summer minimum levels' can be considered a reasonably direct indicator of the fluctuations of Lake Victoria' (p. 14). These levels are also influenced by high floods of the previous year (ibid.).
256. We thus agree with the suggestion of Nicholson, 'Environmental change', that Nile River flood minima relate to the volume of water supplied during the main wet season in the highlands of equatorial Africa, including western Uganda. There are, of course, problems with the direct interpretation of Nilometer readings, which are briefly described by Nicholson, ibid. 65. These problems include the faking of river levels in order to alter tax revenues, shifts in the location of the Nilometer, variations in the technique used to measure water depth, gaps in the record (for example, those between A.D. 1470 and 1835) and silting of the riverbed over time. For these reasons, Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations', cautions against reading too much into absolute differences in Nilometer readings while maintaining that relative differences in summer minimum levels' can be considered a reasonably direct indicator of the fluctuations of Lake Victoria' (p. 14). These levels are also influenced by high floods of the previous year (ibid.).
257. See Stager, et al., 'High-resolution'; J. C. Stager, 'Ancient analogues for recent environmental changes in Lake Victoria, East Africa', in J. T. Lehman (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 37-46.
258. See Stager, et al., 'High-resolution'; J. C. Stager, 'Ancient analogues for recent environmental changes in Lake Victoria, East Africa', in J. T. Lehman (ed.), Environmental Change and Response in East African Lakes (Kluwer, 1998), 37-46.
259. Stager et al., 'High-resolution'.
260. Ibid.
261. Nicholson 'Historical fluctuations'.
262. Cohen et al., 'Lake level and paleoenvironmental history of Lake Tanganyika'.
263. Dated after A.D. 1340-1540 to before A.D. 1800; ibid.
264. Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods', 1144, cites examinations of earlier Nile River records and notes low discharges associated with the First Intermediate Period, 2180-2130 B.C.
265. Fraedrich et al., 'Multiscale detection'. The dating of these two periods is thus not exactly the same as for the two periods of low Nile discharge, suggested by Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods'. Dates for these periods are given as A.D. 930 to 1070 and 1180 to 1350.
266. A previous periodicity in low frequency fluctuations appears also to have been suppressed during this period; T. De Putter, M-F. Loutre and G. Wansard, 'Decadal periodicities of Nile River historical discharge (622-1470) and climatic implications', Geophysical Research Letters, 25 (1998), 3193-96.
267. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations'.
268. The timing of this period correlates closely with the period (from 1070 to 1180) of high Nile floods generally described in Hassan, 'Historical Nile floods', and thus is likely to reflect high rainfall in the main catchment areas, including the highlands of equatorial Africa.
269. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
270. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
271. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
272. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
273. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
274. Palaeoecological evidence from Lake Victoria is fully described in R. L. Kendall, 'An ecological history of the Lake Victoria basin', Ecological Monographs, 39 (1969), 121-76. This evidence was obtained from a core of sediments that was collected in Pilkington Bay, off Entebbe. The evidence from Ahakagyezi and Muchoya swamps is discussed in its entirety in D. Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records from two Ugandan mires: evidence for environmental change in the Rukiga Highlands of southwest Uganda', Palaeogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology, 80 (1990), 283-300 and 'Environmental change in montane south west Uganda: a pollen record for the Holocene from Ahakagyezi Swamp', The Holocene, 3 (1993), 324-32. Evidence from Mubwindi swamp is covered in R. Marchant, D. Taylor and A. C. Hamilton, 'Late glacial and Holocene history of Bwindi-Impenetrable Forest, south-west Uganda', Quaternary Research, 47 (1997), 216-28 and R. Marchant and D. Taylor, 'Dynamics of montane forest in central Africa during the late Holocene: a pollen-based record from western Uganda', The Holocene, 8 (1998), 375-81. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history', describe the evidence from Kabata Swamp.
275. Hamilton, Environmental History, reviews this evidence, the best dated at the time of the review being Kendall's work on sediments from Lake Victoria. More recently acquired evidence for an expansion of grasslands in western Uganda is found in Jolly et al., 'Vegetation dynamics' ; Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records' and 'Environmental change'.
276. Hamilton, Environmental History, reviews this evidence, the best dated at the time of the review being Kendall's work on sediments from Lake Victoria. More recently acquired evidence for an expansion of grasslands in western Uganda is found in Jolly et al., 'Vegetation dynamics' ; Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen records' and 'Environmental change'.
277. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history'.
278. Clearance around Muchoya is associated with burning; Taylor, 'Late Quaternary pollen record'.
279. Taylor, ibid., and 'Dynamics of montane forest'.
280. Taylor, ibid., and 'Dynamics of montane forest'.
281. Taylor et al., 'Sediment-based history'.
282. Throughout this article we have invoked climate and people as the agents of vegetation change. Edward Steinhart, pers. comm., suggested that we should also consider elephants as another agent. While elephants may have sometimes prevented the regeneration of forest in central Africa, we doubt that elephants could have caused the rapid and widespread forest clearance evident from our data. Moreover, many of the disturbance phases apparent in the pollen records are associated with evidence of burning.
283. Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 46-7.
284. Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 221, prefers a correlation with the intervening dry phase.
285. Schmidt, 'Archaeological views', 400-1, suggests that this migration may also have been spurred by environmental degradation resulting from human activity, especially iron smelting, in parts of north-western Tanzania.
286. We thank Andrew Reid for this observation.
287. David Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 235, also links the rise of the Cwezi cult to this period of reduced rainfall. However, we depart from Schoenbrun somewhat in emphasizing a link between the Cwezi and agriculture rather than cattle-keeping; although the first Cwezi persona, Ndahura, kept cattle, according to the traditions, we note that Isaza, the last rightful 'king' of the 'dynasty' preceding the Cwezi, came to grief because of his obsession with cattle; see Tantala, 'Early history ', 394-5 and Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 238, 243-4 for further discussion of these themes.
288. David Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 235, also links the rise of the Cwezi cult to this period of reduced rainfall. However, we depart from Schoenbrun somewhat in emphasizing a link between the Cwezi and agriculture rather than cattle-keeping; although the first Cwezi persona, Ndahura, kept cattle, according to the traditions, we note that Isaza, the last rightful 'king' of the 'dynasty' preceding the Cwezi, came to grief because of his obsession with cattle; see Tantala, 'Early history ', 394-5 and Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 238, 243-4 for further discussion of these themes.
289. David Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 235, also links the rise of the Cwezi cult to this period of reduced rainfall. However, we depart from Schoenbrun somewhat in emphasizing a link between the Cwezi and agriculture rather than cattle-keeping; although the first Cwezi persona, Ndahura, kept cattle, according to the traditions, we note that Isaza, the last rightful 'king' of the 'dynasty' preceding the Cwezi, came to grief because of his obsession with cattle; see Tantala, 'Early history ', 394-5 and Schoenbrun, A Green Place, 238, 243-4 for further discussion of these themes.
290. However, the fact that both Mubende Hill and Kasunga served as shrines raises the possibility that the faunal diversity may be related more to ritual activities than to underlying food shortages; Andrew Reid, in prep, and pers. comm.
291. David Schoenbrun, on the basis of linguistic data, argues that this period saw the intensive development of banana farming, though more so in the wetter region of Buganda than in Bunyoro-Kitara; see A Green Place, 82; 'Cattle herds', 53. Indeed, it is remarkable that no banana phytoliths were recovered from the Munsa sediments (Freya Runge, pers. comm.)
292. David Schoenbrun, on the basis of linguistic data, argues that this period saw the intensive development of banana farming, though more so in the wetter region of Buganda than in Bunyoro-Kitara; see A Green Place, 82; 'Cattle herds', 53. Indeed, it is remarkable that no banana phytoliths were recovered from the Munsa sediments (Freya Runge, pers. comm.)
293. Enormous pits, presumably for grain storage, occur at Munsa; Robertshaw, 'Munsa Earthworks'.
294. Minimum levels of the Nile were generally low for much of the eighteenth century; Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations'.
295. Lanning, 'Death of chieftain'.
296. Note also the traditions of drought and calamity that accompany the rise of the Bito dynasty; see, for example, Steinhart, 'Emergence of Bunyoro'.
297. Nicholson, 'Historical fluctuations'.
298. Doyle, 'Environmental History'.
299. Ibid.