Secession, states and international society

Review of International Studies

Volumn 25, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 371-387

  Meadwell, Hudson ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0033437604     PISSN: 02602105     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S026021059900371X     Document Type: Article

References (86)

1. See Sovereign Injustice. Forcible Inclusion of the James Bay Cree and Cree Territory into a Sovereign Québec (Nemaska, Quebec: Grand Council of the Crees, 1995).
2. See David A. Lake and Donald Rothchild (ed.) Ethnic Fears and Global Engagement: The International Spread and Management of Ethnic Conflict (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998).
3. See Dwight Lowell Dumond, The Secession Movement 1800-1861 (New York: Macmillan, 1931) passim; and David M. Potter, Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1942), pp. 1-19.
4. See Dwight Lowell Dumond, The Secession Movement 1800-1861 (New York: Macmillan, 1931) passim; and David M. Potter, Lincoln and His Party in the Secession Crisis (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1942), pp. 1-19.
5. For an overview, see Calvin R. Massey, 'The Locus of Sovereignty: Judicial Review, Legislative Supremacy, and Federalism in the Constitutional Traditions of Canada and the United States', Duke Law Journal, 40 (1990), pp. 1242-56.
6. Fletcher M. Green, 'Right of Secession', Dictionary of American History (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1976[1940]), p. 250.
7. Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, The Age of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788-1800 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p.719.
8. William W. Freehling, Prelude to Civil War: The Nullification Controversy in South Carolina, 1816-1836 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992 [1966]).
9. Merrill D. Peterson, The Jeffersonian Image in the American Mind (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), p.213. For the Virginia Resolutions, see James Madison, The Papers of James Madison (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1991), vol. 17, pp. 188-90; Thomas Jefferson, 'Draft of the Kentucky Resolutions', Thomas Jefferson: Writings (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, 1984), pp. 449-56.
10. Merrill D. Peterson, The Jeffersonian Image in the American Mind (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), p.213. For the Virginia Resolutions, see James Madison, The Papers of James Madison (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1991), vol. 17, pp. 188-90; Thomas Jefferson, 'Draft of the Kentucky Resolutions', Thomas Jefferson: Writings (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, 1984), pp. 449-56.
11. Merrill D. Peterson, The Jeffersonian Image in the American Mind (New York: Oxford University Press, 1960), p.213. For the Virginia Resolutions, see James Madison, The Papers of James Madison (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1991), vol. 17, pp. 188-90; Thomas Jefferson, 'Draft of the Kentucky Resolutions', Thomas Jefferson: Writings (New York: Literary Classics of the United States, 1984), pp. 449-56.
12. Green, 'Right of Secession', p. 250.
13. Lawrence Tyndale Lowery, 'Northern Opinion of Approaching Secession, October, 1859-November, 1860'. Smith College Studies in History, 3 ([4, 1918] 1918), p. 193; Kenneth M. Stamp, And the War Came. The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), pp. 4-5.
14. Lawrence Tyndale Lowery, 'Northern Opinion of Approaching Secession, October, 1859-November, 1860'. Smith College Studies in History, 3 ([4, 1918] 1918), p. 193; Kenneth M. Stamp, And the War Came. The North and the Secession Crisis, 1860-1861 (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1950), pp. 4-5.
15. See Daniel H. Deudney, 'The Philadelphian System: Sovereignty, Arms Control, and Balance of Power in the American States-union, circa 1787-1861', International Organization, 49 (Spring, 1995), pp. 191-228.
16. Joseph Cauchon, The Union of British North America (Quebec: Hunter Rose 1865), p. 36.
17. Samuel H. Beer, To Make A Nation. The Rediscovery of American Federalism (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1993), p. 135.
18. Paul D. Escott, After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1978). See also John McCardwell, The Idea of a Southern Nation: Southern Nationalists and Southern Nationalism, 1830-1860 (New York: Norton, 1979).
19. Paul D. Escott, After Secession: Jefferson Davis and the Failure of Confederate Nationalism (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1978). See also John McCardwell, The Idea of a Southern Nation: Southern Nationalists and Southern Nationalism, 1830-1860 (New York: Norton, 1979).
20. William W. Freehling, The Reintegration of American History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 136.
21. Dwight Lowell Dumond, The Secession Movement, pp. 134-5; Freehling, The Reintegration, p. 116.
22. Dwight Lowell Dumond, The Secession Movement, pp. 134-5; Freehling, The Reintegration, p. 116.
23. Edward A. Laing, 'The Norm of Self-determination, 1941-1991', California Western International Law Journal, 22 (1992), pp. 209-307.
24. 'The Significance of American History', The Papers of Woodrow Wilson (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1966), vol. 12, p.180.
25. Woodrow Wilson, 'The Making of the Nation', Atlantic Monthly LXXX (1897), p. 10.
26. 'The Significance of American History', p. 184.
27. Erik Goldstein, Winning the Peace: British Diplomatic Strategy, Peace Planning, and the Paris Peace Conference, 1916-1920. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), pp. 125-6.
28. John Patrick Diggins, Max Weber. Politics and the Spirit of Tragedy, (New York: Basic Books, 1996), p. 201. See also Woodrow Wilson, 'State Rights', Cambridge Modern History (London: Macmillan, 1903), vol. 7, pp.405-42.
29. John Patrick Diggins, Max Weber. Politics and the Spirit of Tragedy, (New York: Basic Books, 1996), p. 201. See also Woodrow Wilson, 'State Rights', Cambridge Modern History (London: Macmillan, 1903), vol. 7, pp.405-42.
30. Woodrow Wilson, 'A Review of A System of Political Science and Constitutional Law', Atlantic Monthly LXVII (1891), p. 698.
31. Letter to William Henry Bartlett [draft], May 3, 1893. The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, vol. 8, p. 206.
32. Ibid., p. 206.
33. Wilson, 'State Rights', p. 442.
34. For a clear statement see the discussion in James Mayall, Nationalism and International Society (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press 1990), pp. 61-3.
35. On unions, see John Robertson, 'Empire and Union: Two Concepts of the Early Modern European Political Order', in John Robertson (ed.), A Union For Empire. Political Thought and the British Union of 1707 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
36. Greg A. Craven, Secession: The Ultimate States Right (Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1985).
37. Nicholas Canny, Kingdom and Colony. Ireland in the Atlantic World, 1560-1800 (Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988).
38. Ian S. Lustick, Unsettled States, Disputed Lands (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1993).
39. Michael Hechter, Internal Colonialism (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1972).
40. Oliver Macdonagh, States of Mind: Two Centuries of Anglo-Irish Conflict, 1780-1980 (London: Allen and Unwin, 1983), p. 52.
41. R. B. Macdowell, Ireland in the Age of Imperialism and Revolution 1760-1801 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), p. 685.
42. On the rebellion, see Thomas Pakenham, The Year of Liberty: The History of the Great Irish Rebellion of 1798, paperback edn (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1992 [1969]); Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1982). See also Joseph R. Fisher The End of the Irish Parliament (London: Edward Arnold, 1911), p. 309.
43. On the rebellion, see Thomas Pakenham, The Year of Liberty: The History of the Great Irish Rebellion of 1798, paperback edn (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1992 [1969]); Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1982). See also Joseph R. Fisher The End of the Irish Parliament (London: Edward Arnold, 1911), p. 309.
44. On the rebellion, see Thomas Pakenham, The Year of Liberty: The History of the Great Irish Rebellion of 1798, paperback edn (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1992 [1969]); Marianne Elliott, Partners in Revolution: The United Irishmen and France (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press, 1982). See also Joseph R. Fisher The End of the Irish Parliament (London: Edward Arnold, 1911), p. 309.
45. G. C. Bolton, The Passing of the Irish Act of Union: A Study in Parliamentary Politics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966), pp. 53-4.
46. Alan J. Ward, The Irish Constitutional Tradition. Responsible Government and Modern Ireland, 1782-1992 (Washington, DC: Catholic University Press, 1994), p. 32.
47. Ibid., p. 33.
48. Op. cit., p. 34.
49. Ward, The Irish Constitutional Tradition, p. 34. On Irish administration, see also R. B. McDowell, The Irish Administration, 1801-1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); Edward Brynn, Crown and Castle. British Rule in Ireland, 1800-1830 (Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1978).
50. Ward, The Irish Constitutional Tradition, p. 34. On Irish administration, see also R. B. McDowell, The Irish Administration, 1801-1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); Edward Brynn, Crown and Castle. British Rule in Ireland, 1800-1830 (Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1978).
51. Ward, The Irish Constitutional Tradition, p. 34. On Irish administration, see also R. B. McDowell, The Irish Administration, 1801-1914 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964); Edward Brynn, Crown and Castle. British Rule in Ireland, 1800-1830 (Dublin: O'Brien Press, 1978).
52. David Boyce, Ireland, 1828-1923: From Ascendancy to Democracy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), p. 103; Erhard Rumpf and A. C. Hepburn, Nationalism and Socialism in Twentieth Century Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1977), p. 29; J. J. Lee, Ireland, 1912-1985 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 50.
53. David Boyce, Ireland, 1828-1923: From Ascendancy to Democracy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), p. 103; Erhard Rumpf and A. C. Hepburn, Nationalism and Socialism in Twentieth Century Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1977), p. 29; J. J. Lee, Ireland, 1912-1985 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 50.
54. David Boyce, Ireland, 1828-1923: From Ascendancy to Democracy (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), p. 103; Erhard Rumpf and A. C. Hepburn, Nationalism and Socialism in Twentieth Century Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1977), p. 29; J. J. Lee, Ireland, 1912-1985 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 50.
55. Deirdre McMahon, Republicans and Imperialists. Anglo-Irish Relations in the 1930s (New Haven, CN: Yale University Press 1984).
56. Nicholas Mansergh, The Commonwealth Experience (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969), p.327. See also Arthur Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland (Dublin: Gill and MacMillan, 1995), pp. 14, 327-9.
57. Nicholas Mansergh, The Commonwealth Experience (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969), p.327. See also Arthur Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland (Dublin: Gill and MacMillan, 1995), pp. 14, 327-9.
58. Eamon de Valera to the Right Honourable David Lloyd George, August 10, 1921. Accounts and Papers, House of Commons, Session of 15 February-10 November, 1921.
59. Hechter, 'The Dynamics of Secession'.
60. McMahon, Republicans, p. 131, 135.
61. A. B. Keith, 'Notes on Imperial Constitutional Law', Journal of Comparative Legislation 16 part 1, 3rd series (1934), pp. 137-138, quoted in ibid., p. 133. See also A. Berridale Keith, The Sovereignty of the British Dominions (London: Macmillan, 1929), pp. 181-96.
62. A. B. Keith, 'Notes on Imperial Constitutional Law', Journal of Comparative Legislation 16 part 1, 3rd series (1934), pp. 137-138, quoted in ibid., p. 133. See also A. Berridale Keith, The Sovereignty of the British Dominions (London: Macmillan, 1929), pp. 181-96.
63. A. B. Keith, 'Notes on Imperial Constitutional Law', Journal of Comparative Legislation 16 part 1, 3rd series (1934), pp. 137-138, quoted in ibid., p. 133. See also A. Berridale Keith, The Sovereignty of the British Dominions (London: Macmillan, 1929), pp. 181-96.
64. Right Honourable David Lloyd George to Eamon de Valera, August 21, 1921. Accounts and Papers House of Commons Session of February 15, 1921-10 November, 1921.
65. See the Report of the Inter-Imperial Relations Committee, Imperial Conference of 1926, in Maurice Ollivier (ed.) The Colonial and Imperial Conferences From 1887 to 1937 (Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1954), vol. 3, p. 146.
66. See Lee, Ireland, pp. 299-302. By this time, however, a republican constitution was no longer grounds, from the point of view of the British, for exclusion from the Commonwealth.
67. Mayall, Nationalism and International Society, p. 61.
68. Michael Hechter, 'The Dynamics of Secession', p. 277.
69. Horowitz has argued that the distance between East and West Pakistan may have contributed to the durability of the country. Distance may have made complete domination by West Pakistan more difficult, and lessened contact between the groups. Donald Horowitz, Ethnic Groups in Conflict (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), p. 242.
70. G. W. Choudhury, The Last Days of United Pakistan (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1974), p.8. See also Russell Brines, The Indo-Pakistani Conflict (London: Pall Mall Press, 1968) at p. 233, '. . . [F]ear of India served to increase the divisiveness rather than to cement the two sections, for it intensified the Bengali sense of insecurity and inaccessibility. After the Indo-Pakistani conflict, separation returned more strongly to East Pakistan than for many years . . .', and the discussion at pp. 351 and 414.
71. G. W. Choudhury, The Last Days of United Pakistan (Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1974), p.8. See also Russell Brines, The Indo-Pakistani Conflict (London: Pall Mall Press, 1968) at p. 233, '. . . [F]ear of India served to increase the divisiveness rather than to cement the two sections, for it intensified the Bengali sense of insecurity and inaccessibility. After the Indo-Pakistani conflict, separation returned more strongly to East Pakistan than for many years . . .', and the discussion at pp. 351 and 414.
72. See Talukder Maniruzzaman, 'Radical Politics and the Emergence of Bangladesh', in Paul R. Brass and Marcus F. Frana (eds.), Radical Politics in South Asia (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1973), pp. 223-80 at p. 258.
73. Raju G. C. Thomas, South Asian Security in the 1990s. Adelphi Paper 278 (July, 1983), pp. 1-86.
74. Kalim Siddiqui, Conflict, Crisis and War in Pakistan (New York: Praeger, 1972), p. 142.
75. Siddiqui, Conflict, Crisis and War, p. 144.
76. William R. Thompson, 'Democracy and Peace: Putting the Cart before the Horse', International Organization, 50 (Winter, 1996), pp. 141-74.
77. Donald G. Creighton, The Road to Confederation: The Emergence of Canada, 1863-1867 (Toronto: MacMillan, 1964); W. L. Morton, The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857-1873 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964); Peter B. Waite, The Life and Times of Confederation, 1864-1867: Politics Newspapers and the Union of Britisah North America. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962).
78. Donald G. Creighton, The Road to Confederation: The Emergence of Canada, 1863-1867 (Toronto: MacMillan, 1964); W. L. Morton, The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857-1873 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964); Peter B. Waite, The Life and Times of Confederation, 1864-1867: Politics Newspapers and the Union of Britisah North America. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962).
79. Donald G. Creighton, The Road to Confederation: The Emergence of Canada, 1863-1867 (Toronto: MacMillan, 1964); W. L. Morton, The Critical Years: The Union of British North America, 1857-1873 (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1964); Peter B. Waite, The Life and Times of Confederation, 1864-1867: Politics Newspapers and the Union of Britisah North America. (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1962).
80. These points were made in debates about Confederation, they are not merely the result of hindsight. See Ged Martin, Britain and the Origins of Canadian Confederation, 1837-1867 (London: Macmillan, 1995), pp. 34-5, 62-5, 74, 184-90.
81. Robert Jervis, 'The security dilemma', World Politics 30 (1976), pp. 167-214.
82. Martin, Britain and the Origins; Donald F. Warner, The Idea of Continental Union. Agitation for the Annexation of Canada (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1960).
83. Martin, Britain and the Origins; Donald F. Warner, The Idea of Continental Union. Agitation for the Annexation of Canada (Lexington, KY: University of Kentucky Press, 1960).
84. Allen Buchanan makes clear that the distinction between withdrawal from an existing state and the creation of a new state under conditions of anarchy makes a moral difference. Secession. The Morality of Political Divorce From Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec. (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1991), p. 22. This argument, however, still has a realist underpinning since Buchanan acknowledges only anarchy and sovereign territorial states. More loosely organized forms of political association (unions, confederations and federations) fall into the latter category by default. Whatever morally justifies withdrawal from a union may not justify withdrawal from a state. And as some of the case material makes clear, political justifications for secession are sensitive to different descriptions of the political association from which withdrawal is sought.
85. Philip Rieff, Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the Failure of the West (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1995), p. 12.
86. Allen Buchanan in Secession reworked some of these issues from within liberal theory, rather than customary international law. He argued that secession is justified when it is consistent with liberalism, but that national self-determination is not consistent with liberalism. I do not have the space to consider this argument, nor the work that responded to it.