Contesting hybridity: Evangelistas and kataristas in highland Bolivia

Journal of Latin American Studies

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 115-144

  Canessa, Andrew ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF ESSEX   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

BOLIVIA; IDEOLOGY; RELIGION; SOUTH AND CENTRAL AMERICA;

CULTURAL INFLUENCE; INDIGENOUS POPULATION; RELIGION; SOCIAL CHANGE;

BOLIVIA;

EID: 0033997671     PISSN: 0022216X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0022216X99005489     Document Type: Article

References (139)

1. Xavier Albó, 'El Retorno del Indio', Revista Andina, vol. 1, no. 2 (1991), pp. 299-345; Phillip Wearne, The Return of the Indian (London, 1996).
2. Xavier Albó, 'El Retorno del Indio', Revista Andina, vol. 1, no. 2 (1991), pp. 299-345; Phillip Wearne, The Return of the Indian (London, 1996).
3. Guillermo Bonfil (ed.), Utopía y revolución. El pensamiento político contemporáneo de los indios en América Latina (Mexico, 1981), p. 30.
4. David Stoll, Is Latin America turning Protestant? The Politics of Evangelical Growth (Berkeley, 1990), David Martin, Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Oxford, 1990).
5. David Stoll, Is Latin America turning Protestant? The Politics of Evangelical Growth (Berkeley, 1990), David Martin, Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Oxford, 1990).
6. Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity in Latin America (London, 1997).
7. Joe Foweraker, Theorising Social Movements, (London, 1995).
8. Ibid., p. 3.
9. Mexico after the Revolution is perhaps the most striking example of this; see, for example, Jane Hindley, 'Towards a Pluricultural Nation: The Limits of Indigenismo and Article 4', in Rob Aitken et al. (eds.) Dismantling the Mexican State? (New York, 1996). Other countries, however, soon followed suit, including Bolivia.
10. Néstor García Canclini, Transforming Modernity: Popular Culture in Mexico (Austin, 1993); Roberto Schwarz, Misplaced Ideas: Essays an Brazilian Culture, edited and with an introduction by John Gledson (London, 1992), pp. 1-18.
11. Néstor García Canclini, Transforming Modernity: Popular Culture in Mexico (Austin, 1993); Roberto Schwarz, Misplaced Ideas: Essays an Brazilian Culture, edited and with an introduction by John Gledson (London, 1992), pp. 1-18.
12. Ulf Hannerz, Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organisation of Meaning (New York, 1992).
13. Néstor Garcí Canclini, Culturas híbridas: estrategias para entrar y salir de la modernidad (Mexico, 1990).
14. Ulf Hannerz, Cultural Complexity.
15. The idea of cultural hybridity implicitly depends on an idea of cultures which are not hybrids but any culture borrows and reinterprets elements as it goes through history. This process may be faster or slower, more or less visible, but it is surely universal.
16. See, for example, Sabine MacCormack, Religion of the Andes (Princeton, 1991) and Teresa Gisbert, Iconografía y mitos indígenas en el arte (La Paz, 1980).
17. See, for example, Sabine MacCormack, Religion of the Andes (Princeton, 1991) and Teresa Gisbert, Iconografía y mitos indígenas en el arte (La Paz, 1980).
18. J. Murra, 'El "Control Vertical" de un Máximo de Pisos Ecológicos en la Economía de las Sociedades Andinas', in J. Murra (ed.), Visita de la Provincia de León de Huanuco [1562]. Iñigo Ortiz de Zúñiga, Visitador, Vol. II (Huanuco, 1972), pp. 429-76.
19. Serge Gruzinski & Nathan Wachtel, 'Cultural interbreedings: Constituting the Majority as a Minority', Comparative Study of Society and History, vol. 37 (1997), p. 240.
20. X. Albó, T. Greaves and G. Sandoval, Chukiyawu: La Cara Aymara de La Paz, vols I-IV (La Paz, 1981, 1982, 1983, 1987).
21. Olivia Harris and Xavier Albó, Monteras y guardatojos: Campesinos y mineros en el Norte de Potosí (La Paz, 1975).
22. I prefer the term 'indian' over 'indigenous'. 'Indigenous' is drawn from natural history and means 'belonging naturally to the region'. There is a certain absurdity in talking of indigeneity in the Andes since the vast majority of Andeans have some descent from the people the conquistadors met. Indigenous also implies being of 'pure' native descent. One would need to include millions of such people who do not see themselves as indigenous nor are seen by others as indigenous and thus the term has limited analytical purchase. 'Indian' on the other hand, in the American context, more clearly indicates a culturally constructed identity. In the American context, 'indian' is an ethnic, not national term, and therefore I follow the usage of writing this word in lower case in the same way as other such categories, e.g. mestizo, black, mulatto. See Peter Wade, Race and Ethnicity, p. 121.
23. Thomas Abercrombie, 'To be Indian to be Bolivian', in Nation States and Indians in Latin America, G. Urban and J. Scherzer (eds.) (Austin, 1991), pp. 95-130.
24. The author conducted anthropological research among Aymara-speakers in the northern highlands of Bolivia in 1989-1991, 1993 and 1998.
25. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (New York, 1971); Jean Franco, 'Globalization and the Crisis of the Popular', in Tom Salman (ed.), The Legacy of the Disinherited. Popular Culture in Latin America; Modernity, Globalization, Hybridity and Authenticity (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 264-5, William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America (London, 1991), p. 231.
26. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (New York, 1971); Jean Franco, 'Globalization and the Crisis of the Popular', in Tom Salman (ed.), The Legacy of the Disinherited. Popular Culture in Latin America; Modernity, Globalization, Hybridity and Authenticity (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 264-5, William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America (London, 1991), p. 231.
27. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia (New York, 1971); Jean Franco, 'Globalization and the Crisis of the Popular', in Tom Salman (ed.), The Legacy of the Disinherited. Popular Culture in Latin America; Modernity, Globalization, Hybridity and Authenticity (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 264-5, William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America (London, 1991), p. 231.
28. Jean Franco, 'Globalization and the Crisis of the Popular', p. 265.
29. Ibid.
30. See William Rowe and Vivian Schelling, Memory and Modernity.
31. Olivia Harris, 'La Pachamama: significados de la madre en el discurso boliviano', in Latinoamericanas: Diez ensayos en una historia colectiva (Lima, 1988), pp. 7-75.
32. See Jean Franco, 'Globalization and the Crisis of the Popular'. In this they may be considered to be two more examples around the world of 'new' nationalisms and fundamentalist religions. Whereas it is perhaps more common for fundamental religion and resurgent nationalism to be closely allied in examples from the USA, India, Iran, Pakistan, etc., in Bolivia the 'new' nationalism of the kataristas and the fundamentalism of the evangelistas share a mutual antipathy.
33. Andrew Canessa, 'Procreation, Personhood and Ethnic Difference in Highland Bolivia', Ethnos, vol. 63, no. 2 (1998), pp. 227-47.
34. There is, however, no indication that Tiwanaku was anything like an Aymara nation although it is quite likely that at least some of its residents spoke Aymara. There is also considerable evidence that they may also have spoken Pukina and, in any case, Tiwanaku had important cultural links with Wari which is now situated in Peru.
35. Michael Kearney, 'Indigenous ethnicity and mobilisation in Latin America' vol. 23, no. 2, Latin American Perspectives, (1996), p. 8.
36. David Martin, Tongues of Fire.
37. Andrew Canessa, 'Evangelical Protestantism in the Northern Highlands of Bolivia', Studies in World Christianity, vol. 4, no. 1 (1998), pp. 21-40.
38. Ted Lewellen, Peasants in Transition: The Changing Economy of the Peruvian Aymara (Boulder, 1978).
39. Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Democracia liberal y democracia de ayllu: el caso de Norte Potosí, Bolivia', in Carlos Toranzo Roca (ed.), El dificil camino hacia la democracia (La Paz, 1990).
40. Jane Hindley, 'Towards a Pluricultural nation', p. 226.
41. Indeed, this problem is not unique to Bolivia, or Latin America for that matter. European nations, too, had to deal with the subaltern masses which defined the nation and gave it legitimacy while being at the same time considered ignorant, superstitious and backward. See Néstor García Canclini, Transforming Modernity.
42. Jesus Martín Barbero, De los medios a las mediaciones (Mexico 1987) in Néstor García Canclini, Culturas hibridas, p. 194.
43. Jesus Martín Barbero, De los medios a las mediaciones (Mexico 1987) in Néstor García Canclini, Culturas hibridas, p. 194.
44. Policarpio Rojas Ramirez, Historia de levantamientos indígenas en Bolivia, 1978-1985 (La Paz, 1989); Fausto Reinaga, La revolución india (La Paz, 1969).
45. Policarpio Rojas Ramirez, Historia de levantamientos indígenas en Bolivia, 1978-1985 (La Paz, 1989); Fausto Reinaga, La revolución india (La Paz, 1969).
46. Indian communities were basically unionised with elected secretary generals, secretaries for justice, roads, education and a host of other offices. These were incorporated into the national syndicalist structure. Many indian communities continue to organise themselves internally alone the lines of annual elections to these offices.
47. Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Democracia liberal y democracia de ayllu: el caso de Norte de Potosí, Bolivia', in Carlos Toranzo Roca (ed.), El díficil camino hacia la democracia (La Paz, 1990), p. 48.
48. P. Rajas Ramirez, Historia de levantamientos, p. 46.
49. Ejército Guerrilero Tupac Katari (EGTK), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Indio Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katarí de Liberación (MRTKL), Frente Único de Liberación Katarista (FULKA) and Movimiento Katarista Nacional (MKN), to name the most significant. Some, such as the EGTK, are opposed to electoral politics and aim to achieve their ends through violent means. Others, such as MRTKL and FULKA, who do not reject constitutional means, stand at elections where the results give some measure of their support. In the 1988 general elections they were the only indianist parties to stand, and respectively won 14, 595 and 11, 002 votes in the Department of La Paz. See Diego Pacheco, El indianimiso y los indios contemporáneos en Bolivia (La Paz, 1992), p. 216. In the elections of 1993, however, the MRTKL became a coalition partner of the MNR (Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario) and together they won the elections which resulted in the leader of the MRTKL, Victor Hugo Cárdenas becoming Vice-president. Jenaro Flores (FULKA), Félix Cárdenas (Eje Pachakuti) and Fernando Untoja (MKN) were the other katarista candidates. The Eje Pachakuti was the only one of these to obtain enough votes for a seat in Parliament. See Xavier Albó 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas? The Surprising and Bold Alliance between Aymaras and Neoliberals in Bolivia ', in Donna Lee van Cott (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America (New York, 1994), p. 67. For a discussion of the evolution and splits that engendered many of these groups, see Javier Hurtado, El Katarismo and Diego Pacheco, El indianimso y los indios.
50. Ejército Guerrilero Tupac Katari (EGTK), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Indio Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katarí de Liberación (MRTKL), Frente Único de Liberación Katarista (FULKA) and Movimiento Katarista Nacional (MKN), to name the most significant. Some, such as the EGTK, are opposed to electoral politics and aim to achieve their ends through violent means. Others, such as MRTKL and FULKA, who do not reject constitutional means, stand at elections where the results give some measure of their support. In the 1988 general elections they were the only indianist parties to stand, and respectively won 14, 595 and 11, 002 votes in the Department of La Paz. See Diego Pacheco, El indianimiso y los indios contemporáneos en Bolivia (La Paz, 1992), p. 216. In the elections of 1993, however, the MRTKL became a coalition partner of the MNR (Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario) and together they won the elections which resulted in the leader of the MRTKL, Victor Hugo Cárdenas becoming Vice-president. Jenaro Flores (FULKA), Félix Cárdenas (Eje Pachakuti) and Fernando Untoja (MKN) were the other katarista candidates. The Eje Pachakuti was the only one of these to obtain enough votes for a seat in Parliament. See Xavier Albó 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas? The Surprising and Bold Alliance between Aymaras and Neoliberals in Bolivia ', in Donna Lee van Cott (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America (New York, 1994), p. 67. For a discussion of the evolution and splits that engendered many of these groups, see Javier Hurtado, El Katarismo and Diego Pacheco, El indianimso y los indios.
51. Ejército Guerrilero Tupac Katari (EGTK), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Indio Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katarí de Liberación (MRTKL), Frente Único de Liberación Katarista (FULKA) and Movimiento Katarista Nacional (MKN), to name the most significant. Some, such as the EGTK, are opposed to electoral politics and aim to achieve their ends through violent means. Others, such as MRTKL and FULKA, who do not reject constitutional means, stand at elections where the results give some measure of their support. In the 1988 general elections they were the only indianist parties to stand, and respectively won 14, 595 and 11, 002 votes in the Department of La Paz. See Diego Pacheco, El indianimiso y los indios contemporáneos en Bolivia (La Paz, 1992), p. 216. In the elections of 1993, however, the MRTKL became a coalition partner of the MNR (Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario) and together they won the elections which resulted in the leader of the MRTKL, Victor Hugo Cárdenas becoming Vice-president. Jenaro Flores (FULKA), Félix Cárdenas (Eje Pachakuti) and Fernando Untoja (MKN) were the other katarista candidates. The Eje Pachakuti was the only one of these to obtain enough votes for a seat in Parliament. See Xavier Albó 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas? The Surprising and Bold Alliance between Aymaras and Neoliberals in Bolivia ', in Donna Lee van Cott (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America (New York, 1994), p. 67. For a discussion of the evolution and splits that engendered many of these groups, see Javier Hurtado, El Katarismo and Diego Pacheco, El indianimso y los indios.
52. Ejército Guerrilero Tupac Katari (EGTK), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Indio Tupac Katari (MITKA), Movimiento Revolucionario Tupac Katarí de Liberación (MRTKL), Frente Único de Liberación Katarista (FULKA) and Movimiento Katarista Nacional (MKN), to name the most significant. Some, such as the EGTK, are opposed to electoral politics and aim to achieve their ends through violent means. Others, such as MRTKL and FULKA, who do not reject constitutional means, stand at elections where the results give some measure of their support. In the 1988 general elections they were the only indianist parties to stand, and respectively won 14, 595 and 11, 002 votes in the Department of La Paz. See Diego Pacheco, El indianimiso y los indios contemporáneos en Bolivia (La Paz, 1992), p. 216. In the elections of 1993, however, the MRTKL became a coalition partner of the MNR (Movimiento Nacional Revolucionario) and together they won the elections which resulted in the leader of the MRTKL, Victor Hugo Cárdenas becoming Vice-president. Jenaro Flores (FULKA), Félix Cárdenas (Eje Pachakuti) and Fernando Untoja (MKN) were the other katarista candidates. The Eje Pachakuti was the only one of these to obtain enough votes for a seat in Parliament. See Xavier Albó 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas? The Surprising and Bold Alliance between Aymaras and Neoliberals in Bolivia ', in Donna Lee van Cott (ed.), Indigenous Peoples and Democracy in Latin America (New York, 1994), p. 67. For a discussion of the evolution and splits that engendered many of these groups, see Javier Hurtado, El Katarismo and Diego Pacheco, El indianimso y los indios.
53. The revolt was actually started much further south by Tomás, Nicolás and Dámaso Katari from whom Julián Apaza took the name to signify the unity of the movement. See Victor Hugo Cárdenas, 'La lucha de un pueblo' in Xavier Albó (ed.), Raíces de América-El mundo aymara (Madrid, 1988), p. 502. The kataristas were also variously led by Julian's wife, Bertolina Sisa, and sister, Gregoria Apaza, both of whom also took the name Katari and are well-remembered today.
54. Javier Hurtado, El Katarismo (La Paz, 1986), p. 18.
55. Felipe Qhispe Wanka, Tupak Katari Vive y Vuelve … ¡Carajo ! (La Paz, 1990), pp. 140-3. It should be noted, however, that not all katarìsta groups are equally anti-Christian, in particular not those who seek success in mass electoral politics.
56. Bartolina Sisa, his companion and leader of the army, continued the struggle until she, too, was captured the following September, when she was hanged and quartered.
57. In Peru the parallel phenomenon is that of 'Inkarrí', the Inka king. Inkarrí's body is also believed to be growing underground or hiding in the jungle waiting for his triumphant return. See, for example, A. Flores Galindo, Buscando un Inca: identidad y utopía en los Andes (La Habana, 1986).
58. Pacha in Aymara is a highly evocative term and there is no room here to go into it in great detail but pacha is also the site of the tellurian deities to whom much indigenous ritual is directed. The pachakuti then is also the elevation of the indigenous nature gods to a position of hegemony as opposed to the domination by the sky gods of God the Father, Jesus and so on.
59. Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Oppressed bat not Defeated': Peasant Struggles among the Aymara and Quechua in Bolivia, 1900-1980 (Geneva 1987), p. 163.
60. Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge, 1982).
61. See, for example, Joanne Rappaport, The Cumbe Reborn (Berkeley, 1994).
62. Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, 1983).
63. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism. (London, 1983).
64. Max Weber, Economy and Society (Berkeley, 1978), p. 922.
65. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Cultura política de los aymaras y los quechuas en Bolivia. Acerca de las formas aymaras y quechuas en relacionarse con la modernidad', in Max Peter Baumann (ed.), Cosmologíe y música en los Andes (Mexico, 1996).
66. Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Democracia liberal y democracia de ayllu', p. 26.
67. Xavier Albó, 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas?', p. 61.
68. Ibid.
69. It is not only in the distant past that indians have rebelled or laid siege to the city. There have been several uprisings this century and in 1979 Aymara miners and peasants successfully blockaded the city of La Paz for several days in protest at the military coup.
70. Juliana Strobele-Gregor, 'Búsqueda de seguridad y formas proprias de afirmación de la identidad social aimara urbana', América Indígena, vol. 3 (1992), pp. 165-77.
71. Ibid.
72. Victor Hugo Cárdenas, 'La lucha de un pueblo'. Cárdenas leads the MRTKL, the Movimiento Revolucionario Tupaj Katari de Liberación.
73. Xavier Albó, 'And from Kataristas to MNRistas?', p. 56.
74. Cárdenas was not only concerned with Aymara peasants. In 1993 he and the MRTKL assisted the Asamblea del Pueblo Guaraní, a lowland indian organisation, in gaining a seat in parliament.
75. For a general discussion on katarista groups and their various unions and divisions, see Hurtado, El Katarismo.
76. See Guillermo Bonfil, (ed.), Utopía y revolución.
77. I am indebted to one of the anonymous reviewers of JLAS for this observation. It is worth pointing out, however, that other katarista groups see Cárdenas' willingness to engage with state institutions as a total betrayal.
78. David Lehmann, Struggle for the Spirit: Religious transformation and popular culture in Brazil and Latin America, (London, 1996), p. 8. For an excellent Andean example of the Church's assimilation of indigenous practice see Sallnow's account of the cult of Q'oyllur Rit'i in Peru, Michael Sallnow, Pilgrims of the Andes (Washington, D.C, 1987). Sabine MacCormack, Religion of the Andes (Princeton, 1991) provides a thorough analysis of the process of evangelisation in the Andes at the time of European conquest and colonisation and the manner in which indigenous religious forms were incorporated into Andean Catholicism.
79. David Lehmann, Struggle for the Spirit: Religious transformation and popular culture in Brazil and Latin America, (London, 1996), p. 8. For an excellent Andean example of the Church's assimilation of indigenous practice see Sallnow's account of the cult of Q'oyllur Rit'i in Peru, Michael Sallnow, Pilgrims of the Andes (Washington, D.C, 1987). Sabine MacCormack, Religion of the Andes (Princeton, 1991) provides a thorough analysis of the process of evangelisation in the Andes at the time of European conquest and colonisation and the manner in which indigenous religious forms were incorporated into Andean Catholicism.
80. David Lehmann, Struggle for the Spirit: Religious transformation and popular culture in Brazil and Latin America, (London, 1996), p. 8. For an excellent Andean example of the Church's assimilation of indigenous practice see Sallnow's account of the cult of Q'oyllur Rit'i in Peru, Michael Sallnow, Pilgrims of the Andes (Washington, D.C, 1987). Sabine MacCormack, Religion of the Andes (Princeton, 1991) provides a thorough analysis of the process of evangelisation in the Andes at the time of European conquest and colonisation and the manner in which indigenous religious forms were incorporated into Andean Catholicism.
81. Carlos Intipampa, Opresión y Aculturación: La evangelizacio>n de los Aymara, (La Paz, 1991), p. 136.
82. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, Indios de piel blanca. Evangelistas fundamentalistas en Chukiyawu (La Paz, 1989).
83. The 1992 census had five categories under religious affiliation: católicos, evangélicos, otras religiones, ninguna, sin especificar; that is, Catholic, Protestant, other religions, none, did not specify.
84. Ministerio de Planeamiento y Coordinación/Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Censo national de pabtación y vivienda 1992. Resultados Finales (La Paz, 1993).
85. Murillo, Ornasuyos, Pacajes, Camacho, Larecaja, Franz Tamayo, Ingavi, Loayza, Inquisivi, Los Andes, Aroma, Manko Kapac. The exception here is the jungle province of Pando which has a population which is 31.47 per cent evangelical out of a total population of under 5, 000, and Gualberto Villaroel with 23.05 per cent out of a population of under 12, 000.
86. Quentin Notdyke, Animistic Aymaras and Church Growth, (Oregon, 1972), p. 137.
87. Ibid.
88. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man (Cambridge, 1982), p. 3.
89. Michael Sallnow, Pilgrims of the Andes, p. 50.
90. In 1991, for example, the bishop of La Paz announced on radio that Protestantism with its North American association and values was alien to Bolivia. Catholicism, he said, was the religion that most fully corresponded to the life and culture of Bolivia. The irony that it was the conquering Spanish who brought Catholicism to Bolivia escaped him, and it escaped him because, like most Bolivians of his class, he has a vision of Bolivian identity that necessarily includes a Spanish heritage. For him, as for many others, Catholicism is Bolivia's religion.
91. David Lehmann, Struggle for the Spirit.
92. It was not until 1992 that a census showed a majority of Bolivians as having Spanish as their first language.
93. In one community where fieldwork was conducted in the 19908, the priest visited once every two or three years. This is by no means atypical, and remoter communities may never see a priest at all.
94. X. Albó, T. Greaves and G. Sandoval, Chukiyawu: La Cara Aymara de La Paz. Vol iii: Cabalgando entre dos Mundos (La Paz, 1983).
95. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, Indios de Piel Blanca; Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Las comunidades religiosas fundamentalistas en Bolivia: Sobre el éxito misionero de los Adventistas del Séptimo Día', in Allpanchis vol. 40, (1992), pp. 219-53; Andrew Canessa, 'Evangelical Protestantism'.
96. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, Indios de Piel Blanca; Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Las comunidades religiosas fundamentalistas en Bolivia: Sobre el éxito misionero de los Adventistas del Séptimo Día', in Allpanchis vol. 40, (1992), pp. 219-53; Andrew Canessa, 'Evangelical Protestantism'.
97. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, Indios de Piel Blanca; Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Las comunidades religiosas fundamentalistas en Bolivia: Sobre el éxito misionero de los Adventistas del Séptimo Día', in Allpanchis vol. 40, (1992), pp. 219-53; Andrew Canessa, 'Evangelical Protestantism'.
98. The first hair-cutting, rutucha, is an important ritual undertaken when a child is about 18 months to two years old. It is attended by the entire community, who welcome the child as a member.
99. See, for example, Carlos Intipampa, Opresión y Aculturación, p. 139 and passim.
100. Bernardo Guerrero, A Dios rofando … Los pentecostales en la sociedad aymara del norte grande de Chile (Amsterdam, 1996).
101. See also Carlos Intipampa, Opresión y Aculturación, pp. 165-9.
102. David Martin, Tongues of Fire.
103. The extirpation of idolatry can be said to have ended by the time Peña Montenegro published his manual for priests in 1661. The fervour for extirpation was by now spent. Possibly, argues Pierre Duviols, because the most obvious examples of idolatry had by then disappeared and most parish priests were tired of the strife and conflict. Sec P. Duviols, La lutte contre les religions autochtones dans le Pérou colonial. 'L'extirpation de P'idolâtrie' entre 1932 et 1660 (Lima-Paris, 1977).
104. It appears that it is not only in the Catholic Church that 'traditional' Andean religion is retarded as an inculturated form of Christianity. Carlos Intipampa, for example argues for this very interpretation, and even that Andean Christianity predates the European invasion, but his is an isolated voice and by no means representative, Carlos Intipampa, Opresión y Aculturación. Intipampa recognises that the vast majority of Methodists in Bolivia have not even heard of the rather tame theology of liberation espoused by certain sections of the Bolivian Methodist hierarchy (ibid., p. 174) let alone his 'Andean theology', which owes so much to liberal Catholic commentators such as Xavier Albó. One wonders what the consequences would be if Methodists did adopt this 'Andean theology', and how they could distinguish themselves from the liberal Catholics
105. The Latin American Episcopal Conference.
106. David Lehmann, Struggle for the Spirit, p. 71.
107. Ibid., p. 71.
108. Carlos Intipampa, Opresión y Aculturación, p. 165.
109. There are some evangelistas who will chew coca, although without the reactive agent, llujt'a, which produces the narcotic effect (I am grateful to the anonymous reviewer of JLAS for this point). Other groups, such as the Mormons, are against any kind of stimulant whatsoever, even coffee which, in many altiplano communities, is a weaning food offered in a weakened and heavily sweetened form.
110. Thierry Saignes, 'Borracheras andinas: ¿porqué los indios ebrios hablan en español?' Revista Andina (1989), pp. 83-119.
111. Catherine Allen, The Hold Life Has: Coca and Cultural Identity in an Andean Community (Washington D.C., 1988).
112. Coca leaves are also used for offerings to the earth and mountain spirits and the seer, the yatiri, will cast leaves onto a cloth made from woven llama fibre to divine the will and knowledge of the chthonic beings. On a more practical level, coca is a mild narcotic which assists frequently undernourished people doing hard physical labour in the rarefied atmosphere of the altiplano which is at an altitude of 3, 900 m above sea level.
113. See Ted Lewellen, Peasants in Transition and David Martin, Tongue of Fire for this kind of analysis.
114. See Ted Lewellen, Peasants in Transition and David Martin, Tongue of Fire for this kind of analysis.
115. See, for example, Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Búsqueda de seguridad y formas proprias de afirmación de la identidad social aimara urbana', and Olivia Harris, 'Ethnic Identity and Market Relations: Indians and Mestizos in the Andes', in O. Harris, B. Larson and E. Tandeter, (eds), Ethnicity and Markets in the Andes: Indian Economies and Commercial Adaptations 16th-20th Centuries, (Nebraska 1995), for accounts of the dispiriting and denigrating situation that many indians face living in the city, and some of the strategies to overcome this.
116. See, for example, Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Búsqueda de seguridad y formas proprias de afirmación de la identidad social aimara urbana', and Olivia Harris, 'Ethnic Identity and Market Relations: Indians and Mestizos in the Andes', in O. Harris, B. Larson and E. Tandeter, (eds), Ethnicity and Markets in the Andes: Indian Economies and Commercial Adaptations 16th-20th Centuries, (Nebraska 1995), for accounts of the dispiriting and denigrating situation that many indians face living in the city, and some of the strategies to overcome this.
117. Bastide, working in Brazil, has noticed a similar aspect to Protestant conversion among Brazilian blacks: to the black, joining any Protestant denomination is in itself an advance. A cultural advance because Protestantism is the religion of the book and, therefore, of literate people. It is the religion of the United States, of a world power. A social advance because, on every level, the Protestant tends to rise and enter the middle class. Lastly, it is a religious advance. Roger Bastide, African Religions in Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (Baltimore, 1978), p. 372 in David Martin Tongues of Fire, p. 68.
118. Bastide, working in Brazil, has noticed a similar aspect to Protestant conversion among Brazilian blacks: to the black, joining any Protestant denomination is in itself an advance. A cultural advance because Protestantism is the religion of the book and, therefore, of literate people. It is the religion of the United States, of a world power. A social advance because, on every level, the Protestant tends to rise and enter the middle class. Lastly, it is a religious advance. Roger Bastide, African Religions in Brazil: Towards a Sociology of the Interpenetration of Civilizations (Baltimore, 1978), p. 372 in David Martin Tongues of Fire, p. 68.
119. Libbet Crandon-Malamud, From the Fat of Our Souls: Social Change and Medical Pluralism in Bolivia (Berkeley, 1991).
120. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, Indios de piel blanca, p. 189.
121. Conversion can also expand social capital through the important networks that are opened up by church membership.
122. Gilbert Pauwels, Dorpen en Gemeenschappen in de Andes: Socio-culturele Veranderingen bij de Boliviaanse Aymara (Leuven, 1983), p. 363.
123. Ibid., p. 312 and passim.
124. Felipe Qhispe Wanka, Tupak Katari Vive y Vuelv … ¡Carajo!, p. 10.
125. Although not, strictly-speaking, Protestants, Mormons fall under the general category of evangelistas to most Bolivians. They are notable for their North American missionaries who are easily identifiable, not only by their features and stature, but by their crew-cuts, short-sleeved white shirts and dark tie.
126. Juliana Ströbele-Gregor, 'Cultura polítics de los aymaras y los quechuas en Bolivia', p. 510.
127. Javier Hurtado El Katarismo.
128. Ibid., p. 33.
129. It is worth noting that this to per cent of the population almost certainly represents the great majority of church-going Christians, as attendance in Catholic mass is negligible, especially in Indian areas.
130. David Knowlton, 'Mormons and terrorism in Bolivia', paper given at the Society of Latin American Studies Conference, York, UK (1996).
131. See, for example, the case of Jaime in J. Ströbele-Gregor, 'Wir sind die Indios mit der weißen Haut', Wege zum Menschen, vol. 41, no. 2 (1989), p. 83. It may also be the case that the significant number of ex-evangelistas in katarista political organisations, despite the shunning of formal political action as worldly by many evangelistas, may be due to the fact that, in many rural areas, the only educated indians in previous generations were those educated by missionaries. See J. Ströbele-Gregor, Intdios de piel blanca, pp. 274-5. This education provided them with the capacity for seeing beyond their condition in ways not open to others in what was then a highly regulated and repressive society for indians.
132. See, for example, the case of Jaime in J. Ströbele-Gregor, 'Wir sind die Indios mit der weißen Haut', Wege zum Menschen, vol. 41, no. 2 (1989), p. 83. It may also be the case that the significant number of ex-evangelistas in katarista political organisations, despite the shunning of formal political action as worldly by many evangelistas, may be due to the fact that, in many rural areas, the only educated indians in previous generations were those educated by missionaries. See J. Ströbele-Gregor, Intdios de piel blanca, pp. 274-5. This education provided them with the capacity for seeing beyond their condition in ways not open to others in what was then a highly regulated and repressive society for indians.
133. La Universidad Mayor de San Andrés.
134. Not all kataristas agree as to exactly what a pachakuti might entail. In his inaugural speech in 1993, Víctor Hugo Cárdenas stated that his election would mark a new pachakuti, not quite the indigenous upheaval imagined by others. Historically, a pachakuti has marked the (violent) turning of one age into another (see Thérese Bouysse-Cassagne and Olivia Harris, 'Pacha: en torno al pensamiento aymara', in T. Bouyssc-Cassagne et al., Tres reflexiones sobre el pensamiento andino (La Paz, 1987), pp. 11-60.
135. Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Aymara Past, Aymara Future', NACLA Report on the Americas (1993), vol. 25, no. 3, pp. 18-23.
136. Gilbert Pauwels, Dorpen en Gemeenschappen, p.316.
137. See Jane Hindley, 'Towards a Pluricultural nation'.
138. Pete Wade, Race and Ethnicity.
139. See Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, 'Democracia liberal y democracia de ayllu', for a complementary analysis of why katarismo has had such difficulty in gaining recruits in that most 'traditional' of highland areas, the Norte de Potosí.