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Volumn 25, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 411-434

IR and the state of nature: The cultural origins of a ruling ideology

(1)  Jahn, Beate a  

a NONE

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EID: 0033460471     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210599004118     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (29)

References (180)
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    • Martin Wight, for example, holds that 'at the heart of international theory itself' we find 'the identification of international politics with the precontractual state of nature' and the distinguishing feature of this state of nature is taken to be the absence of government or that situation in which 'men live without a common power to keep them all in awe' as Wight relates quoting Hobbes (Martin Wight, 'Why is There no International Theory?', in Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight (eds.), Diplomatic Investigations (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), pp. 30f). And it is this difference between domestic and international politics which justifies International Relations as a discipline separate and distinct from political theory.
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    • note
    • The state of nature, as I will show in the following pages, is presented by classical political theorists and contemporary IR theorists alike as culturally anonymous in two ways. On the one hand, it supposedly describes or hypothesizes an original historical condition of mankind which was precultural, i.e. in which human beings lived according to the laws of nature without yet having developed culture(s) in the form of government, law, institutions etc. On the other hand, this state of nature is presented as a universal starting point for all of humanity. Hence, the concept itself claims to be culturally anonymous in the sense that it is precultural as well as in the sense that it applies universally.
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    • note
    • The concept of the state of nature itself was, of course, not a creation of the 16th century Spanish authors but had in fact been a crucial element of European political thought throughout the Middle Ages. Hence, it represents an important element of cultural continuity in European political thought and could, indeed, only for this reason function as the basis for a Spanish consensus. I am not, therefore, arguing that the Spaniards have invented this concept but rather that they have reinterpreted it as a result of the necessary integration of the Amerindians into a European Weltanschauung. In the course of this process, which stretched over half a century, the state of nature was for the first time interpreted as a concrete historical condition characterizing actually existing communities.
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    • note
    • See the beginning of part 2 of this article for a discussion of the different conceptions of a state of nature among classical European authors and the relevance (or irrelevance) of these differences for the argument I am developing.
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    • Myths and legends in the old world and European expansionism on the American continent
    • Wolfgang Haase and Reinhold Meyer (eds.), Berlin: Walter de Gruyter
    • Bartolomé de Las Casas, History of the Indies (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), pp. 8, 68; Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man. The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 32, 37; Anthony Pagden, European Encounters With the New World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 52; Francisco de Vitoria, Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), pp. 250ff; Lewis Hanke, All Mankind is One. A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé de Las Casas and Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American Indians (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), pp. 40, 125; Olive P. Dickason, 'Old World Law, New World Peoples, and Concepts of Sovereignty', in Stanley H. Palmer and Dennis Reinhartz (eds.), Essays on the History of North American Discovery and Exploration (Arlington: Texas A&M University Press, 1988), pp. 54ff; Peter Mason, Deconstructing America - Representation of the Other (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 130ff; Jean Pierre Sánchez, 'Myths and Legends in the Old World and European Expansionism on the American Continent', in Wolfgang Haase and Reinhold Meyer (eds.), The Classical Tradition and the Americas I: European Images of the Americas and the Classical Tradition (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), pp. 216f.
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    • Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Selection of His Writings (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 186ff; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man, p. 88; Vitoria, Political Writings, p. 209; Hanke, All Mankind is One, pp. 93f.
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    • Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Selection of His Writings (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 186ff; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man, p. 88; Vitoria, Political Writings, p. 209; Hanke, All Mankind is One, pp. 93f.
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    • Bartolomé de Las Casas, A Selection of His Writings (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 186ff; Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man, p. 88; Vitoria, Political Writings, p. 209; Hanke, All Mankind is One, pp. 93f.
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    • Juán Gines de Sepúlveda, 'On the Indians' in Englander, Norman, O'Day and Owens (eds.), Culture and Belief in Europe 1450-1600. An Anthology of Sources (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), p. 323; Las Casas, Selection, p. 115.
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    • Las Casas cf. Hanke, All Mankind is One, p. 89; see also Vitoria, Political Writings, p. 274.
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    • Las Casas cf. Hanke, All Mankind is One, p. 89; see also Vitoria, Political Writings, p. 274.
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    • Las Casas, History, p. 127; Vitoria, Political Writings, pp. 225, 285f; Hanke, All Mankind is One, pp. 121, 86.
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    • David Boucher, Political Theories of International Relations, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) p. 145; Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) p. 89.
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    • David Boucher, Political Theories of International Relations, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998) p. 145; Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) p. 89.
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    • Rousseau, for example, launches a scathing critique of Hobbes' understanding of the state of nature in particular, but also of that of Locke and Pufendorf (see in particular the second part of the Essay on the Origins of Inequality; Locke is one of the major targets in the footnotes to the Essay).
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    • See, for example, Joseph Francois Lafitau, Customs of the American Indians Compared with the Customs of Primitive Times (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1977); Wolfgang Haase and Reinhold Meyer (eds.), The Classical Tradition and the Americas (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994).
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    • London: Everyman's Library
    • Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (London: Everyman's Library, 1994), vol. I, p. 22; Charles Louis de Secondat, Baron de la Brede et de Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 310.
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    • John Locke, Two Treatises of Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 182f.
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    • Abbé Raynal, Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies (New York: Negro University Press, 1969), vol. I, p. 7. Even though the text is published under Raynal's name only, I will speak of Raynal and Diderot in the text because Diderot has edited and added major parts of the text; in particular the passages including a moral assessment of the political history.
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    • Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, p. 17; see also Christian Thomasius, 'Vorrede von der Historie des Rechts der Natur bis auf Grotium', in Hugo Grotius, Vom Recht des Krieges und des Friedens (Tübingen: Mohr, 1950), pp. 1f, 8f, 39. This is Thomasius' introduction to the German translation of Grotius.
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    • Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, p. 17; see also Christian Thomasius, 'Vorrede von der Historie des Rechts der Natur bis auf Grotium', in Hugo Grotius, Vom Recht des Krieges und des Friedens (Tübingen: Mohr, 1950), pp. 1f, 8f, 39. This is Thomasius' introduction to the German translation of Grotius.
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    • note
    • The encounter with the Amerindians is, of course, not the only source for the concept of linear historical time. However, the authors quoted here develop their philosophy of history expressis verbis on the assumption of a state of nature directly linked to the Amerindians.
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    • Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan or the Matter, Forme and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiasticall and Civill (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1904), p. 85; Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, p. 90.
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    • Immanuel Kant, Political Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 99, 103;
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    • Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. II, p. 361; Locke, Two Treatises, p. 302; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 57f, 71ff, 90f.
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    • Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. II, p. 361; Locke, Two Treatises, p. 302; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 57f, 71ff, 90f.
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    • Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 296f; similarly Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, pp. 17f; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404ff; vol. VI, pp. 138ff; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 195f.
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    • Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 296f; similarly Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, pp. 17f; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404ff; vol. VI, pp. 138ff; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 195f.
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    • Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 296f; similarly Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, pp. 17f; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404ff; vol. VI, pp. 138ff; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 195f.
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    • Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 296f; similarly Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, pp. 17f; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404ff; vol. VI, pp. 138ff; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 195f.
    • History of the Indies , vol.6
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    • Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 296f; similarly Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, pp. 17f; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404ff; vol. VI, pp. 138ff; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, pp. 195f.
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    • Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, p. 114; see also Locke, Two Treatises, p. 271; Raynal, History of the Indies, vol. III, p. 404; Pufendorf, De Officio Hominis et Civis, ch. 7, § 1; Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, p. 80.
    • De Officio Hominis et Civis
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    • Wolfgang Haase and Reinhold Meyer (eds.), Berlin: Walter de Gruyter
    • Frank Lestringant, 'The Euhemerist Tradition and the European Perception and Description of the American Indians', in Wolfgang Haase and Reinhold Meyer (eds.), The Classical Tradition and the Americas I: European Images of the Americas and the Classical Tradition (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994), p. 174.
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    • Ibid., pp. 381ff; see also Hugo Grotius, De Jure Belli Ac Pacis Libri Tres (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1925), pp. 393f, 42ff.
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    • Ibid., pp. 35f, 155, 163f, 170f; Hobbes, Leviathan, p. 252; Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 291f.
    • The Law of Nations
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    • Ibid., pp. 35f, 155, 163f, 170f; Hobbes, Leviathan, p. 252; Locke, Two Treatises, pp. 291f.
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    • Yet again, I would like to stress that my citing various liberal or realist authors as contributors to one tradition I do not wish to overlook the differences between them. For my argument, however, it is not important whether Morgenthau stresses the individual human nature (see, for example, Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993), pp. 15f) and Waltz the state of nature between states (see, for example, Waltz, Man, the State, and War, p. 184); the state of nature is here, by the way, clearly based on the assumption of a 'savage' state of nature, based, mainly - and, I think, falsely - on the writings of Rousseau). Insofar as they both use the concept of the state of nature they both end up concealing the fact that the 'nature' of the individual as well as the 'nature' of the state or the state system is not nature at all: they are the products of culture, of the morally and legally justified practices of interaction between different cultures. And as contributors to one of these cultures - historically in the last 500 years the hegemonic one in the international sphere - I must quote them interchangeably if this culture is the object of my enquiry.
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    • Yet again, I would like to stress that my citing various liberal or realist authors as contributors to one tradition I do not wish to overlook the differences between them. For my argument, however, it is not important whether Morgenthau stresses the individual human nature (see, for example, Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993), pp. 15f) and Waltz the state of nature between states (see, for example, Waltz, Man, the State, and War, p. 184); the state of nature is here, by the way, clearly based on the assumption of a 'savage' state of nature, based, mainly - and, I think, falsely - on the writings of Rousseau). Insofar as they both use the concept of the state of nature they both end up concealing the fact that the 'nature' of the individual as well as the 'nature' of the state or the state system is not nature at all: they are the products of culture, of the morally and legally justified practices of interaction between different cultures. And as contributors to one of these cultures - historically in the last 500 years the hegemonic one in the international sphere - I must quote them interchangeably if this culture is the object of my enquiry.
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    • Ibid., p. 332.
    • Kant , pp. 332
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    • Ibid., p. 111.
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    • Why is there no international theory?
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    • Martin Wight, 'Why is There No International Theory?', in Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight (eds.), Diplomatical Investigations (London: Allen & Unwin, 1966), p. 31.
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    • The richness of the tradition of political realism
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    • Robert G. Gilpin, 'The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism', in Robert O. Keohane (ed.), Neorealism and its Critics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1986), p. 321.
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