The United Nations in the 1990s: Proactive cosmopolitanism and the issue of sovereignty

Political Studies

Volumn 47, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 538-565

  Taylor, Paul ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0033474513     PISSN: 00323217     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9248.00216     Document Type: Article

References (41)

1. 1 See J. Mayall (ed.), The New Interventionism (Cambridge University Press, 1996).
2. 2 The essay is entirely consistent with the arguments in defence of sovereignty which are well developed in M. R. Fowler and J. M. Bunck, Law, Power and the Sovereign State: The Evolution and Application of the Concept of Sovereignty (University Park, Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995).
3. 3 A. Murphy, 'The Sovereign State as Political-Territorial Ideal', in T. Biersteker and C. Weber (eds), State Sovereignty as Social Construct (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 81-120.
4. 4 See R. J. Vincent, Human Rights and International Relations (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986), especially pp. 37-57.
5. 5 See the excellent examination of the Kantian approach to peace in F. H. Hinsley, Power and the Pursuit of Peace: Theory and Practice in the History of Relations between States (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1963), ch. 4.
6. 6 In the 1990s the Security Council regularly included in its mandates for peace-keeping operation proposals to advance liberal democratic solutions to internal conflicts and promote Western standards of governance worldwide; the Chinese went along with this! See P. Guillot, 'Human Rights, Democracy, and the Multidimensional Peace Operations of the United Nations', in Mortimer Sellers (ed.), The New World: Sovereignty, Human Rights and the Self Determination of Peoples (Oxford, Berg, 1996), pp. 273-304.
7. 7 See J. Donnelly, 'State Sovereignty and International Intervention: The Case of Human Rights', in G. Lyons and M. Mastanduno (eds), Beyond Westphalia? State Sovereignty and International Intervention (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1995), pp. 115-146.
8. A useful overview of the development of peace-keeping is J. Sutterlin, The United Nations and Maintenance of International Security: A Challenge to be Met (Westport, Praeger, 1995).
9. 9 A. James, Peacekeeping in International Politics (London, Macmillan, 1990), pp. 122-130.
10. 10 See Economides and Taylor, and Lewis and Mayall in Mayall, The New Interventionism, pp. 59-93.
11. 11 For a comprehensive account of these problems as they stood in 1997 see P. Taylor, S. Daws and U. Adamczick-Gerteis (eds), Documents on Reform of the United Nations (Aldershot, Dartmouth, 1997), Part II, pp. 65-169.
12. 12 For a balanced evaluation of these problems, see A. Roberts, Humanitarian Action in War, Adelphi Paper 305 (London, The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 1996). Roberts concluded that 'The most promising approach to the role of the military in relation to humanitarian effort is likely to be pragmatic one. While not denying a role for the UN peace-keeping forces, or for full-scale "humanitarian intervention" in cases of extreme emergency, such an approach also stress the importance of other forms of military protection and assistance. ... future attempts . . .need to avoid elements of ambiguity, verging on dishonesty, that have characterized many such efforts . . .' p. 87.
13. 13 For an excellent examination of the concept of intervention and its variations see O. Ramsbotham, 'Humanitarian intervention, 1990-95: a need to reconceptualize?', Review of International Studies, 23 (1997), 445-468.
14. 14 This argument is borrowed from D. Malone, 'The UN Security Council in the post-Cold War world: 1987-97', Security Dialogue, 28 (1997), 393-408.
15. 15 R. McCorquodale, 'Human Rights and Self-determination', in Sellers, The New World Order, p. 26.
16. 16 Perez de Cuellar set up an Office for Research and the Collection of Information (ORCI) which as abolished by Boutros Boutros-Ghali, its functions being then assigned to the new Departments Political Affairs (DPA) and of Peace-keeping (DPK). Boutros-Ghali stated That Department . . . is now organized to follow political developments worldwide, so that it can provide early warning of impending conflicts and analyse possibilities for preventive action . . .' (A/50/60 - 1995/1, 3 January 1995, Para. 26).
17. 17 The United Nations Registry of Conventional Arms was created by the General Assembly in December 1991. Members states were required to provide data for the previous year on imports and exports of battle tanks, armored combat vehicles, artillery, combat aircraft, attack helicopters, warships and missiles and missile launchers, as of 30 April 1993. See J. Tessitore and S. Woolfson (eds), A Global Agenda: Issues Before the 48th General Assembly of the United Nations (Lanham, University Press of American, 1993), pp. 141-142.
18. 18 See Command and Control of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations: Report of the Secretary-General, GA, A/49/681, 21 November 1994.
19. 19 See P. Taylor, 'Options for Reform' in John Harris, (ed.), The Politics of Humanitarian Intervention (London, Pinter and Save the Children, 1995), pp. 91-144, especially p. 96.
20. 20 For a useful account of the problems in the way of more effective peace-keeping see G. Evans, Cooperation for Peace: The Global Agenda for the 1990s and Beyond (St. Leonards, NSW, Allen and Unwin, 1993), pp. 70-80 and passim.
21. 21 A similar organization was Sandlines which cause embarrassment to the British Foreign Office in 1998 because of its involvement in the war in Sierra Leone and the allegation that it had procured and supplied arms to the ousted government in defiance of UN sanctions.
22. 22 According to the new Title VI of the Treaty on European Union. Andrew Duff concluded: 'For all the difficulties what emerges is a picture, in five years time, of an extensive and sophisticated web of police coordination throughout the European Union', A. Duff (ed.), The Treaty of Armsterdam: Text and Commentary (London, Federal Trust for Education and Science, 1997), p. 42.
23. 23 For an incisive critique of economic globalization see P. Hirst and G. Thompson, Globalization in Question (Cambridge, Polity, 1996).
24. 24 R. Falk, 'State of siege: will globalism win out', International Affairs, 73 (1997), p. 131.
25. 25 Letter from the Presidency of the EU, at the Permanent Mission of Ireland to the United Nations, to the Secretary General, 16 October, 1996, Para. 21.
26. 26 D. Malone, 'Haiti and the international community: a case study', Survival, 39 (1997), 126-146. 27 EU letter, p. 8.
27. 27 EU letter, p. 8
28. 28 See J. Matheson, Multiple Conditionality and the EU, London School of Economics and political Science, PhD. Thesis, 1997, unpublished.
29. 29 N. Wickramasinghe, 'From Human Rights to Good Governance: The Aid Regime in the 1990s' Sellers, The New World Order, p. 311.
30. 30 Third World Network, North South Development Monitor, Interpress Service and South Centre, 28 October, 1996, pp. 2-5.
31. 31 Hinsley, Power and the Pursuit of Peace, pp. 65-7.
32. 32 The elements of continuity in the state system are discussed in R. Jackson and A. James, States in a Changing World: a Contemporary Analysis (Oxford, Clarendon, 1993).
33. 33 Economides and Taylor, in Mayall, The New Interventionism, p. 91.
34. 34 See the excellent discussion of the issues raised here, including recognition by the UN, in J. Dugard, Recognition and the United Nations (Cambridge, Grotius, 1987).
35. 35 This issue is discussed by the author in his The European Union in the 1990s (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996), ch. 2.
36. 36 The list draws on the wide range of reports on reform of the United Nations which were current in the late 1990s. Particular use was made of The Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995); A report of the Independent Working Group on the Future of the United Nations, appended to K. Huefner (ed.), Agenda for Change: New Tasks for the United Nations (Opladen, Leske & Budrich, 1995); G. de Marco and M. Bartolo, A Second Generation of United Nations: For Peace in Freedom in the 21st Century (London, Kegan Paul, 1997), especially ch. 10 and Annexe 1, Summary of previous proposals.
37. 36 The list draws on the wide range of reports on reform of the United Nations which were current in the late 1990s. Particular use was made of The Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995); A report of the Independent Working Group on the Future of the United Nations, appended to K. Huefner (ed.), Agenda for Change: New Tasks for the United Nations (Opladen, Leske & Budrich, 1995); G. de Marco and M. Bartolo, A Second Generation of United Nations: For Peace in Freedom in the 21st Century (London, Kegan Paul, 1997), especially ch. 10 and Annexe 1, Summary of previous proposals.
38. 36 The list draws on the wide range of reports on reform of the United Nations which were current in the late 1990s. Particular use was made of The Commission on Global Governance, Our Global Neighbourhood (Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1995); A report of the Independent Working Group on the Future of the United Nations, appended to K. Huefner (ed.), Agenda for Change: New Tasks for the United Nations (Opladen, Leske & Budrich, 1995); G. de Marco and M. Bartolo, A Second Generation of United Nations: For Peace in Freedom in the 21st Century (London, Kegan Paul, 1997), especially ch. 10 and Annexe 1, Summary of previous proposals.
39. 37 The Report of the Independent Working Group, reproduced in Huefner, Agenda for Change, calls this a Security Assessment Staff.
40. 38 New Article F 1. Clause 2. Referred to the Council's right to 'suspend certain rights . . . including the voting rights' . . . of a member state found to be in serious and persistent breach of the principles . . . (including respect for human rights [Article F]).
41. 39 See the excellent consideration of this question in D. Held, Democracy and the Global Order: from the Modern State to Cosmopolitan Governance (Cambridge, Polity, 1995).