Materialism, mutiny and modernization in British India

Modern Asian Studies

Volumn 34, Issue 3, 2000, Pages 545-580

  Klein, Ira ^a  

^a AMERICAN UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

COLONIAL LEGACY; COLONIALISM; ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT; MODERNIZATION; POLITICAL HISTORY;

INDIA;

EID: 0033869604     PISSN: 0026749X     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x00003656     Document Type: Article

References (147)

1. Reginald Coupland, Britain and India (London, 1941), 31-2; Sir Percival Griffiths, The British Impact on India (London, 1952), 479; Lilian Knowles, Economic Development of the British Overseas Empire (London, 1925), 274, 329-33.
2. Reginald Coupland, Britain and India (London, 1941), 31-2; Sir Percival Griffiths, The British Impact on India (London, 1952), 479; Lilian Knowles, Economic Development of the British Overseas Empire (London, 1925), 274, 329-33.
3. Reginald Coupland, Britain and India (London, 1941), 31-2; Sir Percival Griffiths, The British Impact on India (London, 1952), 479; Lilian Knowles, Economic Development of the British Overseas Empire (London, 1925), 274, 329-33.
4. André Gunder Frank, 'The Development of Underdevelopment', Monthly Review, XVIII, 4, Sept. 1966, 7-31.
5. Hugh Tinker, '1857 and 1957: The Mutiny and Modern India', International Affairs, XXIV, 1958, 63; T. R. Metcalf, Aftermath of Revolt (Princeton, 1964), 171, 320-4, 327.
6. Hugh Tinker, '1857 and 1957: The Mutiny and Modern India', International Affairs, XXIV, 1958, 63; T. R. Metcalf, Aftermath of Revolt (Princeton, 1964), 171, 320-4, 327.
7. Antonio Gramsci, Selections From Prison Notebooks (London, 1971), 12.
8. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
9. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
10. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
11. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
12. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
13. 6 Washbrook, 81-4.
14. Guha, Historiography, 24; Dominance Without Hegemony (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 197. In the latter work, Guha portrayed cultural conflicts between British attempts to 'appropriate' and 'annex' Indian history and Indians who exercised 'an "independent critical attitude" toward British historians of India'. It is agreed here that British reformers attempted to occupy the commanding heights of Indian civilization, and wished to transform it. Purposeful British policies, however, of accepting most established laws and customs, of avoiding direct, systematic intrusion upon social practices, and of leaving the ordinary populace illiterate meant that the overwhelming numbers were barely affected by Western culture, remained responsive to indigenous cultural symbols, and that Gandhi, for example, could harness 'the mass and energy of popular mobilization to his campaigns' by employing those symbols and paradigms. See Guha, Dominance, 142-3, 194-5.
15. Guha, Historiography, 24; Dominance Without Hegemony (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 197. In the latter work, Guha portrayed cultural conflicts between British attempts to 'appropriate' and 'annex' Indian history and Indians who exercised 'an "independent critical attitude" toward British historians of India'. It is agreed here that British reformers attempted to occupy the commanding heights of Indian civilization, and wished to transform it. Purposeful British policies, however, of accepting most established laws and customs, of avoiding direct, systematic intrusion upon social practices, and of leaving the ordinary populace illiterate meant that the overwhelming numbers were barely affected by Western culture, remained responsive to indigenous cultural symbols, and that Gandhi, for example, could harness 'the mass and energy of popular mobilization to his campaigns' by employing those symbols and paradigms. See Guha, Dominance, 142-3, 194-5.
16. Guha, Historiography, 24; Dominance Without Hegemony (Cambridge, Mass., 1997), 197. In the latter work, Guha portrayed cultural conflicts between British attempts to 'appropriate' and 'annex' Indian history and Indians who exercised 'an "independent critical attitude" toward British historians of India'. It is agreed here that British reformers attempted to occupy the commanding heights of Indian civilization, and wished to transform it. Purposeful British policies, however, of accepting most established laws and customs, of avoiding direct, systematic intrusion upon social practices, and of leaving the ordinary populace illiterate meant that the overwhelming numbers were barely affected by Western culture, remained responsive to indigenous cultural symbols, and that Gandhi, for example, could harness 'the mass and energy of popular mobilization to his campaigns' by employing those symbols and paradigms. See Guha, Dominance, 142-3, 194-5.
17. Arnold, title page and passim.
18. Chatterjee, 238.
19. Nandy, 55, 63.
20. James Mill, A History of British India (reprint, N. Y., 1968), I, 334; John Bowring (ed.), The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 'The Influence of Time and Place on Matters of Legislation', I (New York, Reissued 1967), 175; Charles Grant, Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain (privately printed, 1797), 220; Ainslie Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (N.Y., 1962), 119.
21. James Mill, A History of British India (reprint, N. Y., 1968), I, 334; John Bowring (ed.), The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 'The Influence of Time and Place on Matters of Legislation', I (New York, Reissued 1967), 175; Charles Grant, Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain (privately printed, 1797), 220; Ainslie Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (N.Y., 1962), 119.
22. James Mill, A History of British India (reprint, N. Y., 1968), I, 334; John Bowring (ed.), The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 'The Influence of Time and Place on Matters of Legislation', I (New York, Reissued 1967), 175; Charles Grant, Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain (privately printed, 1797), 220; Ainslie Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (N.Y., 1962), 119.
23. James Mill, A History of British India (reprint, N. Y., 1968), I, 334; John Bowring (ed.), The Works of Jeremy Bentham, 'The Influence of Time and Place on Matters of Legislation', I (New York, Reissued 1967), 175; Charles Grant, Observations on the State of Society among the Asiatic Subjects of Great Britain (privately printed, 1797), 220; Ainslie Embree, Charles Grant and British Rule in India (N.Y., 1962), 119.
24. The Economist, XV, 1231 (Nov. 7, 1857).
25. Eric Stokes, The English Utilitarians and India (London, 1959), 16, 24.
26. The Economist, XV, 1231.
27. Ibid.
28. Stokes, Utilitarians, 56.
29. Thomas Babington Macaulay, 'Minute on Education', Feb. 2, 1835, in Macaulay Prose and Poetry, selected by G. M. Young, second impression (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 723-4; Macaulay, 'Sir James Macintosh', in Critical and Historical Essays Thomas Babington Lord Macaulay, selected by Hugh Trevor-Roper (N.Y., 1965), 662-3.
30. Thomas Babington Macaulay, 'Minute on Education', Feb. 2, 1835, in Macaulay Prose and Poetry, selected by G. M. Young, second impression (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 723-4; Macaulay, 'Sir James Macintosh', in Critical and Historical Essays Thomas Babington Lord Macaulay, selected by Hugh Trevor-Roper (N.Y., 1965), 662-3.
31. Macaulay, 'Minute', 723-4, 729.
32. Bentham, 'Time and Place', 180-1.
33. Ibid.
34. Stokes, 69.
35. Madras State Archives, Madras Revenue Consultations, CII-A, 'Observations by Mr. Duncan on the Administration of Justice', 1023-88.
36. D. H. Buchanan, The Development of Capitalistic Enterprise in India (N.Y., 1934), 27-74.
37. See for example, Bombay Presidency, Selections from the Records, new series, no. 278 (1884), passim.
38. For a full discussion of the Utilitarian approach to agrarian change, see Stokes, 80-101; see also Ira Klein, 'Utilitarianism and Agrarian Progress in Western India', Economic History Review, Second Series, XVIII (1965), 576-97; Bombay, Selections, old series, no. 12 (1853), 34.
39. For a full discussion of the Utilitarian approach to agrarian change, see Stokes, 80-101; see also Ira Klein, 'Utilitarianism and Agrarian Progress in Western India', Economic History Review, Second Series, XVIII (1965), 576-97; Bombay, Selections, old series, no. 12 (1853), 34.
40. For a full discussion of the Utilitarian approach to agrarian change, see Stokes, 80-101; see also Ira Klein, 'Utilitarianism and Agrarian Progress in Western India', Economic History Review, Second Series, XVIII (1965), 576-97; Bombay, Selections, old series, no. 12 (1853), 34.
41. G. E. Trevelyan, A Report Upon the Inland Custom and Town Duties of the Bengal Presidency (Calcutta, 1834), 57.
42. Macaulay, 'Macintosh', 168.
43. Macaulay, 'Minute', 729.
44. Ibid.
45. R. V. Parulekar (ed.), Surrey of Indigeneous Education in the Province of Bombay, second ed. (Bombay, 1951), xxi; Fifth Annual Report, Bombay Education Society, 1819, 11; Sixth Annual Report, BES, 1821, 21.
46. R. V. Parulekar (ed.), Surrey of Indigeneous Education in the Province of Bombay, second ed. (Bombay, 1951), xxi; Fifth Annual Report, Bombay Education Society, 1819, 11; Sixth Annual Report, BES, 1821, 21.
47. R. V. Parulekar (ed.), Surrey of Indigeneous Education in the Province of Bombay, second ed. (Bombay, 1951), xxi; Fifth Annual Report, Bombay Education Society, 1819, 11; Sixth Annual Report, BES, 1821, 21.
48. 'Extract from Bombay Secretariat Records', I of 1825, J. A. R. Stevenson to St. John Thackeray, in Parulekar, 144.
49. Parulekar, xxxi, xlvii, and passim.
50. India Office Library, Lytton Papers, Lytton to Cranbrook, Jan. 13, 1879.
51. Parliamentary Papers, 1831, V, 65-320 A, 324.
52. 'Secretariat Records', LVIII of 1824, Letter from T. B. Jervis, Sept. 18, 1824, in Parulekar, 4-5.
53. 'Secretariat Records', LVIII of 1824, No. 1 of General Department, in Parulekar, 68; Bhagwan Dayal, Development of Modern Indian Education (Bombay, 1955), 112.
54. 'Secretariat Records', LVIII of 1824, No. 1 of General Department, in Parulekar, 68; Bhagwan Dayal, Development of Modern Indian Education (Bombay, 1955), 112.
55. Stokes, 264.
56. Pandurang Kane, History of Dharmasastra (Poona, 1941), II, 104-78, 550-632, III, 596-692; Arthur Steele, The Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes (London, 1868), 122-214.
57. Pandurang Kane, History of Dharmasastra (Poona, 1941), II, 104-78, 550-632, III, 596-692; Arthur Steele, The Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes (London, 1868), 122-214.
58. Pandurang Kane, History of Dharmasastra (Poona, 1941), II, 104-78, 550-632, III, 596-692; Arthur Steele, The Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes (London, 1868), 122-214.
59. Pandurang Kane, History of Dharmasastra (Poona, 1941), II, 104-78, 550-632, III, 596-692; Arthur Steele, The Law and Custom of Hindoo Castes (London, 1868), 122-214.
60. George Basalla, The Evolution of Technology (Cambridge, 1988), 65-101, 169-205.
61. P. C. Perdue, 'Technological Determinism in Agrarian Societies', 177,
62. Richard Buillet, 'Technological Determinism in Pre-Industrial Societies', 204-9, in Merritt Smith and Leo Marx, (eds)., Does Technology Drive History? (Cambridge, Mass.), 1994.
63. Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life 1400-1800 (Paris, 1967), 245-6; Buillet, 205-8.
64. Clifford Geertz, After the Fact (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 43; Geertz, 'Common Sense as a Cultural System', Antioch Review, L (1992), 221-41.
65. Clifford Geertz, After the Fact (Cambridge, Mass., 1995), 43; Geertz, 'Common Sense as a Cultural System', Antioch Review, L (1992), 221-41.
66. R. M. Hartwell, The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth (London, 1971), 226-61; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge, 1969), 334-44; W. A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (Homewood, 1955), 164-200; John Mellor, The Economics of Agricultural Development (Ithaca, 1966), 133-5, 152-7.
67. R. M. Hartwell, The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth (London, 1971), 226-61; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge, 1969), 334-44; W. A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (Homewood, 1955), 164-200; John Mellor, The Economics of Agricultural Development (Ithaca, 1966), 133-5, 152-7.
68. R. M. Hartwell, The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth (London, 1971), 226-61; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge, 1969), 334-44; W. A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (Homewood, 1955), 164-200; John Mellor, The Economics of Agricultural Development (Ithaca, 1966), 133-5, 152-7.
69. R. M. Hartwell, The Industrial Revolution and Economic Growth (London, 1971), 226-61; David Landes, The Unbound Prometheus (Cambridge, 1969), 334-44; W. A. Lewis, The Theory of Economic Growth (Homewood, 1955), 164-200; John Mellor, The Economics of Agricultural Development (Ithaca, 1966), 133-5, 152-7.
70. P. E. Bondzi-Simpson, 'Confronting the Dilemmas of Development through Law', 7, in P. E. Bondzi-Simpson (ed.), The Law and Economic Development in the Third World (New York, 1992).
71. The interpretation was important that once 'state breakdown had begun', the outcome of revolt depended on mobilization of state, populace and distinct ideologies; but British success in silencing Indian rebels' ideological voice meant that influential discussion about the significance of revolt occurred mainly in London. See Jack Goldstone, Revolution and Rebellion in the Early Modern World (Berkeley, 1990), 461-3.
72. Liberal British views generally were affirmed by Indian intellectuals that revolt didn't reflect discontent with modernizing reforms. The Hindoo Patriot termed the uprising a 'general rebellion', and other Indian periodicals expressed grievances about excessive salaries of British administrators, the so-called drain of wealth from India, and inferior educational and occupational opportunities for Indians. But the burden of the Hindoo Patriot's message was to portray conflict between modernizing, progressive Western rule and 'Asiatic stationaryism'. The leaders of the revolt were demeaned as self-interested traditionalists, bent on destroying a half-century's progress. The Hindu pamphleteer who condemned Indians' limited administrative opportunities under Western rule, nonetheless insisted that older provinces and Punjab fundamentally were loyal to the British, and derided as preposterous that the Mutiny resulted from modernizing reforms: he blamed the rising on a narrow military caste. Westernized Indians by definition had been acculturated to a European intellectual outlook; their concepts of society and reform were influenced by liberal English models. Western-educated Indian intellectuals even more than English Liberals needed to use history to protect their interests. Liberal claims in England that the Mutiny was a military rebellion and expressed Indian barbarism were met generally by a vast silence in India - except for protestations of loyalty. See, for example, Hindoo Patriot, May 21, 1857 and July 9, 1857; An Anonymous Hindoo, The Mutinies, the Government and the People (Calcutta, 1858), 10-11, 39-41; The Thoughts of a Native of Northern India (London, 1858), 10-14, 21-8.
73. Liberal British views generally were affirmed by Indian intellectuals that revolt didn't reflect discontent with modernizing reforms. The Hindoo Patriot termed the uprising a 'general rebellion', and other Indian periodicals expressed grievances about excessive salaries of British administrators, the so-called drain of wealth from India, and inferior educational and occupational opportunities for Indians. But the burden of the Hindoo Patriot's message was to portray conflict between modernizing, progressive Western rule and 'Asiatic stationaryism'. The leaders of the revolt were demeaned as self-interested traditionalists, bent on destroying a half-century's progress. The Hindu pamphleteer who condemned Indians' limited administrative opportunities under Western rule, nonetheless insisted that older provinces and Punjab fundamentally were loyal to the British, and derided as preposterous that the Mutiny resulted from modernizing reforms: he blamed the rising on a narrow military caste. Westernized Indians by definition had been acculturated to a European intellectual outlook; their concepts of society and reform were influenced by liberal English models. Western-educated Indian intellectuals even more than English Liberals needed to use history to protect their interests. Liberal claims in England that the Mutiny was a military rebellion and expressed Indian barbarism were met generally by a vast silence in India - except for protestations of loyalty. See, for example, Hindoo Patriot, May 21, 1857 and July 9, 1857; An Anonymous Hindoo, The Mutinies, the Government and the People (Calcutta, 1858), 10-11, 39-41; The Thoughts of a Native of Northern India (London, 1858), 10-14, 21-8.
74. Liberal British views generally were affirmed by Indian intellectuals that revolt didn't reflect discontent with modernizing reforms. The Hindoo Patriot termed the uprising a 'general rebellion', and other Indian periodicals expressed grievances about excessive salaries of British administrators, the so-called drain of wealth from India, and inferior educational and occupational opportunities for Indians. But the burden of the Hindoo Patriot's message was to portray conflict between modernizing, progressive Western rule and 'Asiatic stationaryism'. The leaders of the revolt were demeaned as self-interested traditionalists, bent on destroying a half-century's progress. The Hindu pamphleteer who condemned Indians' limited administrative opportunities under Western rule, nonetheless insisted that older provinces and Punjab fundamentally were loyal to the British, and derided as preposterous that the Mutiny resulted from modernizing reforms: he blamed the rising on a narrow military caste. Westernized Indians by definition had been acculturated to a European intellectual outlook; their concepts of society and reform were influenced by liberal English models. Western-educated Indian intellectuals even more than English Liberals needed to use history to protect their interests. Liberal claims in England that the Mutiny was a military rebellion and expressed Indian barbarism were met generally by a vast silence in India - except for protestations of loyalty. See, for example, Hindoo Patriot, May 21, 1857 and July 9, 1857; An Anonymous Hindoo, The Mutinies, the Government and the People (Calcutta, 1858), 10-11, 39-41; The Thoughts of a Native of Northern India (London, 1858), 10-14, 21-8.
75. Malcolm Lewin, The Way to Lose India (London, 1857), 10-11; see also. A Retired Bengal Civilian, A Glance at the East (London, 1857), passim.
76. Malcolm Lewin, The Way to Lose India (London, 1857), 10-11; see also. A Retired Bengal Civilian, A Glance at the East (London, 1857), passim.
77. Henry Parker, The Empire of the Middle Classes (London, 1858), passim.
78. Stokes, 23-4.
79. Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, CXLVII (1858), cols 444, 449, 465.
80. Ibid., cols 461-64.
81. India Office Library, Wood Papers, Canning to Wood, Feb. 27, 1860 and June 13, 1860.
82. Modernizes like John Strachey and Richard Temple anticipated that development policies vigorously pursued would leave the old India in wreckage, and thought the hostility of its feudatory leaders was inevitable. They believed that the more quickly was created the new India of social mobility, Westernized intellectuals, enriched merchants and prosperous peasant proprietors, the more rapidly would fade in importance a declining breed of discontented rajahs, jaghirdars, and zemindars. See, for example, Strachey's views in Selections from the Records of the Government of India, Home Department, CLX, 'Correspondence Regarding the Law of Land Sale', 55-9.
83. The Economist, XV, 1231 (Nov. 7, 1857).
84. The pervasive optimism regarding the improvement of India can be traced through the House of Commons speeches cited below, in the citations in notes 65-66 in this essay, in such pamphlets as Be Just to India, Prevent Famine and Cherish Commerce (Manchester, 1861), passim, and in The Economist, XV, 837-39 (Aug. 1, 1857), 896 (Aug. 15, 1857), 977 (Sept. 15, 1857), 1033 (Sept. 19, 1857), 1230-31 (Nov. 7, 1857), 1318 (Nov. 28, 1857).
85. The pervasive optimism regarding the improvement of India can be traced through the House of Commons speeches cited below, in the citations in notes 65-66 in this essay, in such pamphlets as Be Just to India, Prevent Famine and Cherish Commerce (Manchester, 1861), passim, and in The Economist, XV, 837-39 (Aug. 1, 1857), 896 (Aug. 15, 1857), 977 (Sept. 15, 1857), 1033 (Sept. 19, 1857), 1230-31 (Nov. 7, 1857), 1318 (Nov. 28, 1857).
86. An earlier obstacle to direct British governance was concern about increased crown patronage and power, but by 1858 suffrage reform had increased confidence in Parliament's control. See, for example, G. P. Gooch (ed.), The Later Correspondence of Lord John Russell (London, 1925), II, 226-7.
87. Debates, CXLVIII, col. 1282.
88. Ibid., col 1381.
89. Robert Slaney, Essay on the Employment of the Poor (London, 1819).
90. Debates, CXLVIII, cols 1425-26.
91. Debates, CXLIX, col. 826.
92. Ibid.
93. W. F. Monypenny and G. E. Buckle, The Life of Benjamin Disraeli (rev. ed., reissued, N.Y. 1968), 537-32; A. B. Keith, A Constitutional History of India, 1600-1935 (2d. ed. rev., London, 1937), 165. See R. F. Dod, The Parliamentary Companion (London, 1858), 134-312, for party affiliations.
94. W. F. Monypenny and G. E. Buckle, The Life of Benjamin Disraeli (rev. ed., reissued, N.Y. 1968), 537-32; A. B. Keith, A Constitutional History of India, 1600-1935 (2d. ed. rev., London, 1937), 165. See R. F. Dod, The Parliamentary Companion (London, 1858), 134-312, for party affiliations.
95. W. F. Monypenny and G. E. Buckle, The Life of Benjamin Disraeli (rev. ed., reissued, N.Y. 1968), 537-32; A. B. Keith, A Constitutional History of India, 1600-1935 (2d. ed. rev., London, 1937), 165. See R. F. Dod, The Parliamentary Companion (London, 1858), 134-312, for party affiliations.
96. Debates, CXLIX, col. 843;
97. The Manchester Guardian, March 30, 1858, 2.
98. See, for example, General Report of the Bombay Administration (Bombay, 1872), 154; 1878, 175; 1879, 185-6; 1882, 152; 1884, 94; 1886, 79.
99. E. I. Barrington, The Servant of All, Pages from the Family, Social and Political Lift of My Father (London, 1927), II, 182; Wood Papers, Wood to Wilson, Nov. 3, 1859.
100. Barrington, II, 53-4; James Wilson, The Revenue, or What the Chancellor Should Do (London, 1827), 18-27.
101. Wood Papers, Wood to Canning, May 10, 1860.
102. Parliamentary Papers, 1860, XLIX, 481, 4-8.
103. Wood Papers, Canning to Wood, April 19, 1860, and Wood to Trevelyan, May 17, 1860; see also Parliamentary Papers, 1860, XLIX, 481, 32, 86.
104. India Office Library, Parliamentary Branch Collection, no. 179, 'Select Committee on East India Finance' (1873), 464-5, 483.
105. Extract from the Proceedings of the Committee on Trade and Agriculture of the Royal Asiatic Society Relative to the Supply of Cotton From India (London, 1862), 24.
106. Extract, 3-4;
107. see also Robert Wright, Notes on Cotton Farming, and Explanation of the American and East Indian Method (London, 1862), 4 and passim.
108. John Dickenson, Address to the Members of the House of Commons on the Relations Between the Cotton Crisis and Public Works in India (London, 1862), 4-7, 12, 20-3.
109. India, Selections, CLX, p. 2.
110. Wood Papers, Canning to Wood, Feb. 27, 1860.
111. See Jagdesh Raj, The Mutiny and British Land Policy in North India, 1856-68 (Bombay, 1965), 18-19. As Dr. Raj has shown, despite pre-Mutiny antipathy of the British to taluqdari tenure, some 13,640 villages were settled according to it, and only 9,903 villages had other tenure systems.
112. India, Selections, CLX, p. 1.
113. Bombay, Selections, n.s., no. 166, p. 9.
114. India, Selections, CLX, p. 25.
115. Wood Papers, Canning to Wood, Feb. 27, 1860; 100. R. C. Dutt, Famines and Land Assessment in India (London, 1900), 175.
116. Ibid., 173.
117. India, Selections, CLX, pp. III, 141-7, 172-3.
118. B. L. Billet, Modernization Theory and Economic Development (Westport, 1993) 4; Thomas Pantham, Political Theories and Social Reconstruction (London, 1995), 34, 74-5, 82-93.
119. B. L. Billet, Modernization Theory and Economic Development (Westport, 1993) 4; Thomas Pantham, Political Theories and Social Reconstruction (London, 1995), 34, 74-5, 82-93.
120. Hartwell, 140, 149, 226-61; Lewis, 164-200; Landes, 334-44; Mellor, 133-5, 155-7, 229, 240; Ragnar Nurkse, Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries (N.Y., 1967), 26, 47, 143, 257; John Kunkel, Society and Economic Growth (London, 1970), 62-101.
121. Hartwell, 140, 149, 226-61; Lewis, 164-200; Landes, 334-44; Mellor, 133-5, 155-7, 229, 240; Ragnar Nurkse, Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Countries (N.Y., 1967), 26, 47, 143, 257; John Kunkel, Society and Economic Growth (London, 1970), 62-101.
122. Mellor, 236.
123. Bondzi-Simpson, 'Dilemmas', in Bonzi-Simpson (ed.), 4-5.
124. John Duncan Derrett, Religion, Law and the State in India (New York, 1968), 120.
125. Christine Dobbin, Urban Leadership in Western India (London, 1972), 99-113.
126. M. N. Srinivas, The Remembered Village (Berkeley, 1976), 167.
127. Kathleen Gough, Rural Society in Southeast India (Cambridge, 1981), 290.
128. Mellor, 236; Hartwell, 243.
129. Dayal, 104.
130. Dayal, 96.
131. Dayal, 118.
132. Martin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York, 1974), 108.
133. William Haggerty, Higher and Professional Education in India (United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 1969), 32.
134. Census of India, 1911, I, Pt 2, 82-8.
135. CI, 1911, I, Pt 2, 358-73,
136. XII, Pt 2, 260-6.
137. Annual Report of the Agricultural Department, 1922-23, Bombay, 1.
138. Wages and Prices in India, 1900, 17, 282, 284; 1921, 96-7, 150; The Indian Labour Gaztte, III, No. 1, May 1946; 301; Royal Commission on Labour in India (London, 1932), III, Pt 1, 238.
139. Wages and Prices in India, 1900, 17, 282, 284; 1921, 96-7, 150; The Indian Labour Gaztte, III, No. 1, May 1946; 301; Royal Commission on Labour in India (London, 1932), III, Pt 1, 238.
140. Wages and Prices in India, 1900, 17, 282, 284; 1921, 96-7, 150; The Indian Labour Gaztte, III, No. 1, May 1946; 301; Royal Commission on Labour in India (London, 1932), III, Pt 1, 238.
141. Royal Commission on Labour in India, 'Report', 226, 270, 272.
142. Bombay, Selections, n.s., no. 635 (1929), 89, 93.
143. Kingsley Davis, The Population of India and Pakistan (Princeton, 1951), 36.
144. Dalhousie Papers, Scottish Record Office; Lawrence Papers, IOL; Northbrook Papers, IOL; Lytton Papers, IOL; Ripon Papers, British Library; Dufferin Papers, IOL; Elgin Papers, IOL; Curzon Papers, IOL; Wood Papers; Hamilton Papers, IOL; Morley Papers, IOL; Hardinge Papers, Cambridge University Library; Salisbury Papers, Public Record Office and Christ Church, Oxford University; Lansdowne Papers, PRO; Grey Papers, PRO; Joseph Chamberlain Papers, University of Birmingham Library; Rosebery Papers, National Library of Scotland; Balfour Papers, BL; Templewood Papers, CUL; Montague Papers, Bodlean, Oxford University.
145. Macaulay, 'Speech on Government of India', July 1833, in Young, 718. Undoubtedly there sometimes was a cultural crisis among some in the cadre of Western-educated Indians, and occasionally a revulsion against Westernism. The cultural dilemma of a relatively small intellectual elite shouldn't be projected as the spiritual impoverishment of a nation dispossessed of its civilization.
146. Oscar Lewis, Village Life in Northern India (Urbana, 1958), 197-301 and passim; Gough, 290, 295-6, 320, 322, 327, 337.
147. Macaulay, 'Government of India', 718.