Embodying war: British women and domestic defilement in the Indian 'Mutiny', 1857-8

Journal of Historical Geography

Volumn 26, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 403-428

  Blunt, Alison ^a  

^a QUEEN MARY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIALISM; NINETEENTH CENTURY; POLITICAL HISTORY; WAR;

INDIA;

EID: 0033892705     PISSN: 03057488     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1006/jhge.2000.0236     Document Type: Article

References (162)

1. 'India in England,' Calcutta Review, June 1857, 335-63, 335.
2. See M. L. Bhargava, Saga of 1857: Success and Failures (New Delhi 1992) and S. B. Chaudhuri, English Historical Writings on the Indian Mutiny 1857-9 (Calcutta 1979) for a historiography and bibliography of the 'mutiny'. The causes of the uprising were and are contested. Imperial histories have tended to focus on the rumour that cartridges for new Enfield rifles had been greased with beef and pork fat. Biting into such cartridges would thus break the religious faith of both Hindu and Muslim infantry soldiers known as sepoys. In contrast, most contemporary debates about the causes of the 'mutiny' focused on the organization of the Bengal army; a widening distance between British officers and sepoys; and the annexation of the province of Oudh in 1856.
3. See M. L. Bhargava, Saga of 1857: Success and Failures (New Delhi 1992) and S. B. Chaudhuri, English Historical Writings on the Indian Mutiny 1857-9 (Calcutta 1979) for a historiography and bibliography of the 'mutiny'. The causes of the uprising were and are contested. Imperial histories have tended to focus on the rumour that cartridges for new Enfield rifles had been greased with beef and pork fat. Biting into such cartridges would thus break the religious faith of both Hindu and Muslim infantry soldiers known as sepoys. In contrast, most contemporary debates about the causes of the 'mutiny' focused on the organization of the Bengal army; a widening distance between British officers and sepoys; and the annexation of the province of Oudh in 1856.
4. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
5. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
6. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
7. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
8. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
9. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
10. Graham Dawson has described the uprising as "the first 'national-popular' imperialist war fought by Britain in its Empire". See G. Dawson, The imperial adventure hero and British masculinity: the imagining of Sir Henry Havelock, in T. Foley et al. (Eds), Gender and Colonialism (Galway 1995) 46-59, 47-8. The conflict continued to shape imperial imaginations about India after 1858, as shown by the publication of a wide range of imperial histories, including, for example: W. H. Fitchett, The Tale of the Great Mutiny (London 1902); G. W. Forrest, A History of the Indian Mutiny (Edinburgh 1904); J. W. Kaye, A History of the Sepoy War in India 1857-58 (London 1876); and G. B. Malleson, The Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1891). More than 50 English novels about the 'mutiny' were published between 1857 and 1900 and 30 more appeared before 1939. See P. Brantlinger, The Well at Cawnpore: literary representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, in idem, Rule of Darkness: British Literature and Imperialism 1830-1914 (Ithaca 1988); and N. Paxton, Mobilizing chivalry: rape in British novels about the Indian uprising of 1857, Victorian Studies 36 (1992) 5-30, 7.
11. See, for example, G. Bhadra, Four rebels of eighteen-fifty-seven, in R. Guha and G. C. Spivak (Eds), Selected Subaltern Studies I (Oxford 1992); R. Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi 1983); J. Pemble, The Raj, the Indian Mutiny and the Kingdom of Oudh 1801-1859 (London 1977); and E. Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India (Cambridge 1978).
12. See, for example, G. Bhadra, Four rebels of eighteen-fifty-seven, in R. Guha and G. C. Spivak (Eds), Selected Subaltern Studies I (Oxford 1992); R. Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi 1983); J. Pemble, The Raj, the Indian Mutiny and the Kingdom of Oudh 1801-1859 (London 1977); and E. Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India (Cambridge 1978).
13. See, for example, G. Bhadra, Four rebels of eighteen-fifty-seven, in R. Guha and G. C. Spivak (Eds), Selected Subaltern Studies I (Oxford 1992); R. Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi 1983); J. Pemble, The Raj, the Indian Mutiny and the Kingdom of Oudh 1801-1859 (London 1977); and E. Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India (Cambridge 1978).
14. See, for example, G. Bhadra, Four rebels of eighteen-fifty-seven, in R. Guha and G. C. Spivak (Eds), Selected Subaltern Studies I (Oxford 1992); R. Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (Delhi 1983); J. Pemble, The Raj, the Indian Mutiny and the Kingdom of Oudh 1801-1859 (London 1977); and E. Stokes, The Peasant and the Raj: Studies in Agrarian Society and Peasant Rebellion in Colonial India (Cambridge 1978).
15. T. Metcalf, The Aftermath of Revolt: India 1857-1870 (Princeton 1965) 60.
16. K. Marx and F. Engels, The First Indian War of Independence 1857-1859 (Moscow 1959) 83.
17. See, for example, M. Cooke and A. Woollacott (Eds), Gendering War Talk (Princeton 1993); C. Enloe, Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Women's Lives (Boston 1983); and B. Melman (Ed.), Borderlines: Genders and Identities in War and Peace 1870-1930 (New York 1998). Referring to World War I, Melman writes that "both the material experience of the war and its representation are still largely seen in relation to a divide between a war zone (forbidden to women) and its rear, or the home front, the place of both genders, but mainly of women. Subsequently, much of the recent study of women 'in' or 'during' the war has been devoted to the closest female equivalents to the combatant man: military nurses, munitions workers, and women who served in armies in a variety of auxiliary roles", 3. The essays in Borderlines seek to blur the boundaries between spaces of feminized domesticity and masculinized war.
18. See, for example, M. Cooke and A. Woollacott (Eds), Gendering War Talk (Princeton 1993); C. Enloe, Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Women's Lives (Boston 1983); and B. Melman (Ed.), Borderlines: Genders and Identities in War and Peace 1870-1930 (New York 1998). Referring to World War I, Melman writes that "both the material experience of the war and its representation are still largely seen in relation to a divide between a war zone (forbidden to women) and its rear, or the home front, the place of both genders, but mainly of women. Subsequently, much of the recent study of women 'in' or 'during' the war has been devoted to the closest female equivalents to the combatant man: military nurses, munitions workers, and women who served in armies in a variety of auxiliary roles", 3. The essays in Borderlines seek to blur the boundaries between spaces of feminized domesticity and masculinized war.
19. See, for example, M. Cooke and A. Woollacott (Eds), Gendering War Talk (Princeton 1993); C. Enloe, Does Khaki Become You? The Militarization of Women's Lives (Boston 1983); and B. Melman (Ed.), Borderlines: Genders and Identities in War and Peace 1870-1930 (New York 1998). Referring to World War I, Melman writes that "both the material experience of the war and its representation are still largely seen in relation to a divide between a war zone (forbidden to women) and its rear, or the home front, the place of both genders, but mainly of women. Subsequently, much of the recent study of women 'in' or 'during' the war has been devoted to the closest female equivalents to the combatant man: military nurses, munitions workers, and women who served in armies in a variety of auxiliary roles", 3. The essays in Borderlines seek to blur the boundaries between spaces of feminized domesticity and masculinized war.
20. Including G. Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London 1994); A. Davin, Imperialism and motherhood, History Workshop Journal 5 (1978) 9-65; P. Thane, The British imperial state and the construction of national identities, in Melman op. cit., J. Wheelwright, Amazons and Military Maids: Women who Dressed as Men in the Pursuit of Life, Liberty and Happiness (London 1989); and A. Woollacott, On her their Lives Depend: Munitions Workers in the Great War (Berkeley 1994).
21. Including G. Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London 1994); A. Davin, Imperialism and motherhood, History Workshop Journal 5 (1978) 9-65; P. Thane, The British imperial state and the construction of national identities, in Melman op. cit., J. Wheelwright, Amazons and Military Maids: Women who Dressed as Men in the Pursuit of Life, Liberty and Happiness (London 1989); and A. Woollacott, On her their Lives Depend: Munitions Workers in the Great War (Berkeley 1994).
22. Including G. Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London 1994); A. Davin, Imperialism and motherhood, History Workshop Journal 5 (1978) 9-65; P. Thane, The British imperial state and the construction of national identities, in Melman op. cit., J. Wheelwright, Amazons and Military Maids: Women who Dressed as Men in the Pursuit of Life, Liberty and Happiness (London 1989); and A. Woollacott, On her their Lives Depend: Munitions Workers in the Great War (Berkeley 1994).
23. Including G. Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London 1994); A. Davin, Imperialism and motherhood, History Workshop Journal 5 (1978) 9-65; P. Thane, The British imperial state and the construction of national identities, in Melman op. cit., J. Wheelwright, Amazons and Military Maids: Women who Dressed as Men in the Pursuit of Life, Liberty and Happiness (London 1989); and A. Woollacott, On her their Lives Depend: Munitions Workers in the Great War (Berkeley 1994).
24. Including G. Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire, and the Imagining of Masculinities (London 1994); A. Davin, Imperialism and motherhood, History Workshop Journal 5 (1978) 9-65; P. Thane, The British imperial state and the construction of national identities, in Melman op. cit., J. Wheelwright, Amazons and Military Maids: Women who Dressed as Men in the Pursuit of Life, Liberty and Happiness (London 1989); and A. Woollacott, On her their Lives Depend: Munitions Workers in the Great War (Berkeley 1994).
25. M. Higonnet, Civil wars and sexual territories, in H. Cooper, A. Munich and S. Squier (Eds), Arms and the Woman: War, Gender and Literary Representation (Chapel Hill 1989); A. McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York 1995); and K. Theweleit, Male Fantasies. Vol. 1, Women, Floods, Bodies, History (Minneapolis 1987) and Vol. 2, Male Bodies: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror (Minneapolis 1989).
26. M. Higonnet, Civil wars and sexual territories, in H. Cooper, A. Munich and S. Squier (Eds), Arms and the Woman: War, Gender and Literary Representation (Chapel Hill 1989); A. McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York 1995); and K. Theweleit, Male Fantasies. Vol. 1, Women, Floods, Bodies, History (Minneapolis 1987) and Vol. 2, Male Bodies: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror (Minneapolis 1989).
27. M. Higonnet, Civil wars and sexual territories, in H. Cooper, A. Munich and S. Squier (Eds), Arms and the Woman: War, Gender and Literary Representation (Chapel Hill 1989); A. McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York 1995); and K. Theweleit, Male Fantasies. Vol. 1, Women, Floods, Bodies, History (Minneapolis 1987) and Vol. 2, Male Bodies: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror (Minneapolis 1989).
28. M. Higonnet, Civil wars and sexual territories, in H. Cooper, A. Munich and S. Squier (Eds), Arms and the Woman: War, Gender and Literary Representation (Chapel Hill 1989); A. McClintock, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest (New York 1995); and K. Theweleit, Male Fantasies. Vol. 1, Women, Floods, Bodies, History (Minneapolis 1987) and Vol. 2, Male Bodies: Psychoanalyzing the White Terror (Minneapolis 1989).
29. M. Kamester and J. Vellacott (Eds), Militarism versus Feminism: Writings on Women and War (London 1987); J. Pettman, Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics (Sydney 1996); and S. Ruddick, Notes towards a feminist peace politics, in Cooke and Woollacott op. cit.
30. M. Kamester and J. Vellacott (Eds), Militarism versus Feminism: Writings on Women and War (London 1987); J. Pettman, Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics (Sydney 1996); and S. Ruddick, Notes towards a feminist peace politics, in Cooke and Woollacott op. cit.
31. M. Kamester and J. Vellacott (Eds), Militarism versus Feminism: Writings on Women and War (London 1987); J. Pettman, Worlding Women: A Feminist International Politics (Sydney 1996); and S. Ruddick, Notes towards a feminist peace politics, in Cooke and Woollacott op. cit.
32. Cooke and Woollacott op. cit., xi.
33. See, for example, J. Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian Mutiny (London 1996); J. Sharpe, Allegories of Empire: The Figure of Woman in the Colonial Text (Minneapolis 1993); and P. Tuson, Mutiny narratives and the imperial feminine: European women's accounts of the rebellion in India in 1857, Women's Studies International Forum 21 (1998) 291-303.
34. See, for example, J. Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian Mutiny (London 1996); J. Sharpe, Allegories of Empire: The Figure of Woman in the Colonial Text (Minneapolis 1993); and P. Tuson, Mutiny narratives and the imperial feminine: European women's accounts of the rebellion in India in 1857, Women's Studies International Forum 21 (1998) 291-303.
35. See, for example, J. Robinson, Angels of Albion: Women of the Indian Mutiny (London 1996); J. Sharpe, Allegories of Empire: The Figure of Woman in the Colonial Text (Minneapolis 1993); and P. Tuson, Mutiny narratives and the imperial feminine: European women's accounts of the rebellion in India in 1857, Women's Studies International Forum 21 (1998) 291-303.
36. Bengal Hurkaru, 12 June 1857.
37. As shown, most notably, in the three hour speech Disraeli made in Parliament on 27 July 1857.
38. Earl of Ellenborough, 29 June 1857,
39. Hansard op. cit. Vol. CXLVI, 518.
40. Lord Ellenborough had been Governor General in India from 1842 to 1844 and had been President of the Board of Control four times between 1828 and 1858. Metcalf, op. cit.
41. Times, 27 July 1857.
42. Illustrated London News, 4 July 1857.
43. Bengal Hurkaru, 11 May 1857.
44. Times, 7 August 1857.
45. Illustrated London News, 5 September 1857.
46. See M. Sinha, Colonial Masculinity: The 'Manly Englishman and the 'Effeminate Bengali' in the Late Nineteenth Century (Manchester 1995), for further discussion.
47. Times, 8 August 1857.
48. Illustrated London News, 22 August 1857.
49. Blackwoods Magazine, December 1857.
50. J. Sharpe, The unspeakable limits of rape: colonial violence and counter-insurgency, Genders 10 (1991) 25-46; and Sharpe, 1993 op. cit. Also see Paxton op. cit. for discussion of the fictional representation of British women as victims of the 'mutiny' in the years after 1858.
51. J. Sharpe, The unspeakable limits of rape: colonial violence and counter-insurgency, Genders 10 (1991) 25-46; and Sharpe, 1993 op. cit. Also see Paxton op. cit. for discussion of the fictional representation of British women as victims of the 'mutiny' in the years after 1858.
52. J. Sharpe, The unspeakable limits of rape: colonial violence and counter-insurgency, Genders 10 (1991) 25-46; and Sharpe, 1993 op. cit. Also see Paxton op. cit. for discussion of the fictional representation of British women as victims of the 'mutiny' in the years after 1858.
53. Times, 6 August 1857.
54. Sharpe, op. cit., 67.
55. Times, 8 August 1857.
56. Illustrated London News, 8 August 1857.
57. Englishwoman's Review, 8 August 1857.
58. Englishwoman's Review, 1, 1857, cited by Beetham, op. cit.
59. Englishwoman's Review, 1, 1857, cited by Beetham, op. cit.
60. Ibid.
61. V. Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History (London 1992) 40. In her discussion, Ware makes the erroneous assumption that the Englishwoman's Review was "the only women's newspaper published at that time". Ibid., 39.
62. V. Ware, Beyond the Pale: White Women, Racism and History (London 1992) 40. In her discussion, Ware makes the erroneous assumption that the Englishwoman's Review was "the only women's newspaper published at that time". Ibid., 39.
63. Lady's Newspaper, 29 August 1857.
64. Lady's Newspaper, 1851, cited by M. Beetham, A Magazine of her own? Domesticity and Desire in the Woman's Magazine, 1800-1914 (London 1996) 91.
65. Lady's Newspaper, 1851, cited by M. Beetham, A Magazine of her own? Domesticity and Desire in the Woman's Magazine, 1800-1914 (London 1996) 91.
66. Lady's Newspaper, 19 September 1857.
67. Lady's Newspaper, 29 August 1857.
68. Ibid.
69. Ibid.
70. Lady's Newspaper, 3 October 1857. For an account of the ideological significance of popular perceptions of Florence Nightingale in the nineteenth century, see chapter 6 in M. Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago 1988). For more on the philanthropic work of middle-class women in nineteenth-century Britain as an extension of the domestic sphere, see B. Harrison, Philanthropy and the Victorians, Victorian Studies 9 (1966) 353-74; and F. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford 1980). Other commentators have suggested that transgressions beyond the private sphere into more public arenas of philanthropy and social policy could provide important channels for radical political activity by women, as discussed by J. Rendall, Friendship and politics: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (1827-91) and Bessie Rayner Parkes (1829-1925), in S. Mendus and J. Rendall (Eds), Sexuality and Subordination: Interdisciplinary Studies of Gender in the Nineteenth Century (London 1989).
71. Lady's Newspaper, 3 October 1857. For an account of the ideological significance of popular perceptions of Florence Nightingale in the nineteenth century, see chapter 6 in M. Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago 1988). For more on the philanthropic work of middle-class women in nineteenth-century Britain as an extension of the domestic sphere, see B. Harrison, Philanthropy and the Victorians, Victorian Studies 9 (1966) 353-74; and F. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford 1980). Other commentators have suggested that transgressions beyond the private sphere into more public arenas of philanthropy and social policy could provide important channels for radical political activity by women, as discussed by J. Rendall, Friendship and politics: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (1827-91) and Bessie Rayner Parkes (1829-1925), in S. Mendus and J. Rendall (Eds), Sexuality and Subordination: Interdisciplinary Studies of Gender in the Nineteenth Century (London 1989).
72. Lady's Newspaper, 3 October 1857. For an account of the ideological significance of popular perceptions of Florence Nightingale in the nineteenth century, see chapter 6 in M. Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago 1988). For more on the philanthropic work of middle-class women in nineteenth-century Britain as an extension of the domestic sphere, see B. Harrison, Philanthropy and the Victorians, Victorian Studies 9 (1966) 353-74; and F. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford 1980). Other commentators have suggested that transgressions beyond the private sphere into more public arenas of philanthropy and social policy could provide important channels for radical political activity by women, as discussed by J. Rendall, Friendship and politics: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (1827-91) and Bessie Rayner Parkes (1829-1925), in S. Mendus and J. Rendall (Eds), Sexuality and Subordination: Interdisciplinary Studies of Gender in the Nineteenth Century (London 1989).
73. Lady's Newspaper, 3 October 1857. For an account of the ideological significance of popular perceptions of Florence Nightingale in the nineteenth century, see chapter 6 in M. Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago 1988). For more on the philanthropic work of middle-class women in nineteenth-century Britain as an extension of the domestic sphere, see B. Harrison, Philanthropy and the Victorians, Victorian Studies 9 (1966) 353-74; and F. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford 1980). Other commentators have suggested that transgressions beyond the private sphere into more public arenas of philanthropy and social policy could provide important channels for radical political activity by women, as discussed by J. Rendall, Friendship and politics: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (1827-91) and Bessie Rayner Parkes (1829-1925), in S. Mendus and J. Rendall (Eds), Sexuality and Subordination: Interdisciplinary Studies of Gender in the Nineteenth Century (London 1989).
74. Lady's Newspaper, 3 October 1857. For an account of the ideological significance of popular perceptions of Florence Nightingale in the nineteenth century, see chapter 6 in M. Poovey, Uneven Developments: The Ideological Work of Gender in Mid-Victorian England (Chicago 1988). For more on the philanthropic work of middle-class women in nineteenth-century Britain as an extension of the domestic sphere, see B. Harrison, Philanthropy and the Victorians, Victorian Studies 9 (1966) 353-74; and F. Prochaska, Women and Philanthropy in Nineteenth-Century England (Oxford 1980). Other commentators have suggested that transgressions beyond the private sphere into more public arenas of philanthropy and social policy could provide important channels for radical political activity by women, as discussed by J. Rendall, Friendship and politics: Barbara Leigh Smith Bodichon (1827-91) and Bessie Rayner Parkes (1829-1925), in S. Mendus and J. Rendall (Eds), Sexuality and Subordination: Interdisciplinary Studies of Gender in the Nineteenth Century (London 1989).
75. Lady's Newspaper, 17 October, 1857.
76. Lady's Newspaper, 31 October, 1857.
77. M. Thomson, The Story of Cawnpore (London 1859). Captain Mowbray Thomson wrote that he and Lieutenant Delafosse were the two male survivors of Cawnpore, who, together with two soldiers who subsequently died, had escaped by boat on June 27.
78. Letter from Louise Chalwin to her sister Maria, 11 April 1857. MSS.Eur.B.344, India Office Library.
79. Letter from Louise Chalwin to her sister Maria, 30 April 1857. Louise Chalwin and Isobel White had been friends in Taunton, Somerset, and travelled to India together in 1855.
80. W. H. Russell, My Indian Mutiny Diary (London 1957) 36.
81. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
82. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
83. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
84. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
85. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
86. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
87. Nineteenth century accounts of events at Cawnpore include J. Shepherd, A Personal Narrative of the Outbreak and Massacre at Cawnpore, during the Sepoy Revolt of 1857 (Lucknow 1894); Thomson, op. cit.; and G. Trevelyan, Cawnpore (London 1886). For a more recent debate, see R. Mukherjee, 'Satan let loose upon Earth': The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 128 (1990) 92-116; B. English, Debate: The Kanpur Massacres in India in the Revolt of 1857, Past and Present 142 (1994) 169-78; and Mukherjee's reply, 178-89. Also see A. Ward, Our Bones are Scattered: The Cawnpore Massacres in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 (London 1996).
88. Earl Granville, 14 August 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVII, 164.
89. Earl Granville, 14 August 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVII, 164.
90. The popularity of such representations was not confined to newspapers. Metcalf cites Trevelyan when he writes that "Even at home . . . a favourite amusement on a wet afternoon for a party in a country house was to sit on and about the billiard table devising tortures for the Nana", Metcalf, op. cit., 290.
91. Lady's Newspaper, 19 September 1857. See Sharpe, 1993, op. cit., for further discussion of the implications of such dehumanization.
92. Lady's Newspaper, 19 September 1857. See Sharpe, 1993, op. cit., for further discussion of the implications of such dehumanization.
93. Illustrated London News, 5 September 1857.
94. As Sherer wrote, "this appellation does not mean the 'ladies' house' as indicating the spot where the ladies were killed; the building had the name previous to the Mutiny. It was understood to have been a dwelling provided by a European for his Indian mistress". J. W. Sherer, Daily Life During the Indian Mutiny: Personal Experiences of 1857 (Allahabad 1910) 78. The building also came to be known as 'the Slaughter House'.
95. Parallels, and differences, clearly exist with the status of scientific knowledge acquired through direct observation, often 'in the field'. However, representations of the fate of British women in the Bibighar were more vivid, impassioned, and have been interpreted as sensationalist, unlike the detached objectivity often assumed to buttress scientific credibility. See G. Rose, Feminism and Geography: The Limits of Geographical Knowledge (Cambridge 1993) for further discussion.
96. Englishwoman's Review, 19 September 1857.
97. Illustrated London News and Lady's Newspaper, 19 September 1857.
98. Illustrated London News and Englishwoman's Review, 26 September 1857.
99. Quoted in Forrest, op. cit., xi and Shepherd, op. cit., 158.
100. Quoted in Forrest, op. cit., xi and Shepherd, op. cit., 158.
101. Illustrated London News and Englishwoman's Review, 10 October 1857.
102. Englishwoman's Review, 19 September 1857. This was also printed in other newspapers, such as the Illustrated London News.
103. Sharpe, 1993, op. cit. As Sharpe also shows, popular stories about Judith Wheeler often cited conflicting evidence, and the veracity of such stories came to be questioned by, for example, Trevelyan.
104. The Englishwoman's Review, for example, printed a letter on 3 October 1857 written by General Neill in which he wrote that "the well of mutilated bodies - alas! containing upwards of two hundred women and children - I have had decently covered in and built up as one large grave".
105. Illustrated London News and Englishwoman's Review, 26 September 1857.
106. Illustrated London News and Englishwoman's Review, 10 October 1857.
107. Russell, op. cit., 35.
108. Englishwoman's Review, 19 September 1857.
109. Illustrated London News, 26 September 1857. See C. Hibbert, The Great Mutiny: India 1857 (London 1978) for further discussion.
110. Illustrated London News, 26 September 1857. See C. Hibbert, The Great Mutiny: India 1857 (London 1978) for further discussion.
111. Bengal Hurkaru, 25 November 1857.
112. For similar visual representations of the Bibighar, see C. W. Crump, A Pictorial Record of the Cawnpore Massacre: Three Original Sketches Taken on the Spot (London 1858); and T. Moore, Cawnpore and Lucknow During the Mutiny of 1857-8: Diary, Sketches, Photographs and Plans, Additional Papers 37151, British Library, the Maps and Plans accompanying Moore's Diary, Additional Papers 37152 British Library, and Twenty-Six Coloured Views accompanying Moore's Diary, Additional Papers 37153 British Library.
113. For similar visual representations of the Bibighar, see C. W. Crump, A Pictorial Record of the Cawnpore Massacre: Three Original Sketches Taken on the Spot (London 1858); and T. Moore, Cawnpore and Lucknow During the Mutiny of 1857-8: Diary, Sketches, Photographs and Plans, Additional Papers 37151, British Library, the Maps and Plans accompanying Moore's Diary, Additional Papers 37152 British Library, and Twenty-Six Coloured Views accompanying Moore's Diary, Additional Papers 37153 British Library.
114. P. Harrington, British Artists and War: The Face of Battle in Paintings and Prints, 1700-1914 (London 1993).
115. Illustrated Times, 8 May 1858 cited by Harrington op. cit.
116. Illustrated Times, 8 May 1858 cited by Harrington op. cit.
117. The Art Journal, 1858, and the Times, 1 and 22 May 1858, cited by Harrington op. cit.
118. The Art Journal, 1858, and the Times, 1 and 22 May 1858, cited by Harrington op. cit.
119. The Art Journal, 1858, and the Times, 1 and 22 May 1858, cited by Harrington op. cit.
120. Illustrated London News, 15 May 1858, cited by Harrington op. cit. Indeed, as Harrington also writes, the Hanging Committee at the Royal Academy had debated whether to exhibit the painting.
121. Illustrated London News, 15 May 1858, cited by Harrington op. cit. Indeed, as Harrington also writes, the Hanging Committee at the Royal Academy had debated whether to exhibit the painting.
122. General Havelock died of dysentery in November 1857 after the evacuation of the Lucknow Residency, which will be discussed below. See Dawson, op. cit., for more on representations of Havelock as an imperial hero.
123. Harrington op. cit. The engraving was made by Alexander Hill of Edinburgh after the painting had been re-exhibited at the Royal Scottish Academy in 1859.
124. From the Introduction by M. Edwardes in M. Germon, Journal of the Siege of Lucknow: An Episode of the Indian Mutiny (London 1957) 17.
125. M. Innes, Lucknow and Oude in the Mutiny: A Narrative and A Study (London 1895). Estimates of the numbers under siege at Lucknow vary. Innes states that there were 3000 people under siege, of whom 1392 were Indian and 1608 were British and others of European descent. Innes also estimates that there were 1720 combatants and 1280 non-combatants.
126. Despite its lack of success, the date of the first 'relief' - September 25 - came to be known as Lucknow Day in the years following the 'mutiny' and was marked by an annual dinner of survivors. Arthur Dashwood, who was born during the siege, wrote that annual commemorative dinners continued until 1913. A. F. Dashwood, Untimely arrival at the siege of Lucknow, The Listener, 2 December 1936, reprinted in C. Brydon, The Lucknow Siege Diary of Mrs C. M. Brydon edited and published by C. deL. W. fforde.
127. Despite its lack of success, the date of the first 'relief' - September 25 - came to be known as Lucknow Day in the years following the 'mutiny' and was marked by an annual dinner of survivors. Arthur Dashwood, who was born during the siege, wrote that annual commemorative dinners continued until 1913. A. F. Dashwood, Untimely arrival at the siege of Lucknow, The Listener, 2 December 1936, reprinted in C. Brydon, The Lucknow Siege Diary of Mrs C. M. Brydon edited and published by C. deL. W. fforde.
128. Hibbert, op. cit.
129. 'The Solomon Family of Painters', Exhibition Catalogue, The Geffrye Museum, London, 1985, 56. Thanks to Adrienne Avery-Gray at The Museum and Art Gallery of Leicester and Louise West at The Geffrye Museum for their help.
130. Englishwoman's Review, 12 September 1857.
131. Bengal Hurkaru, 30 September 1857.
132. Times, 30 September 1857.
133. Times, 1 October 1857. In addition, Karl Marx wrote that "we must now expect to hear of the capture of the place by starvation, and the massacre of its brave defenders with their wives and children" in New York Daily Tribune, 13 October 1857, reprinted in K. Marx and F. Engels, The First Indian War of Independence 1857-1859 (Moscow 1959). The Illustrated London News identified the two main threats to the British population at Lucknow as starvation and the presence of 'that ineffable villain' Nana Sahib. Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857.
134. Times, 1 October 1857. In addition, Karl Marx wrote that "we must now expect to hear of the capture of the place by starvation, and the massacre of its brave defenders with their wives and children" in New York Daily Tribune, 13 October 1857, reprinted in K. Marx and F. Engels, The First Indian War of Independence 1857-1859 (Moscow 1959). The Illustrated London News identified the two main threats to the British population at Lucknow as starvation and the presence of 'that ineffable villain' Nana Sahib. Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857.
135. Times, 1 October 1857. In addition, Karl Marx wrote that "we must now expect to hear of the capture of the place by starvation, and the massacre of its brave defenders with their wives and children" in New York Daily Tribune, 13 October 1857, reprinted in K. Marx and F. Engels, The First Indian War of Independence 1857-1859 (Moscow 1959). The Illustrated London News identified the two main threats to the British population at Lucknow as starvation and the presence of 'that ineffable villain' Nana Sahib. Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857.
136. Times, 1 October 1857. In addition, Karl Marx wrote that "we must now expect to hear of the capture of the place by starvation, and the massacre of its brave defenders with their wives and children" in New York Daily Tribune, 13 October 1857, reprinted in K. Marx and F. Engels, The First Indian War of Independence 1857-1859 (Moscow 1959). The Illustrated London News identified the two main threats to the British population at Lucknow as starvation and the presence of 'that ineffable villain' Nana Sahib. Illustrated London News, 3 October 1857.
137. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
138. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
139. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
140. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
141. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
142. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
143. Sir Charles Napier, 10 October 1857, Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 507. In her diary about the siege of Lucknow, Katherine Bartrum wrote that "my husband always consoled me with the promise that should things come to the worst he would destroy me with his own hand rather than let me fall into the power of those brutal Sepoys". K. Bartrum, A Widow's Reminiscences of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 10. Some women at Lucknow kept poison to take if the Residency fell, while others saw their fate as wholly in the hands of a Christian God. According to Adelaide Case, "some of the ladies keep laudanum and prussic acid always near them. I can scarcely think it right to have recourse to such means; it appears to me that all we have to do is, to endeavour, as far as we can, to be prepared for our death, and leave the rest in the hands of Him who knows what is best for us". A. Case, Day by Day at Lucknow: A Journal of the Siege of Lucknow (London 1858) 118. For more on the diaries written by British women at Lucknow, see A. Blunt, Travelling home and empire: British women in India, 1857-1939, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of British Columbia 1997); Sharpe op. cit.; and Tuson op. cit.
144. Lady's Newspaper, 14 November 1857.
145. Times, 14 November 1857.
146. Times, 16 November 1857. John Inglis assumed command of the defence of Lucknow after the death of Sir Henry Lawrence on 4 July 1857. Inglis was born in Nova Scotia in 1814 and served in the 32nd Foot from 1833 until his death in 1862. In 1851, he married Julia Thesiger, daughter of the first Lord Chelmsford who had left his family estate in St Vincent to study law in London and who became Lord Chancellor in 1858. Julia Inglis published two accounts of the siege of Lucknow. See Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. XXIX, and Vol. LVI (London 1898).
147. Times, 16 November 1857. John Inglis assumed command of the defence of Lucknow after the death of Sir Henry Lawrence on 4 July 1857. Inglis was born in Nova Scotia in 1814 and served in the 32nd Foot from 1833 until his death in 1862. In 1851, he married Julia Thesiger, daughter of the first Lord Chelmsford who had left his family estate in St Vincent to study law in London and who became Lord Chancellor in 1858. Julia Inglis published two accounts of the siege of Lucknow. See Dictionary of National Biography, Vol. XXIX, and Vol. LVI (London 1898).
148. Earl of Derby, 8 December 1857; Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 317.
149. Earl of Derby, 8 December 1857; Hansard (Parliamentary Debates), CXLVIII, 317.
150. On 24 December, the Times stated that news of the relief had been sent by telegram from Lucknow on November 19 and arrived at Alexandria on December 19 and Malta on December 23.
151. General Order from Sir Colin Campbell, 21 November 1857, quoted in The Lady's Newspaper, 16 January 1858.
152. General Order from Sir Colin Campbell, 21 November 1857, quoted in The Lady's Newspaper, 16 January 1858.
153. 'Brigadier Inglis's Narrative of the Defence of Lucknow', 26 September 1857, quoted in Lady's Newspaper, 16 January 1858.
154. 'Brigadier Inglis's Narrative of the Defence of Lucknow', 26 September 1857, quoted in Lady's Newspaper, 16 January 1858.
155. Lady's Newspaper, 16 January 1858.
156. Illustrated London News, 9 January 1858.
157. See A. Blunt, The flight from Lucknow: British women travelling and writing home, in J. Duncan and D. Gregory (Eds), Writes of Passage: Reading Travel Writing (London 1999), for more on representations of and by British women as they travelled away from Lucknow.
158. Lady's Newspaper, 20 February 1858.
159. Ibid.
160. Metcalf, op. cit., vii. Metcalf contextualizes the 'mutiny' and its implications in terms of Victorian liberalism, arguing that it marked a departure from liberal ideas of improvement to a more cautious, conservative era of imperial rule.
161. B. Cohn, Representing authority in Victorian India, in B. Cohn, An Anthropologist Among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi 1987) 647. Particular places imbued with heroic myths of the 'mutiny' shaped a new imperial geography of India in the years after 1857. Travelling around central and north India on the clear itinerary of a 'mutiny tour', visiting the entrenchments and memorial church at Cawnpore and the Residency at Lucknow, helped British residents and visitors to imagine their place as imperial rulers. See M. Goswami, 'Englishness' on the imperial circuit: mutiny tours in colonial South Asia, Journal of Historical Sociology 9 (1996) 54-84.
162. B. Cohn, Representing authority in Victorian India, in B. Cohn, An Anthropologist Among the Historians and Other Essays (Delhi 1987) 647. Particular places imbued with heroic myths of the 'mutiny' shaped a new imperial geography of India in the years after 1857. Travelling around central and north India on the clear itinerary of a 'mutiny tour', visiting the entrenchments and memorial church at Cawnpore and the Residency at Lucknow, helped British residents and visitors to imagine their place as imperial rulers. See M. Goswami, 'Englishness' on the imperial circuit: mutiny tours in colonial South Asia, Journal of Historical Sociology 9 (1996) 54-84.