Marriage, family labour and the stem family household: Traditional Japan in a comparative perspective

Continuity and Change

Volumn 15, Issue 1, 2000, Pages 17-45

  Saito, Osamu ^a  

^a HITOTSUBASHI UNIVERSITY   (Japan)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COMPARATIVE STUDY; FAMILY STRUCTURE; HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; LABOR MARKET; MARRIAGE;

JAPAN;

EID: 0033924142     PISSN: 02684160     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S026841609900346X     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. J. Hajnal, 'European marriage patterns in perspective', in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley eds, Population in history: essays in historical demography (London, 1965), pp. 101-43, and 'Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation system', in R. Wall, J. Robin and P. Laslett eds, Family forms in historic Europe (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 65-104.
2. J. Hajnal, 'European marriage patterns in perspective', in D. V. Glass and D. E. C. Eversley eds, Population in history: essays in historical demography (London, 1965), pp. 101-43, and 'Two kinds of pre-industrial household formation system', in R. Wall, J. Robin and P. Laslett eds, Family forms in historic Europe (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 65-104.
3. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
4. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
5. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
6. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
7. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
8. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
9. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70. There can be several ways of defining the stem family. See, for example, P. Laslett, 'Introduction', pp. 16-23, in P. Laslett and R. Wall, Household and family in past time (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 1-89; R. Wall, 'Introduction', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 18-28; L. K. Berkner, 'The stem family and the development cycle of the peasant household: an eighteenth-century Austrian example', American Historical Review 77 (1972), pp. 398-418; R. Sieder and M. Mitterauer, 'The reconstruction of the family life course: theoretical problems and empirical results', in Wall, Robin and Laslett, Family forms, pp. 316-18; and M. Mitterauer and R. Sieder, The European family: patriarchy to partnership from the middle ages to the present (Oxford, 1982), pp. 32-4.
10. See C. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization in rural Japan (LSE Monographs on Social Anthropology, 32; London, 1967), p. 2, and also K. Ariga, 'The family in Japan', Marriage and Family Living 16 (1954), p. 362. There is a vast number of Japanese-language works concerning family and the concept of ie in traditional times (ie is pronounced 'y-é').
11. See C. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization in rural Japan (LSE Monographs on Social Anthropology, 32; London, 1967), p. 2, and also K. Ariga, 'The family in Japan', Marriage and Family Living 16 (1954), p. 362. There is a vast number of Japanese-language works concerning family and the concept of ie in traditional times (ie is pronounced 'y-é').
12. Yoshikazu Hasegawa, Masaru Fujii, Takao Takeuchi and Toshiro Nozaki, Nihon shakai no kiso kozo: ie, dozoku, sonraku no kenkyu (Kyoto, 1991), pp. 5, 77-82. They contend that the ie as an institution in Tokugawa times (an era prior to the Meiji Restoration of 1868) was conceptually different from the actual household as a coresident domestic group. In fact, such ie as units comprising several households did sometimes appear in population registers in early periods of the Tokugawa era.
13. Ariga, 'The family in Japan', p. 364.
14. L. L. Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia: a comparativist history of the family in preindustrial Japan', Journal of Family History 12 (1987), pp. 143-62.
15. A. P. Wolf and S. B. Hanley, 'Introduction', in S. B. Hanley and A. P. Wolf eds, Family and population in East Asian history (Stanford, 1985), pp. 3-4.
16. Wolf and Hanley, 'Introduction', pp. 5-6.
17. In modern Japan, it was not until the 1920s that the trend in birth rates showed a downturn. In the history of the population statistics of Japan, the period between 1872, when the new household registration system started, and 1920, when the first national census was taken, is regarded as a 'dark age', because the numbers of births and deaths reported in government statistics are believed to have been seriously understated, so seriously that there are considerable disagreements concerning trends in demographic rates over the entire Meiji period. Opinion is sharply divided concerning the trends in mortality, whereas there is now little dispute about the trend in crude birth rates: recent estimates suggest that fertility was on the increase, however slight, during the Meiji period. For an overview of the evidence, see H. Ohbuchi, 'Demographic transition in the process of Japanese industrialization', in H. Patrick and L. Meissner eds, Japanese industrialization and its social consequences (Berkeley, 1976), pp. 329-61; Masato Takase, '1890-1920 nen no wagakuni no jinko dotai to jinko seitai', Jinkogaku kenkyu 14 (1991), pp. 21-34; and other works referred to in these articles.
18. In modern Japan, it was not until the 1920s that the trend in birth rates showed a downturn. In the history of the population statistics of Japan, the period between 1872, when the new household registration system started, and 1920, when the first national census was taken, is regarded as a 'dark age', because the numbers of births and deaths reported in government statistics are believed to have been seriously understated, so seriously that there are considerable disagreements concerning trends in demographic rates over the entire Meiji period. Opinion is sharply divided concerning the trends in mortality, whereas there is now little dispute about the trend in crude birth rates: recent estimates suggest that fertility was on the increase, however slight, during the Meiji period. For an overview of the evidence, see H. Ohbuchi, 'Demographic transition in the process of Japanese industrialization', in H. Patrick and L. Meissner eds, Japanese industrialization and its social consequences (Berkeley, 1976), pp. 329-61; Masato Takase, '1890-1920 nen no wagakuni no jinko dotai to jinko seitai', Jinkogaku kenkyu 14 (1991), pp. 21-34; and other works referred to in these articles.
19. See, for example, A. Hayami, 'Aspects démographiques d'un village japonais (1671-1871)', Annales: E.S.C. (1969), pp. 617-39; S. B. Hanley and K. Yamamura, Economic and demographic change in preindustrial Japan, 1600-1868 (Princeton, 1977); and T. C. Smith, Nakahara: family farming and population in a Japanese village, 1717-1830 (Stanford, 1977).
20. See, for example, A. Hayami, 'Aspects démographiques d'un village japonais (1671-1871)', Annales: E.S.C. (1969), pp. 617-39; S. B. Hanley and K. Yamamura, Economic and demographic change in preindustrial Japan, 1600-1868 (Princeton, 1977); and T. C. Smith, Nakahara: family farming and population in a Japanese village, 1717-1830 (Stanford, 1977).
21. See, for example, A. Hayami, 'Aspects démographiques d'un village japonais (1671-1871)', Annales: E.S.C. (1969), pp. 617-39; S. B. Hanley and K. Yamamura, Economic and demographic change in preindustrial Japan, 1600-1868 (Princeton, 1977); and T. C. Smith, Nakahara: family farming and population in a Japanese village, 1717-1830 (Stanford, 1977).
22. See O. Saito, 'Infanticide, fertility and "population stagnation": the state of Tokugawa historical demography', Japan Forum 4 (1992), pp. 369-81, and Ken'ichi Tomobe, 'Kinsei Nihon noson ni okeru shizen shusshoryoku suikei no kokoromi', Jinkogaku kenkyu 14 (1991), pp. 35-47.
23. See O. Saito, 'Infanticide, fertility and "population stagnation": the state of Tokugawa historical demography', Japan Forum 4 (1992), pp. 369-81, and Ken'ichi Tomobe, 'Kinsei Nihon noson ni okeru shizen shusshoryoku suikei no kokoromi', Jinkogaku kenkyu 14 (1991), pp. 35-47.
24. Wolf and Hanley, 'Introduction', p. 5; S. B. Hanley, 'Family and fertility in four Tokugawa villages', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, p. 216, and Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and demographic change, p. 247.
25. Wolf and Hanley, 'Introduction', p. 5; S. B. Hanley, 'Family and fertility in four Tokugawa villages', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, p. 216, and Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and demographic change, p. 247.
26. Wolf and Hanley, 'Introduction', p. 5; S. B. Hanley, 'Family and fertility in four Tokugawa villages', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, p. 216, and Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and demographic change, p. 247.
27. The averages for the four villages are 24.1 and 22.5. See Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and demographic change.
28. S. Ruggles ('Migration, marriage and mortality: correcting sources of bias in English family reconstitutions', Population Studies 46 (1992), pp. 507-22) argues that people who have migrated tend to marry late. Since almost all the cases of such late marriages have systematically been excluded from any family reconstitution studies, this implies that any figures of the observed marriage ages ought to be raised in order to reflect the marriage behaviour of migrants. However, given the state of our knowledge about the relationship between migration and marriage, it is difficult to assess whether Ruggles's argument would be applicable to the demography of Tokugawa Japan. It may be that this kind of bias could be found in earlier studies of demography based on an analysis of the shumon aratame-cho. On the other hand, it is known that sons of farm families on larger holdings tended to marry young and to take their brides from a wider area, suggesting an opposite relationship between migration and marriage age. Akira Hayami makes another point for a Tokugawa village that it is the effect of return migration on marriage age that matters: see Akira Hayami and Nobuko Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki chosa', in Mataji Umemura, Hiroshi Shimbo, Shunsaku Nishikawa and Akira Hayami eds, Nihon keizai no hatten: kinsei kara kindai e (Tokyo, 1976), pp. 67-97.
29. S. Ruggles ('Migration, marriage and mortality: correcting sources of bias in English family reconstitutions', Population Studies 46 (1992), pp. 507-22) argues that people who have migrated tend to marry late. Since almost all the cases of such late marriages have systematically been excluded from any family reconstitution studies, this implies that any figures of the observed marriage ages ought to be raised in order to reflect the marriage behaviour of migrants. However, given the state of our knowledge about the relationship between migration and marriage, it is difficult to assess whether Ruggles's argument would be applicable to the demography of Tokugawa Japan. It may be that this kind of bias could be found in earlier studies of demography based on an analysis of the shumon aratame-cho. On the other hand, it is known that sons of farm families on larger holdings tended to marry young and to take their brides from a wider area, suggesting an opposite relationship between migration and marriage age. Akira Hayami makes another point for a Tokugawa village that it is the effect of return migration on marriage age that matters: see Akira Hayami and Nobuko Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki chosa', in Mataji Umemura, Hiroshi Shimbo, Shunsaku Nishikawa and Akira Hayami eds, Nihon keizai no hatten: kinsei kara kindai e (Tokyo, 1976), pp. 67-97.
30. S. Kurosu, N. O. Tsuya and K. Hamano, 'Regional differentials in the patterns of first marriage in the latter half of Tokugawa Japan', Keio Economic Studies 36 (1999), pp. 13-38.
31. For a family pattern prevalent in south-western Japan, see O. Saito, 'Two forms of stem family system in one country? The evidence from Japan's first national census in 1920', in J. Ehmer, T. K. Hareven and R. Wall eds, Historical family studies (Newark, Delaware, forthcoming).
32. Hanley and Yamamura, Economic and demographic change, p. 246.
33. See Ayanori Okazaki, Nihon jinko no jisshoteki kenkyu (Tokyo, 1950), p. 185.
34. N. O. Tsuya, 'Patterns of nuptiality and fertility in southwestern Tokugawa Japan: the case of the village of Nomo', in T.-J. Liu ed., Asian population history (Oxford, forthcoming).
35. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 69.
36. Smith, Nakahara, ch. 6, especially pp. 92-5.
37. For proportions single by age and sex, derived from censuses 1920-1955, see I. B. Taeuber, The population of Japan (Princeton, 1958), p. 211. See also Hajnal, 'European marriage patterns', p. 104.
38. For proportions single by age and sex, derived from censuses 1920-1955, see I. B. Taeuber, The population of Japan (Princeton, 1958), p. 211. See also Hajnal, 'European marriage patterns', p. 104.
39. Tokei-in, Meiji 12-nen Kai-no-kuni genzai ninbetsu shirabe (Tokyo, 1882).
40. Smith, Nakahara, pp. 92, 94.
41. K. Hamano, S. Kurosu and S. Morimoto, 'Tokugawa Noson ha "kaikon shakai" ka?', EurAsia Project on Population and Family History, Working Paper Series, no. 6 (1998).
42. Wolf and Hanley, 'Introduction', p. 4.
43. Hajnal, 'Pre-industrial household formation', p. 70.
44. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, ch. 1; Chie Nakane, Kazoku no kozo: shakai jinruigakuteki bunseki (Tokyo, 1970), pt 1, ch. 3; and C. Nakane, 'An interpretation of the size and structure of the household in Japan over three centuries', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 517-43. Also see Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia'.
45. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, ch. 1; Chie Nakane, Kazoku no kozo: shakai jinruigakuteki bunseki (Tokyo, 1970), pt 1, ch. 3; and C. Nakane, 'An interpretation of the size and structure of the household in Japan over three centuries', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 517-43. Also see Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia'.
46. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, ch. 1; Chie Nakane, Kazoku no kozo: shakai jinruigakuteki bunseki (Tokyo, 1970), pt 1, ch. 3; and C. Nakane, 'An interpretation of the size and structure of the household in Japan over three centuries', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 517-43. Also see Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia'.
47. Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, ch. 1; Chie Nakane, Kazoku no kozo: shakai jinruigakuteki bunseki (Tokyo, 1970), pt 1, ch. 3; and C. Nakane, 'An interpretation of the size and structure of the household in Japan over three centuries', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 517-43. Also see Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia'.
48. Quoted in Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, p. 7.
49. Cornell, 'Hajnal and the household in Asia', p. 153.
50. Ibid. p. 154. The concept of life-cycle service is developed by Peter Laslett: see his 'Characteristics of the Western family considered over time', in P. Laslett, Family life and illicit love in earlier generations: essays in historical sociology (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 12-49.
51. Ibid. p. 154. The concept of life-cycle service is developed by Peter Laslett: see his 'Characteristics of the Western family considered over time', in P. Laslett, Family life and illicit love in earlier generations: essays in historical sociology (Cambridge, 1977), pp. 12-49.
52. Akira Hayami has found that the mean age of women at first marriage in Yokouchi increased by three years over the period 1671-1871: see his Kinsei noson no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu: Shinshu Suwa chiho no shumon aratamecho bunseki (Tokyo, 1973), pp. 187-90, and 'Aspects démographiques', p. 628, A similar trend was also discovered for a large sample of villages in central Japan : see Akira Hayami, 'Nobi chiho no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu josetsu', Tokugawa Rinseishi Kenkyujo Kenkyu Kiyo (1978), p. 222.
53. Akira Hayami has found that the mean age of women at first marriage in Yokouchi increased by three years over the period 1671-1871: see his Kinsei noson no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu: Shinshu Suwa chiho no shumon aratamecho bunseki (Tokyo, 1973), pp. 187-90, and 'Aspects démographiques', p. 628, A similar trend was also discovered for a large sample of villages in central Japan : see Akira Hayami, 'Nobi chiho no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu josetsu', Tokugawa Rinseishi Kenkyujo Kenkyu Kiyo (1978), p. 222.
54. Akira Hayami has found that the mean age of women at first marriage in Yokouchi increased by three years over the period 1671-1871: see his Kinsei noson no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu: Shinshu Suwa chiho no shumon aratamecho bunseki (Tokyo, 1973), pp. 187-90, and 'Aspects démographiques', p. 628, A similar trend was also discovered for a large sample of villages in central Japan : see Akira Hayami, 'Nobi chiho no rekishi jinkogakuteki kenkyu josetsu', Tokugawa Rinseishi Kenkyujo Kenkyu Kiyo (1978), p. 222.
55. Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki'; A. Hayami, 'Rural migration and fertility in Tokugawa Japan: the village of Nishijo, 1773-1868', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, pp. 110-32, and Akira Hayami, Edo no nomin seikatsu-shi: shumon aratamecho ni miru Nobi no ichi noson (Tokyo, 1988).
56. Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki'; A. Hayami, 'Rural migration and fertility in Tokugawa Japan: the village of Nishijo, 1773-1868', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, pp. 110-32, and Akira Hayami, Edo no nomin seikatsu-shi: shumon aratamecho ni miru Nobi no ichi noson (Tokyo, 1988).
57. Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki'; A. Hayami, 'Rural migration and fertility in Tokugawa Japan: the village of Nishijo, 1773-1868', in Hanley and Wolf, Family and population, pp. 110-32, and Akira Hayami, Edo no nomin seikatsu-shi: shumon aratamecho ni miru Nobi no ichi noson (Tokyo, 1988).
58. L. L. Cornell, 'Age at marriage, female labor force participation, and parental interests', Annales de Démographie Historique (1989), pp. 223-31.
59. O. Saito, 'Population and the peasant family economy in proto-industrial Japan', Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 30-54, and T. C. Smith, Native sources of Japanese industrialization, 1750-1920 (Berkeley, 1988), ch. 3.
60. O. Saito, 'Population and the peasant family economy in proto-industrial Japan', Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 30-54, and T. C. Smith, Native sources of Japanese industrialization, 1750-1920 (Berkeley, 1988), ch. 3.
61. R. Wall, 'The age at leaving home', Journal of Family History 3 (1978), pp. 181-202.
62. The best account available in English of this trend is still T. C. Smith, The agrarian origins of modern Japan (Stanford, 1959), ch. 8.
63. Hayami, Kinsei noson no rekishi jinkogaku, pp. 53-65; see also A. Hayami and N. Uchida, 'Size of household in a Japanese county throughout the Tokugawa era', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 503-4.
64. Hayami, Kinsei noson no rekishi jinkogaku, pp. 53-65; see also A. Hayami and N. Uchida, 'Size of household in a Japanese county throughout the Tokugawa era', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 503-4.
65. O. Saito, 'The changing structure of urban employment and its effects on migration in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Japan', in A. van der Woude, J. de Vries and A. Hayami eds, Urbanization in history: a process of dynamic interactions (Oxford, 1990), pp. 205-19.
66. Smith, Nakahara, ch. 8, esp. p. 145.
67. Ibid., pp. 140-5.
68. Thomas Smith is referring here to the collective decisions made by the ie, not by the household head as a patriarch. If, therefore, a departing son felt that he was victimized by the ie's 'hold-and-release' policy, then conflict would arise, not necessarily between father and son but often between brothers, in other words, between the chokkei and bokei of the siblings.
69. Takashi Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai no shukiteki henka', in Seiichi Kitano and Ken Okada eds, Ie: sono kozo bunseki (Tokyo, 1959), pp. 67-83. Robert Smith employed a modified version of the Koyama scheme to analyse a sample of 40 families in two wards of Tennoji, a satellite town of the city of Osaka, over the period 1757-1858. Nevertheless, his tables show even among such town-dwellers, especially among the class of house-owners, a cyclical shift in family forms which is not inconsistent with the stem family life-cycle model: see R. J. Smith, 'The domestic cycle in selected commoner families in urban Japan: 1757-1858', Journal of Family History 3 (1978), pp. 219-35.
70. Takashi Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai no shukiteki henka', in Seiichi Kitano and Ken Okada eds, Ie: sono kozo bunseki (Tokyo, 1959), pp. 67-83. Robert Smith employed a modified version of the Koyama scheme to analyse a sample of 40 families in two wards of Tennoji, a satellite town of the city of Osaka, over the period 1757-1858. Nevertheless, his tables show even among such town-dwellers, especially among the class of house-owners, a cyclical shift in family forms which is not inconsistent with the stem family life-cycle model: see R. J. Smith, 'The domestic cycle in selected commoner families in urban Japan: 1757-1858', Journal of Family History 3 (1978), pp. 219-35.
71. Hiroshi Kito, 'Kinsei noson ni okeru kazoku keitai no shukiteki henka', Jochi keizai ronshu 27 (February 1981), pp. 7-22, and Futoshi Kinoshita, 'Tohoku chiho ichi noson ni okeru setai no hensen, 1760-1870', Minzokugaku kenkyu 55 (May 1990), pp. 1-20.
72. Hiroshi Kito, 'Kinsei noson ni okeru kazoku keitai no shukiteki henka', Jochi keizai ronshu 27 (February 1981), pp. 7-22, and Futoshi Kinoshita, 'Tohoku chiho ichi noson ni okeru setai no hensen, 1760-1870', Minzokugaku kenkyu 55 (May 1990), pp. 1-20.
73. Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai', p. 77; and Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 12.
74. Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai', p. 77; and Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 12.
75. Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai', p. 72.
76. S. B. Rowntree, Poverty: a study of town life (London, 1901).
77. Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai', p. 81. For an attempt to make use of this c/w ratio in order to delineate the Tokugawa peasant family economy, see Ken'ichi Tomobe, 'Kinsei Nihon no shono kazoku keizai to setai raifu-saikuru: Mino-no-kuni Ohno-gun Higashi-Yokoyama-mura', Shakai keizaishigaku 54 (1988), pp. 250-70.
78. Koyama, 'Kazoku keitai', p. 81. For an attempt to make use of this c/w ratio in order to delineate the Tokugawa peasant family economy, see Ken'ichi Tomobe, 'Kinsei Nihon no shono kazoku keizai to setai raifu-saikuru: Mino-no-kuni Ohno-gun Higashi-Yokoyama-mura', Shakai keizaishigaku 54 (1988), pp. 250-70.
79. Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 21.
80. D. Thorner, B. Kerblay and R. E. F. Smith eds, A. V. Chayanov on the theory of peasant economy (Homewood, Ill., 1966), ch. 1.
81. Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 10.
82. Kinoshita, 'Tohoku ichi noson', pp. 2, 8.
83. See the article by Masao Takagi in this issue of Continuity and Change.
84. L. L. Cornell, 'Peasant family and inheritance in a Japanese community: 1671-1980: an anthropological analysis of local population registers' (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1981), p. 64; see also Hayami and Uchida, 'Size of household', pp. 496-8.
85. L. L. Cornell, 'Peasant family and inheritance in a Japanese community: 1671-1980: an anthropological analysis of local population registers' (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1981), p. 64; see also Hayami and Uchida, 'Size of household', pp. 496-8.
86. Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 8.
87. Osamu Saito, 'Dai-kaikon, jinko shono keizai', in Akira Hayami and Matao Miyamoto eds, Keizai shakai no seiritsu: 17-18 seiki, Nihon keizaishi 1 (Tokyo, 1988), pp. 171-215. See also recent works such as Hasegawa et al., Kiso kozo, and Mario Oshima, Kinsei nomin shihai to kazoku, kyodotai (Tokyo, 1991).
88. Osamu Saito, 'Dai-kaikon, jinko shono keizai', in Akira Hayami and Matao Miyamoto eds, Keizai shakai no seiritsu: 17-18 seiki, Nihon keizaishi 1 (Tokyo, 1988), pp. 171-215. See also recent works such as Hasegawa et al., Kiso kozo, and Mario Oshima, Kinsei nomin shihai to kazoku, kyodotai (Tokyo, 1991).
89. Osamu Saito, 'Dai-kaikon, jinko shono keizai', in Akira Hayami and Matao Miyamoto eds, Keizai shakai no seiritsu: 17-18 seiki, Nihon keizaishi 1 (Tokyo, 1988), pp. 171-215. See also recent works such as Hasegawa et al., Kiso kozo, and Mario Oshima, Kinsei nomin shihai to kazoku, kyodotai (Tokyo, 1991).
90. See Kito, 'Kinsei noson', p. 9.
91. Kinoshita, 'Tohoku ichi noson', pp. 11-13.
92. See Takagi's contribution in this issue.
93. See, for example, Smith, Agrarian origins, ch. 4. It should be noted that the change from partible to impartible inheritance had no direct bearing on the ways in which the transmission of the headship was made. Although primogeniture was the main form of succession observed in a number of areas, the early Meiji government survey shows that there were considerable regional variations (Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, pp. 8-16). Even within one village, according to Hayami's 'The myth of primogeniture and impartible inheritance in Tokugawa Japan' (Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 3-29), the custom was 'not at all uniform'.
94. See, for example, Smith, Agrarian origins, ch. 4. It should be noted that the change from partible to impartible inheritance had no direct bearing on the ways in which the transmission of the headship was made. Although primogeniture was the main form of succession observed in a number of areas, the early Meiji government survey shows that there were considerable regional variations (Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, pp. 8-16). Even within one village, according to Hayami's 'The myth of primogeniture and impartible inheritance in Tokugawa Japan' (Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 3-29), the custom was 'not at all uniform'.
95. See, for example, Smith, Agrarian origins, ch. 4. It should be noted that the change from partible to impartible inheritance had no direct bearing on the ways in which the transmission of the headship was made. Although primogeniture was the main form of succession observed in a number of areas, the early Meiji government survey shows that there were considerable regional variations (Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, pp. 8-16). Even within one village, according to Hayami's 'The myth of primogeniture and impartible inheritance in Tokugawa Japan' (Journal of Family History 8 (1983), pp. 3-29), the custom was 'not at all uniform'.
96. Kizaemon Ariga, Nihon kazoku seido to kosaku seido (Tokyo, 1943); see also his monograph on one family: Nanbu Ni-no-he-gun Ishigami-mura ni okeru dai-kazoku seido to nago seido (Achikku Myuzeamu iho, no. 43; Tokyo, 1939).
97. Kizaemon Ariga, Nihon kazoku seido to kosaku seido (Tokyo, 1943); see also his monograph on one family: Nanbu Ni-no-he-gun Ishigami-mura ni okeru dai-kazoku seido to nago seido (Achikku Myuzeamu iho, no. 43; Tokyo, 1939).
98. Smith, Agrarian origins, p. 40.
99. Ariga, Nihon kazoku seido, pp. 270-8.
100. Ryotaro Nakanishi, 'Meiji makki/Showa shoki ni okeru jisaku-jinushi no nogyo keiei to rodoryoku kosei: Ibaraki-ken Yuki-gun Yachiyo-machi Nakajima-ke o jirei to shite', Jinmon chiri 42 (August 1990), pp. 19-43. Many case studies have been published in Japanese on such 'grand' households (but not many of them attempt, as Nakanishi does, to relate their findings about family forms to the issue of the management of the family farm; see note 67, below).
101. E. A. Hammel, 'The zadruga as process', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 335-73; and J. M. Halpern, 'Town and countryside in Serbia in the nineteenth century: social and household structure as reflected in the census of 1863', ibid., pp. 401-27.
102. E. A. Hammel, 'The zadruga as process', in Laslett and Wall eds, Household and family, pp. 335-73; and J. M. Halpern, 'Town and countryside in Serbia in the nineteenth century: social and household structure as reflected in the census of 1863', ibid., pp. 401-27.
103. Nakane, Kazoku no kozo, pt 1, ch. 2, especially pp. 72-3.
104. Nakane has found that an effectively organized network involving the main and the branch family households (termed dozoku by Japanese sociologists), within which such a joint form of coresidence tended to appear, was found neither (on the one hand) among poor hill villages or economies based on fishing and gathering nor (on the other) among rural communities with intensive agriculture such as 'very old villages where available resources had already been exploited before the Tokugawa period', and consequently where all the households were of roughly equal economic standing, sufficient to maintain themselves without surplus fields and homesteads (see Nakane, Kinship and economic organization, p. 120). In fact, it is well known that such dozoku organizations were less common in western Japan where there were more Old' settlements and farming tended to be more 'intensive' than in the eastern regions of Tohoku and Kanto. In this respect, it is interesting to note that a detailed account of the Nakajima family farm in one Kanto Prefecture in 1911, 1922 and 1933, the splitting of whose joint household has already been referred to above, reveals that the intensity of work on that family farm (measured in terms of days worked) was substantially lower than the average indicated in various survey reports such as the one conducted by the Agricultural Association in 1933 (see Nakanishi, 'Jisaku-jinushi').
105. In one silk-producing province where proto-industrialization gathered momentum after the opening of Treaty ports in 1859, for example, there were far more female than male workers in manufacturing and mining, whereas more men than women worked in commerce, transport and other service trades. According to a 1879 population survey (Tokei-in, Meiji 12-nen Kai-no-kuni), the number of men who were gainfully occupied in mining and manufacturing was only 6,392 while as many as 24,796 women were working in this sector. Even if we add to this the number of the dually occupied who had by-employments in mining and manufacturing, the contrast still holds: 17,368 men as against 46,572 women (of whom 3,095 in the case of men, and 44,257 in that of women, were in textiles). In the service sector, on the other hand, there were 25,555 men in contrast to 3,188 women (both figures including those dually occupied).
106. As late as the 1930s, according to Shigeo Nojiri's survey of out-migration from 12 villages, the rate of return migration was 10 per cent (9 per cent of men and 11 per cent of women; see Shigeo Nojiri, Nomin rison no jissho-teki kenkyu (Tokyo, 1942; repr. edn 1978), p. 359). For the Tokugawa period Hayami, using the Nishijo data, suggests that 27 per cent of those who were sent into service (dekasegi) returned home. This difference in the percentages returned could be interpreted as a result of a long-term change which may have taken place between the two time periods. However, the two figures are not comparable. First, the coverage is different. While in Hayami's work, based on shumon aratame-cho, 'out-migration' covers only those who became servants outside the village of Nishijo, Nojiri's data include all the cases where the move was to find a job. Secondly, the percentage returned is also differently defined. In the case of Hayami's longitudinal analysis, it refers to the proportion of those who returned home to the total number of Nishijo-born children who had been sent into service, whereas in the study by Nojiri, based on observations in a fixed period of time, the rate of return migration is calculated as the proportion of return migrants to the sum of out and return migrants over the ten-year observation period. If, therefore, a calculation comparable to that by Nojiri could be made for Nishijo, then the percentage figure would probably be lower than that suggested by Hayami: see Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki', p. 90, and Hayami, 'Rural migration', p. 121.
107. As late as the 1930s, according to Shigeo Nojiri's survey of out-migration from 12 villages, the rate of return migration was 10 per cent (9 per cent of men and 11 per cent of women; see Shigeo Nojiri, Nomin rison no jissho-teki kenkyu (Tokyo, 1942; repr. edn 1978), p. 359). For the Tokugawa period Hayami, using the Nishijo data, suggests that 27 per cent of those who were sent into service (dekasegi) returned home. This difference in the percentages returned could be interpreted as a result of a long-term change which may have taken place between the two time periods. However, the two figures are not comparable. First, the coverage is different. While in Hayami's work, based on shumon aratame-cho, 'out-migration' covers only those who became servants outside the village of Nishijo, Nojiri's data include all the cases where the move was to find a job. Secondly, the percentage returned is also differently defined. In the case of Hayami's longitudinal analysis, it refers to the proportion of those who returned home to the total number of Nishijo-born children who had been sent into service, whereas in the study by Nojiri, based on observations in a fixed period of time, the rate of return migration is calculated as the proportion of return migrants to the sum of out and return migrants over the ten-year observation period. If, therefore, a calculation comparable to that by Nojiri could be made for Nishijo, then the percentage figure would probably be lower than that suggested by Hayami: see Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki', p. 90, and Hayami, 'Rural migration', p. 121.
108. As late as the 1930s, according to Shigeo Nojiri's survey of out-migration from 12 villages, the rate of return migration was 10 per cent (9 per cent of men and 11 per cent of women; see Shigeo Nojiri, Nomin rison no jissho-teki kenkyu (Tokyo, 1942; repr. edn 1978), p. 359). For the Tokugawa period Hayami, using the Nishijo data, suggests that 27 per cent of those who were sent into service (dekasegi) returned home. This difference in the percentages returned could be interpreted as a result of a long-term change which may have taken place between the two time periods. However, the two figures are not comparable. First, the coverage is different. While in Hayami's work, based on shumon aratame-cho, 'out-migration' covers only those who became servants outside the village of Nishijo, Nojiri's data include all the cases where the move was to find a job. Secondly, the percentage returned is also differently defined. In the case of Hayami's longitudinal analysis, it refers to the proportion of those who returned home to the total number of Nishijo-born children who had been sent into service, whereas in the study by Nojiri, based on observations in a fixed period of time, the rate of return migration is calculated as the proportion of return migrants to the sum of out and return migrants over the ten-year observation period. If, therefore, a calculation comparable to that by Nojiri could be made for Nishijo, then the percentage figure would probably be lower than that suggested by Hayami: see Hayami and Uchida, 'Kinsei nomin no kodo tsuiseki', p. 90, and Hayami, 'Rural migration', p. 121.
109. Cornell, 'Age at marriage'. Thomas Smith has also suggested that the growth of rural industry and trade may have affected the economic value of farm women (Nakahara, pp. 152-6).
110. See Saito, 'Population and the peasant family economy'.
111. O. Saito, 'Two kinds of stem family system? Traditional Japan and Europe compared', Continuity and Change 13 (1998), pp. 167-86.
112. See Saito, 'Two forms'.