Labour history and the interlocking hierarchies of class, ethnicity, and gender: A Canadian perspective

International Review of Social History

Volumn 44, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 217-247

  Frager, Ruth A ^a  

^a NONE

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EID: 0033411408     PISSN: 00208590     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0020859099000486     Document Type: Review

References (149)

1. Cotton's Weekly (Cowansville, Quebec), 17 August 1911, p. 4 (emphasis in original).
2. Ibid. For an analysis of racist views of the alleged inability of non-"white" workers to live up to the "American standard of living" in this period, see Lawrence Glickman, "Inventing the 'American Standard of Living': Gender, Race and Working-Class Identity, 1880-1925", Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 221-235.
3. Ibid. For an analysis of racist views of the alleged inability of non-"white" workers to live up to the "American standard of living" in this period, see Lawrence Glickman, "Inventing the 'American Standard of Living': Gender, Race and Working-Class Identity, 1880-1925", Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 221-235.
4. Cotton's Weekly, 17 August 1911, p. 4.
5. Ibid., 14 September 1911, p. 1.
6. Ibid., 20 July 1911, p. 1.
7. Ibid., 17 August 1911, p. 4 (emphasis in original).
8. Ibid.
9. See, for example, Ruth A. Frager, Sweatshop Strife: Class, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Jewish Labour Movement of Toronto, 1900-1939 (Toronto, 1992), p. 82.
10. For example, many early twentieth-century Anglo-Celtic women workers reacted to their poor position in the paid labour force by shifting from job to job and even from sector to sector. On this, see: Canada, Department of Labour, Labour Gazette, May 1913, p. 1209; Toronto Star, 4 June 1912, cited in Irving Abella and David Millar (eds), The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century (Toronto, 1978), p. 169; and Veronica Strong-Boag, "The Girl of the New Day: Canadian Working Women in the 1920s", Labour/Le Travail (1979), p. 137. Non-British women immigrants were generally less mobile because of language problems and the extra discrimination they faced.
11. For example, many early twentieth-century Anglo-Celtic women workers reacted to their poor position in the paid labour force by shifting from job to job and even from sector to sector. On this, see: Canada, Department of Labour, Labour Gazette, May 1913, p. 1209; Toronto Star, 4 June 1912, cited in Irving Abella and David Millar (eds), The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century (Toronto, 1978), p. 169; and Veronica Strong-Boag, "The Girl of the New Day: Canadian Working Women in the 1920s", Labour/Le Travail (1979), p. 137. Non-British women immigrants were generally less mobile because of language problems and the extra discrimination they faced.
12. For example, many early twentieth-century Anglo-Celtic women workers reacted to their poor position in the paid labour force by shifting from job to job and even from sector to sector. On this, see: Canada, Department of Labour, Labour Gazette, May 1913, p. 1209; Toronto Star, 4 June 1912, cited in Irving Abella and David Millar (eds), The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century (Toronto, 1978), p. 169; and Veronica Strong-Boag, "The Girl of the New Day: Canadian Working Women in the 1920s", Labour/Le Travail (1979), p. 137. Non-British women immigrants were generally less mobile because of language problems and the extra discrimination they faced.
13. For example, many early twentieth-century Anglo-Celtic women workers reacted to their poor position in the paid labour force by shifting from job to job and even from sector to sector. On this, see: Canada, Department of Labour, Labour Gazette, May 1913, p. 1209; Toronto Star, 4 June 1912, cited in Irving Abella and David Millar (eds), The Canadian Worker in the Twentieth Century (Toronto, 1978), p. 169; and Veronica Strong-Boag, "The Girl of the New Day: Canadian Working Women in the 1920s", Labour/Le Travail (1979), p. 137. Non-British women immigrants were generally less mobile because of language problems and the extra discrimination they faced.
14. As James Rinehart argues, "disputes bearing on non-economic matters sometimes get translated into economic demands", mainly because "the collective bargaining process does not easily lend itself to the resolution of non-economic disputes". See James W. Rinehart, "Contradictions of Work-related Attitudes and Behaviour: an Interpretation", Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology, 15 (1978), p. 9. In addition, workers' specific grievances concerning their jobs have often been related to the level of the workgroup, at most, thereby making it harder to engage in collective bargaining around these issues than around wage increases. Moreover, workers' fundamental dissatisfactions with their jobs may be only dimly articulated by workers themselves.
15. On the issue of certain forms of militancy functioning as safety valves, see Don Wells, "Autoworkers on the Firing Line", in Craig Heron and Robert Storey (eds), On the Job: Confronting the Labour Process in Canada (Kingston, Ontario, 1986), pp. 327-352. Wells argues that "the fight for small-scale victories can serve as a safety valve retarding the buildup of discontent [...]" (pp. 328-329).
16. David Roediger, "Race and the Working-Class Past in the United States: Multiple Identities and the Future of Labor History", International Review of Social History, 38 (1993), Supplement, p. 134.
17. The classic example of an institutional history of trade union activities is: Harold Logan, Trade Unions in Canada (Toronto, 1948). For a brief critique of the institutional approach, see the introduction to Gregory S. Kealey and Peter Warrian (eds), Essays in Canadian Working Class History (Toronto, 1976).
18. The classic example of an institutional history of trade union activities is: Harold Logan, Trade Unions in Canada (Toronto, 1948). For a brief critique of the institutional approach, see the introduction to Gregory S. Kealey and Peter Warrian (eds), Essays in Canadian Working Class History (Toronto, 1976).
19. In this paper, I use the term "labour history" in the broad sense rather than restricting the use of this term to refer only to traditional, instutional labour history.
20. On the goals of the new working-class history, see the introduction to Kealey and Warrian. For examples of pioneering works, see: Bryan D. Palmer, A cultyre in Conflict: Skilled Workers and Industrial Capitalism in Hamilton, Ontario, 1860-1914 (Montreal, 1979); and Gregory S. Kealey, Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867-1892 (Toronto, 1980).
21. On the goals of the new working-class history, see the introduction to Kealey and Warrian. For examples of pioneering works, see: Bryan D. Palmer, A cultyre in Conflict: Skilled Workers and Industrial Capitalism in Hamilton, Ontario, 1860-1914 (Montreal, 1979); and Gregory S. Kealey, Toronto Workers Respond to Industrial Capitalism, 1867-1892 (Toronto, 1980).
22. Although the new working-class history still left much out, some of the early practitioners of the new working-class history did declare that work was needed on ethnicity. See Gregory S. Kealey, "Labour and Working-Class History in Canada: Prospects in the 1980s", Labour/Le Travail, 7 (1981), pp. 67-94. For a detailed historiographic analysis, see Joanne Burgess, "Exploring the Limited Identities of Canadian Labour: Recent Trends in English Canada and Quebec", International Journal of Canadian Studies, 1-2 (Spring-Fall 1990), pp. 149-173. See, also, Franca Iacovetta, "Manly Militants, Cohesive Communities, and Defiant Domestics: Writing about Immigrants in Canadian Historical Scholarship", Labour/Le Travail, 36 (1995), pp. 217-252.
23. Although the new working-class history still left much out, some of the early practitioners of the new working-class history did declare that work was needed on ethnicity. See Gregory S. Kealey, "Labour and Working-Class History in Canada: Prospects in the 1980s", Labour/Le Travail, 7 (1981), pp. 67-94. For a detailed historiographic analysis, see Joanne Burgess, "Exploring the Limited Identities of Canadian Labour: Recent Trends in English Canada and Quebec", International Journal of Canadian Studies, 1-2 (Spring-Fall 1990), pp. 149-173. See, also, Franca Iacovetta, "Manly Militants, Cohesive Communities, and Defiant Domestics: Writing about Immigrants in Canadian Historical Scholarship", Labour/Le Travail, 36 (1995), pp. 217-252.
24. Although the new working-class history still left much out, some of the early practitioners of the new working-class history did declare that work was needed on ethnicity. See Gregory S. Kealey, "Labour and Working-Class History in Canada: Prospects in the 1980s", Labour/Le Travail, 7 (1981), pp. 67-94. For a detailed historiographic analysis, see Joanne Burgess, "Exploring the Limited Identities of Canadian Labour: Recent Trends in English Canada and Quebec", International Journal of Canadian Studies, 1-2 (Spring-Fall 1990), pp. 149-173. See, also, Franca Iacovetta, "Manly Militants, Cohesive Communities, and Defiant Domestics: Writing about Immigrants in Canadian Historical Scholarship", Labour/Le Travail, 36 (1995), pp. 217-252.
25. See, for example, Veronica Strong-Boag, The New Day Recalled: Lives of Girls and Women in English Canada, 1919-1939 (Toronto, 1988).
26. See, for example, Donald Avery, "Ethnic Loyalties and the Proletarian Revolution: A Case Study of Communist Political Activity in Winnipeg, 1923-1936", in Jorgen Dahlie and Tissa Fernando (eds), Ethnicity, Power and Politics in Canada (Toronto, 1981), pp. 68-93. However, Avery's new book incorporates some of the newer work on immigrant women. See Donald Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers, 1896-1994 (Toronto, 1995).
27. See, for example, Donald Avery, "Ethnic Loyalties and the Proletarian Revolution: A Case Study of Communist Political Activity in Winnipeg, 1923-1936", in Jorgen Dahlie and Tissa Fernando (eds), Ethnicity, Power and Politics in Canada (Toronto, 1981), pp. 68-93. However, Avery's new book incorporates some of the newer work on immigrant women. See Donald Avery, Reluctant Host: Canada's Response to Immigrant Workers, 1896-1994 (Toronto, 1995).
28. The state and large employers often manipulated the labour supply so as to intensify the scramble for jobs. On Canadian immigration policy and the labour requirements of key employers who sought to avoid unions, at the turn of the twentieth century, see Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 20-42.
29. Toronto Daily Mail and Empire, 9 Oct. 1897. This manufacturer indicated that a particular female employee earned less than half of what her male counterpart earned, even though her work was as good as his.
30. On the distinction between the primary and secondary sectors, see David M. Gordon, Richard Edwards, and Michael Reich, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (New York, 1982), pp. 165-227. Indeed, the seniority system itself has reinforced divisions based on ethnicity and gender in cases where women and male "ethnics" were latecomers to the shop floor.
31. Gregory S. Kealey, "'The Honest Workingman' and Workers' Control: The Experience of Toronto Skilled Workers, 1860-1892", Labour/Le Travail, 1 (1976), pp. 32-68.
32. Christina Burr, "Defending 'The Art Preservative': Class and Gender Relations in the Printing Trades Unions, 1850-1914", Labour/Le Travail, 31 (1993), p. 58. In examining a number of other aspects of the printing trades (such as males' and females' jobs in binderies), Burr further indicates that male unionists reinforced a gender division of labour which privileged themselves. Moreover, a study of early twentieth-century women workers in Montreal has demonstrated that unionized male bookbinders went on strike in 1904 to force management to fire women. On this, see Marie Lavigne and Jennifer Stoddart, "Ouvrières et Travailleuses Montréalaises, 1900-1940", in Marie Lavigne and Yolande Pinard (eds), Les Femmes dans la Société Québécoise (Montréal, 1977), p. 140.
33. Christina Burr, "Defending 'The Art Preservative': Class and Gender Relations in the Printing Trades Unions, 1850-1914", Labour/Le Travail, 31 (1993), p. 58. In examining a number of other aspects of the printing trades (such as males' and females' jobs in binderies), Burr further indicates that male unionists reinforced a gender division of labour which privileged themselves. Moreover, a study of early twentieth-century women workers in Montreal has demonstrated that unionized male bookbinders went on strike in 1904 to force management to fire women. On this, see Marie Lavigne and Jennifer Stoddart, "Ouvrières et Travailleuses Montréalaises, 1900-1940", in Marie Lavigne and Yolande Pinard (eds), Les Femmes dans la Société Québécoise (Montréal, 1977), p. 140.
34. Shirley Tillotson, "'We May All Soon Be "First-Class Men"': Gender and Skill in Canada's Early Twentieth-Century Urban Telegraph Industry", Labour/Le Travail, 27 (1991), p. 124.
35. Ellen Scheinberg, "The Tale of Tessie the Textile Worker: Female Textile Workers in Cornwall During War II", Labour/Le Travail, 33 (1994), p. 172.
36. Ibid., p. 180. Developments related to the Second World War stirred up considerable controversy concerning the employment of women in a number of other sectors in Canada as well. At the Ford plant in Windsor, Ontario, in the midst of the War, many men struck against the hiring of lower-paid women workers. On this, see Pamela Sugiman, Labour's Dilemma: The Gender Politics of Auto Workers in Canada, 1937-1979 (Toronto, 1994), pp. 43-45; and Donald M. Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model of Industrial Relations: The United Auto Workers in Canada and the Suppresion of 'Rank and File' Unionism, 1936-1953", Canadian Journal of Sociology, 20 (1995), p. 202.
37. Ibid., p. 180. Developments related to the Second World War stirred up considerable controversy concerning the employment of women in a number of other sectors in Canada as well. At the Ford plant in Windsor, Ontario, in the midst of the War, many men struck against the hiring of lower-paid women workers. On this, see Pamela Sugiman, Labour's Dilemma: The Gender Politics of Auto Workers in Canada, 1937-1979 (Toronto, 1994), pp. 43-45; and Donald M. Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model of Industrial Relations: The United Auto Workers in Canada and the Suppresion of 'Rank and File' Unionism, 1936-1953", Canadian Journal of Sociology, 20 (1995), p. 202.
38. Ibid., p. 180. Developments related to the Second World War stirred up considerable controversy concerning the employment of women in a number of other sectors in Canada as well. At the Ford plant in Windsor, Ontario, in the midst of the War, many men struck against the hiring of lower-paid women workers. On this, see Pamela Sugiman, Labour's Dilemma: The Gender Politics of Auto Workers in Canada, 1937-1979 (Toronto, 1994), pp. 43-45; and Donald M. Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model of Industrial Relations: The United Auto Workers in Canada and the Suppresion of 'Rank and File' Unionism, 1936-1953", Canadian Journal of Sociology, 20 (1995), p. 202.
39. Although Scheinberg indicates that Cornwall's textile mills encompassed a multi-ethnic workforce, she has little to say about the significance of ethnicity. On the ethnic composition of the workforce, see Scheinberg, pp. 159-160, 168.
40. Gillian Creese, "The Politics of Dependence: Women, Work and Unemployment in the Vancouver Labour Movement Before World War II", in Gregory S. Kealey (ed.), Class, Gender, and Region: Essays in Canadian Historical Sociology (St. John's, Newfoundland, 1988), p. 122. On male unionists' negative attitudes toward women workers in Vancouver, see also Marie Campbell, "Sexism in British Columbia Trade Unions, 1900-1920", in Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess (eds), In Her Own Right: Selected Essays on Women's History in BC (Victoria, BC, 1980), pp. 167-186. For an interesting example of male unionists' negative attitudes in Ontario in the same period, see Ruth Frager, "No Proper Deal: Women Workers and the Canadian Labour Movement, 1870-1940", in Linda Briskin and Lynda Yanz (eds), Union Sisters: Women in the Labour Movement (Toronto, 1983), p. 51.
41. Gillian Creese, "The Politics of Dependence: Women, Work and Unemployment in the Vancouver Labour Movement Before World War II", in Gregory S. Kealey (ed.), Class, Gender, and Region: Essays in Canadian Historical Sociology (St. John's, Newfoundland, 1988), p. 122. On male unionists' negative attitudes toward women workers in Vancouver, see also Marie Campbell, "Sexism in British Columbia Trade Unions, 1900-1920", in Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess (eds), In Her Own Right: Selected Essays on Women's History in BC (Victoria, BC, 1980), pp. 167-186. For an interesting example of male unionists' negative attitudes in Ontario in the same period, see Ruth Frager, "No Proper Deal: Women Workers and the Canadian Labour Movement, 1870-1940", in Linda Briskin and Lynda Yanz (eds), Union Sisters: Women in the Labour Movement (Toronto, 1983), p. 51.
42. Gillian Creese, "The Politics of Dependence: Women, Work and Unemployment in the Vancouver Labour Movement Before World War II", in Gregory S. Kealey (ed.), Class, Gender, and Region: Essays in Canadian Historical Sociology (St. John's, Newfoundland, 1988), p. 122. On male unionists' negative attitudes toward women workers in Vancouver, see also Marie Campbell, "Sexism in British Columbia Trade Unions, 1900-1920", in Barbara Latham and Cathy Kess (eds), In Her Own Right: Selected Essays on Women's History in BC (Victoria, BC, 1980), pp. 167-186. For an interesting example of male unionists' negative attitudes in Ontario in the same period, see Ruth Frager, "No Proper Deal: Women Workers and the Canadian Labour Movement, 1870-1940", in Linda Briskin and Lynda Yanz (eds), Union Sisters: Women in the Labour Movement (Toronto, 1983), p. 51.
43. James Naylor, The New Democracy: Challenging the Social Order in Industrial Ontario, 1914-25 (Toronto, 1991), p. 131. There were, of course, other examples of men striking to protest the employers' increased use of women workers to "dilute" the paid labour force in the midst of the First World War. On strikes by male cigar-makers in Montreal, for example, see Geoffrey Ewen, "Quebec: Class and Ethnicity", in Craig Heron (ed.), The Workers' Revolt in Canada, 1917-1925 (Toronto, 1998), p. 107.
44. James Naylor, The New Democracy: Challenging the Social Order in Industrial Ontario, 1914-25 (Toronto, 1991), p. 131. There were, of course, other examples of men striking to protest the employers' increased use of women workers to "dilute" the paid labour force in the midst of the First World War. On strikes by male cigar-makers in Montreal, for example, see Geoffrey Ewen, "Quebec: Class and Ethnicity", in Craig Heron (ed.), The Workers' Revolt in Canada, 1917-1925 (Toronto, 1998), p. 107.
45. Naylor, p. 133. For information on organized labour's attitudes toward "the dilution of labour" through the introduction of women workers during the First World War, see Frager, "No Proper Deal", pp. 51-53.
46. Naylor, p. 133. For information on organized labour's attitudes toward "the dilution of labour" through the introduction of women workers during the First World War, see Frager, "No Proper Deal", pp. 51-53.
47. On American historians' efforts to build a gendered labour history, see, for example, Ava Baron, "Gender and Labor History: Leaning from the Past, Looking to the Future", in Ava Baron (ed), Work Engendered: Toward a New History of American Labor (Ithaca, NY, 1991), pp. 1-46.
48. Linda Kealey, Enlisting Women for the Cause: Women, Labour, and the Left in Canada, 1890-1920 (Toronto, 1998), pp. 8, 142.
49. Steven Penfold, "'Have You No Manhood in You?': Gender and Class in the Cape Breton Coal Towns, 1920-26", in Joy Parr and Mark Rosenfeld (eds), Gender and History in Canada (Toronto, 1996), p. 274.
50. The quotation is from a newspaper account (in 1992), cited in Penfold, p. 276.
51. Mark Rosenfeld, "'It Was a Hard Life': Class and Gender in the Work and Family Rhythms of a Railway Town, 1920-1950", in Chad Gaffield (ed.), Constructing Modern Canada: Readings in Post-Confederation History (Toronto, 1994), pp. 342, 357. Wayne Lewchuk's work on early Ford workers raises related issues in the American context. Lewchuk emphasizes the idea that "working hard - in the company of other men, on a useful product, and being paid well for it - would make Ford workers manly, even though the work itself was repetitive, boring, and devoid of many of the elements of autonomy and control that were characteristic of nineteenth-century skilled labour". See Wayne A. Lewchuk, "Men and Monotony: Fraternalism as a Managerial Strategy at the Ford Motor Company", The Journal of Economic History, 53 (1993), p. 852. For a discussion of competing notions of masculinity among a group of Ontario furniture workers, particulary in the 1920s, see Joy Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women, Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns, 1880-1950 (Toronto, 1990), pp. 140-164.
52. Mark Rosenfeld, "'It Was a Hard Life': Class and Gender in the Work and Family Rhythms of a Railway Town, 1920-1950", in Chad Gaffield (ed.), Constructing Modern Canada: Readings in Post-Confederation History (Toronto, 1994), pp. 342, 357. Wayne Lewchuk's work on early Ford workers raises related issues in the American context. Lewchuk emphasizes the idea that "working hard - in the company of other men, on a useful product, and being paid well for it - would make Ford workers manly, even though the work itself was repetitive, boring, and devoid of many of the elements of autonomy and control that were characteristic of nineteenth-century skilled labour". See Wayne A. Lewchuk, "Men and Monotony: Fraternalism as a Managerial Strategy at the Ford Motor Company", The Journal of Economic History, 53 (1993), p. 852. For a discussion of competing notions of masculinity among a group of Ontario furniture workers, particulary in the 1920s, see Joy Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women, Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns, 1880-1950 (Toronto, 1990), pp. 140-164.
53. Mark Rosenfeld, "'It Was a Hard Life': Class and Gender in the Work and Family Rhythms of a Railway Town, 1920-1950", in Chad Gaffield (ed.), Constructing Modern Canada: Readings in Post-Confederation History (Toronto, 1994), pp. 342, 357. Wayne Lewchuk's work on early Ford workers raises related issues in the American context. Lewchuk emphasizes the idea that "working hard - in the company of other men, on a useful product, and being paid well for it - would make Ford workers manly, even though the work itself was repetitive, boring, and devoid of many of the elements of autonomy and control that were characteristic of nineteenth-century skilled labour". See Wayne A. Lewchuk, "Men and Monotony: Fraternalism as a Managerial Strategy at the Ford Motor Company", The Journal of Economic History, 53 (1993), p. 852. For a discussion of competing notions of masculinity among a group of Ontario furniture workers, particulary in the 1920s, see Joy Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women, Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns, 1880-1950 (Toronto, 1990), pp. 140-164.
54. Thomas W. Dunk, It's a Working Man's Town: Male Working-Class Culture in Northwestern Ontario (Kingston, Ontario, 1991), p. 97.
55. Dunk, pp. 114, 130. For evidence of this stereotype in the 1800s, see, for example, Alicja Muszynski, Cheap Wage Labour: Race and Gender in the Fisheries of British Columbia (Kingston, Ontario, 1996), p. 96.
56. Dunk, pp. 114, 130. For evidence of this stereotype in the 1800s, see, for example, Alicja Muszynski, Cheap Wage Labour: Race and Gender in the Fisheries of British Columbia (Kingston, Ontario, 1996), p. 96.
57. On this aspect of masculinity, see Rosenfeld, "'It Was a Hard Life'", pp. 353, 357.
58. The quotation is from the Toronto Daily Mail and Empire, 9 October 1897.
59. On the significance of fraternal lodges and cross-class ties of masculinity in the American context at the turn of the twentieth century, see Mary Ann Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton, NJ, 1989), especially pp. 15, 251-252, 256, 259. For a historical analysis of the ways in which cross-class ties of masculinity could help obscure class differences in the American automobile industry, see Lisa M. Fine, "'Our Big Factory Family': Masculinity and Paternalism at the Reo Motor Car Company at Lansing, Michigan", Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 274-291. On male British worker's efforts to claim male privileges that middle-class men enjoyed in the first half of the nineteenth century, see Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, CA, 1995).
60. On the significance of fraternal lodges and cross-class ties of masculinity in the American context at the turn of the twentieth century, see Mary Ann Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton, NJ, 1989), especially pp. 15, 251-252, 256, 259. For a historical analysis of the ways in which cross-class ties of masculinity could help obscure class differences in the American automobile industry, see Lisa M. Fine, "'Our Big Factory Family': Masculinity and Paternalism at the Reo Motor Car Company at Lansing, Michigan", Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 274-291. On male British worker's efforts to claim male privileges that middle-class men enjoyed in the first half of the nineteenth century, see Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, CA, 1995).
61. On the significance of fraternal lodges and cross-class ties of masculinity in the American context at the turn of the twentieth century, see Mary Ann Clawson, Constructing Brotherhood: Class, Gender, and Fraternalism (Princeton, NJ, 1989), especially pp. 15, 251-252, 256, 259. For a historical analysis of the ways in which cross-class ties of masculinity could help obscure class differences in the American automobile industry, see Lisa M. Fine, "'Our Big Factory Family': Masculinity and Paternalism at the Reo Motor Car Company at Lansing, Michigan", Labor History, 34 (1993), pp. 274-291. On male British worker's efforts to claim male privileges that middle-class men enjoyed in the first half of the nineteenth century, see Anna Clark, The Struggle for the Breeches: Gender and the Making of the British Working Class (Berkeley, CA, 1995).
62. Until fairly recently, however, the very legitimacy of feminist labour history was repeatedly challenged by androcentric labour historians. They argued that feminist labour historians were reading present-day concerns into the past and were therefore asking the wrong questions. This, charged the critics, was ahistorical. These critics maintained that feminist ideas were historically restricted to certain middle-class women's groups and were simply not available to working-class women. Hence the critics questioned the legitimacy of asking whether or not particular groups of working-class women militants or socialists developed analyses of aspects of their own oppression as women. For the most part, we have moved beyond this roadblock, partly because of the work that women's historians have undertaken to refute the image of feminist ideas as entirely restricted to middle-class women's organizations. Janice Newton's work on the early Canadian Left and Joan Sangster's work on the Canadian Left from 1920 to 1950 have demonstrated the existence of significant feminist currents within certain socialist organizations. If these feminist ideas did not spread far, then surely it is a legitimate question to ask why not. See: Janice Newton, The Feminist Challenge to the Canadian Left, 1900-1918 (Kingston, Ontario, 1995); Joan Sangster, Dreams of Equality: Women on the Canadian Left, 1920-1950 (Toronto, 1989); and, most recently, Linda Kealey, Enlisting Women for the Cause.
63. Until fairly recently, however, the very legitimacy of feminist labour history was repeatedly challenged by androcentric labour historians. They argued that feminist labour historians were reading present-day concerns into the past and were therefore asking the wrong questions. This, charged the critics, was ahistorical. These critics maintained that feminist ideas were historically restricted to certain middle-class women's groups and were simply not available to working-class women. Hence the critics questioned the legitimacy of asking whether or not particular groups of working-class women militants or socialists developed analyses of aspects of their own oppression as women. For the most part, we have moved beyond this roadblock, partly because of the work that women's historians have undertaken to refute the image of feminist ideas as entirely restricted to middle-class women's organizations. Janice Newton's work on the early Canadian Left and Joan Sangster's work on the Canadian Left from 1920 to 1950 have demonstrated the existence of significant feminist currents within certain socialist organizations. If these feminist ideas did not spread far, then surely it is a legitimate question to ask why not. See: Janice Newton, The Feminist Challenge to the Canadian Left, 1900-1918 (Kingston, Ontario, 1995); Joan Sangster, Dreams of Equality: Women on the Canadian Left, 1920-1950 (Toronto, 1989); and, most recently, Linda Kealey, Enlisting Women for the Cause.
64. Until fairly recently, however, the very legitimacy of feminist labour history was repeatedly challenged by androcentric labour historians. They argued that feminist labour historians were reading present-day concerns into the past and were therefore asking the wrong questions. This, charged the critics, was ahistorical. These critics maintained that feminist ideas were historically restricted to certain middle-class women's groups and were simply not available to working-class women. Hence the critics questioned the legitimacy of asking whether or not particular groups of working-class women militants or socialists developed analyses of aspects of their own oppression as women. For the most part, we have moved beyond this roadblock, partly because of the work that women's historians have undertaken to refute the image of feminist ideas as entirely restricted to middle-class women's organizations. Janice Newton's work on the early Canadian Left and Joan Sangster's work on the Canadian Left from 1920 to 1950 have demonstrated the existence of significant feminist currents within certain socialist organizations. If these feminist ideas did not spread far, then surely it is a legitimate question to ask why not. See: Janice Newton, The Feminist Challenge to the Canadian Left, 1900-1918 (Kingston, Ontario, 1995); Joan Sangster, Dreams of Equality: Women on the Canadian Left, 1920-1950 (Toronto, 1989); and, most recently, Linda Kealey, Enlisting Women for the Cause.
65. Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 149-154, 212-114.
66. The participation of women in certain nationalist causes sometimes fit into this pattern. Women's traditional roles would stretch in circumstances where a nationalist emergency meant that even women had to be mobilized (in unusual ways). Yet the main goal may have been to shore up nationalist developments that would emphasize women's traditional roles in the family, especially once the emergency had passed.
67. Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 36-37; and Ruth A. Frager, "Politicized Housewives in the Jewish Communist Movement of Toronto, 1923-1933", in Linda Kealey and Joan Sangster (eds), Beyond the Vote: Canadian Women and Politics (Toronto, 1989), pp. 264-266.
68. Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 36-37; and Ruth A. Frager, "Politicized Housewives in the Jewish Communist Movement of Toronto, 1923-1933", in Linda Kealey and Joan Sangster (eds), Beyond the Vote: Canadian Women and Politics (Toronto, 1989), pp. 264-266.
69. Penfold, p. 271.
70. Ibid.
71. Ibid., p. 278.
72. Alice Kessler-Harris, "Treating the Male as 'Other': Redefining the Parameters of Labor History", Labor History, 34 (1993), p. 195.
73. Ibid., p. 196.
74. Ibid., p. 199. For a discussion of related themes, see Sonya O. Rose, "Gender and Labor History: The Nineteenth-Century Legacy", International Review of Social History, 38 (1993). Supplement, pp. 145-162.
75. Ibid., p. 199. For a discussion of related themes, see Sonya O. Rose, "Gender and Labor History: The Nineteenth-Century Legacy", International Review of Social History, 38 (1993). Supplement, pp. 145-162.
76. Roediger, "Race and the Working-Class Past in the United States [...]", p. 142.
77. See, for example, Robert A. J. McDonald, Making Vancouver, 1863-1913 (Vancouver 1996), pp. 202, 208, which indicates that immigrants from southern Europe were not deemed "white" in ealy twentieth-century Vancouver. See, also, John Higham, Stangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New York, 1971), pp. 168-169, 172-173.
78. See, for example, Robert A. J. McDonald, Making Vancouver, 1863-1913 (Vancouver 1996), pp. 202, 208, which indicates that immigrants from southern Europe were not deemed "white" in ealy twentieth-century Vancouver. See, also, John Higham, Stangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860-1925 (New York, 1971), pp. 168-169, 172-173.
79. On the disadvantaged position of French-Canadians in the paid labour force, see, for example, Daniel Drache, "The Formation and Fragmentation of the Canadian Working Class, 1820-1920", Studies in Political Economy, 15 (1984), pp. 43-89. For interesting work on the significance of indigenous peoples' waged labour, see John Lutz, "After the Fur Trade: The Aboriginal Labouring Class of British Columbia, 1849-1890", Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 3 (1992), pp. 69-93; and Steven High, "Native Wage Labour and Independent Production During the 'Era of Irrelevance'", Labour/Le Travail, 37 (1996), pp. 243-264. The inaccurate assumption that native people have not been wage workers has made it easier for labour historians to minimize the importance of "race".
80. On the disadvantaged position of French-Canadians in the paid labour force, see, for example, Daniel Drache, "The Formation and Fragmentation of the Canadian Working Class, 1820-1920", Studies in Political Economy, 15 (1984), pp. 43-89. For interesting work on the significance of indigenous peoples' waged labour, see John Lutz, "After the Fur Trade: The Aboriginal Labouring Class of British Columbia, 1849-1890", Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 3 (1992), pp. 69-93; and Steven High, "Native Wage Labour and Independent Production During the 'Era of Irrelevance'", Labour/Le Travail, 37 (1996), pp. 243-264. The inaccurate assumption that native people have not been wage workers has made it easier for labour historians to minimize the importance of "race".
81. On the disadvantaged position of French-Canadians in the paid labour force, see, for example, Daniel Drache, "The Formation and Fragmentation of the Canadian Working Class, 1820-1920", Studies in Political Economy, 15 (1984), pp. 43-89. For interesting work on the significance of indigenous peoples' waged labour, see John Lutz, "After the Fur Trade: The Aboriginal Labouring Class of British Columbia, 1849-1890", Journal of the Canadian Historical Association, 3 (1992), pp. 69-93; and Steven High, "Native Wage Labour and Independent Production During the 'Era of Irrelevance'", Labour/Le Travail, 37 (1996), pp. 243-264. The inaccurate assumption that native people have not been wage workers has made it easier for labour historians to minimize the importance of "race".
82. I am focusing on issues relating to these particular groups because the available material concerning these groups best enables me to develop my main themes. In addition, this section or the paper focuses on males partly because the sex ratios were so skewed among immigrants from southern and eastern Europe and especially among immigrants from Asia,in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The focus on males is also a product of the shortcomings of the available literature. For an interesting study that contains information on the paid and unpaid labour of Italian immigrant women in Toronto in the aftermath of the Second World War, see Franca lacovetta, Such Hardworking People: Italian Immigrants in Postwar Toronto (Kingston, Ontario, 1992).
83. On the American domination of the Canadian labour movement, see, for example, Robert H. Babcock, Gompers in Canada: A Study in American Continental before the First World War (Toronto, 1974); and Irving Martin Abella, Nationalism, Communism, and Canadian Labour (Toronto, 1973).
84. On the American domination of the Canadian labour movement, see, for example, Robert H. Babcock, Gompers in Canada: A Study in American Continental before the First World War (Toronto, 1974); and Irving Martin Abella, Nationalism, Communism, and Canadian Labour (Toronto, 1973).
85. Ian McKay, "Capital and Labour in the Halifax Baking and Confectionery Industry During the Last Half of the Nineteenth Century", Labour/Le Travail, 3 (1978), pp. 88-89, 102. "White slavery" was also an issue during a strike of Hamilton's street railway workers in this period. On this, see Palmer, A Culture in Conflict, p. 209.
86. Ian McKay, "Capital and Labour in the Halifax Baking and Confectionery Industry During the Last Half of the Nineteenth Century", Labour/Le Travail, 3 (1978), pp. 88-89, 102. "White slavery" was also an issue during a strike of Hamilton's street railway workers in this period. On this, see Palmer, A Culture in Conflict, p. 209.
87. On the racialization of Asian immigrants, see, for example, Vic Satzewich, "Racisms: The Reactions to Chinese Migrants in Canada at the Turn of the Century", International Sociology, 4 (1989), pp. 311-327; and Audrey Kobayashi and Peter Jackson, "Japanese Canadians and the Racialization of Labour in the British Columbia Sawmill Industry", BC Studies, 103 (1994), pp. 33-58. See, also, Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver's Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Kingstron, Ontario, 1991), pp. 9-33.
88. On the racialization of Asian immigrants, see, for example, Vic Satzewich, "Racisms: The Reactions to Chinese Migrants in Canada at the Turn of the Century", International Sociology, 4 (1989), pp. 311-327; and Audrey Kobayashi and Peter Jackson, "Japanese Canadians and the Racialization of Labour in the British Columbia Sawmill Industry", BC Studies, 103 (1994), pp. 33-58. See, also, Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver's Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Kingstron, Ontario, 1991), pp. 9-33.
89. On the racialization of Asian immigrants, see, for example, Vic Satzewich, "Racisms: The Reactions to Chinese Migrants in Canada at the Turn of the Century", International Sociology, 4 (1989), pp. 311-327; and Audrey Kobayashi and Peter Jackson, "Japanese Canadians and the Racialization of Labour in the British Columbia Sawmill Industry", BC Studies, 103 (1994), pp. 33-58. See, also, Kay J. Anderson, Vancouver's Chinatown: Racial Discourse in Canada, 1875-1980 (Kingstron, Ontario, 1991), pp. 9-33.
90. See, for example, Nancy M. Forestell, "Bachelors, Boarding-Houses, and Blind Pigs: Gender Construction in a Multi-Ethnic Mining Camp, 1909-1920", in Franca Iacovetta et al. (eds), A Nation of Immigrants: Women, Workers, and Communities in Canadian History, 1840s-1960s (Toronto, 1998), p. 262.
91. Madge Pon, "Like a Chinese Puzzle: The Construction of Chinese Masculinity in Jack Canuck", in Joy Parr and Mark Rosenfeld (eds), Gender and History in Canada (Toronto, 1996), p. 96. On the alleged effeteness of immigrant Chinese men, see also Muszynski, pp. 148-150, 157.
92. Madge Pon, "Like a Chinese Puzzle: The Construction of Chinese Masculinity in Jack Canuck", in Joy Parr and Mark Rosenfeld (eds), Gender and History in Canada (Toronto, 1996), p. 96. On the alleged effeteness of immigrant Chinese men, see also Muszynski, pp. 148-150, 157.
93. Paul Phillips, "The Underground Economy: The Mining Frontier to 1920", in Rennie Warburton and David Coburn (eds), Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1988), p. 43; and Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 57-58. Another riot took place in connection with the Knights of Labor's efforts to help mobilize "whites" to force "Orientals" out of Vancouver. On this, see Paul Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1967), p. 14.
94. Paul Phillips, "The Underground Economy: The Mining Frontier to 1920", in Rennie Warburton and David Coburn (eds), Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1988), p. 43; and Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 57-58. Another riot took place in connection with the Knights of Labor's efforts to help mobilize "whites" to force "Orientals" out of Vancouver. On this, see Paul Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1967), p. 14.
95. Paul Phillips, "The Underground Economy: The Mining Frontier to 1920", in Rennie Warburton and David Coburn (eds), Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1988), p. 43; and Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 57-58. Another riot took place in connection with the Knights of Labor's efforts to help mobilize "whites" to force "Orientals" out of Vancouver. On this, see Paul Phillips, No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in British Columbia (Vancouver, 1967), p. 14.
96. See, for example, Gillian Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The Case of Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1880-1923", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, p. 71; Gillian Creese, "Exclusion or Solidarity? Vancouver Workers Confront the 'Oriental Problem'", in Laurel Sefton MacDowell and Ian Radforth (eds), Canadian Working Class History: Selected Readings (Toronto, 1992), p. 320; Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 30; and Phillips "The Underground Economy [...]", p. 45.
97. See, for example, Gillian Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The Case of Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1880-1923", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, p. 71; Gillian Creese, "Exclusion or Solidarity? Vancouver Workers Confront the 'Oriental Problem'", in Laurel Sefton MacDowell and Ian Radforth (eds), Canadian Working Class History: Selected Readings (Toronto, 1992), p. 320; Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 30; and Phillips "The Underground Economy [...]", p. 45.
98. See, for example, Gillian Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The Case of Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1880-1923", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, p. 71; Gillian Creese, "Exclusion or Solidarity? Vancouver Workers Confront the 'Oriental Problem'", in Laurel Sefton MacDowell and Ian Radforth (eds), Canadian Working Class History: Selected Readings (Toronto, 1992), p. 320; Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 30; and Phillips "The Underground Economy [...]", p. 45.
99. See, for example, Gillian Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict: The Case of Chinese and Japanese Immigrants, 1880-1923", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, p. 71; Gillian Creese, "Exclusion or Solidarity? Vancouver Workers Confront the 'Oriental Problem'", in Laurel Sefton MacDowell and Ian Radforth (eds), Canadian Working Class History: Selected Readings (Toronto, 1992), p. 320; Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 30; and Phillips "The Underground Economy [...]", p. 45.
100. Jeremy Mouat, "The Politics of Coal: A Study of the Wellington Miners' Strike of 1890-91", BC Studies, 77 (1988), p. 26; and Alan Grove and Ross Lambertson, "Pawns of the Powerful: The Politics of Litigation in the Union Colliery Case", BC Studies, 103 (1994), pp. 12-14.
101. Jeremy Mouat, "The Politics of Coal: A Study of the Wellington Miners' Strike of 1890-91", BC Studies, 77 (1988), p. 26; and Alan Grove and Ross Lambertson, "Pawns of the Powerful: The Politics of Litigation in the Union Colliery Case", BC Studies, 103 (1994), pp. 12-14.
102. See, for example, Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict [...]", pp. 55-85.
103. On the Knights of Labor, see Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict [...]", p. 69; and Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 14.
104. On the Knights of Labor, see Creese, "Class, Ethnicity, and Conflict [...]", p. 69; and Phillips, No Power Greater, p. 14.
105. On this strike, see Gillian Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace: Chinese Workers in Vancouver Before the Second World War", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), p. 39.
106. Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace [...]", p. 42. However, the immigrant Asian workers were facing an additional risk, for employers who felt compelled to pay them equal wages might then have decided to replace them with "white" workers. While Creese's article focuses on immigrant Chinese workers in Vancouver before the Second World War, Jin Tan has examined the position of immigrant Chinese workers in the whole province from 1858 to 1885. Tan emphasizes that there were cases where the Chinese immigrants struck for higher wages and indicates that there were some cases where mine owners replaced striking Chinese immigrants with "white" strike-breakers. On this, see Jin Tan, "Chinese Labour and the Reconstituted Social Order of British Columbia", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), pp. 76-77. For other examples of Asian immigrants going out on strike, see: Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflict in New Westminster, 1900-1930", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 123, 128, 132; Jeanne Myers, "Class and Community in the Fraser Mills Strike, 1931", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 141-160; and Muszynski, pp. 155, 181.
107. Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace [...]", p. 42. However, the immigrant Asian workers were facing an additional risk, for employers who felt compelled to pay them equal wages might then have decided to replace them with "white" workers. While Creese's article focuses on immigrant Chinese workers in Vancouver before the Second World War, Jin Tan has examined the position of immigrant Chinese workers in the whole province from 1858 to 1885. Tan emphasizes that there were cases where the Chinese immigrants struck for higher wages and indicates that there were some cases where mine owners replaced striking Chinese immigrants with "white" strike-breakers. On this, see Jin Tan, "Chinese Labour and the Reconstituted Social Order of British Columbia", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), pp. 76-77. For other examples of Asian immigrants going out on strike, see: Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflict in New Westminster, 1900-1930", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 123, 128, 132; Jeanne Myers, "Class and Community in the Fraser Mills Strike, 1931", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 141-160; and Muszynski, pp. 155, 181.
108. Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace [...]", p. 42. However, the immigrant Asian workers were facing an additional risk, for employers who felt compelled to pay them equal wages might then have decided to replace them with "white" workers. While Creese's article focuses on immigrant Chinese workers in Vancouver before the Second World War, Jin Tan has examined the position of immigrant Chinese workers in the whole province from 1858 to 1885. Tan emphasizes that there were cases where the Chinese immigrants struck for higher wages and indicates that there were some cases where mine owners replaced striking Chinese immigrants with "white" strike-breakers. On this, see Jin Tan, "Chinese Labour and the Reconstituted Social Order of British Columbia", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), pp. 76-77. For other examples of Asian immigrants going out on strike, see: Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflict in New Westminster, 1900-1930", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 123, 128, 132; Jeanne Myers, "Class and Community in the Fraser Mills Strike, 1931", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 141-160; and Muszynski, pp. 155, 181.
109. Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace [...]", p. 42. However, the immigrant Asian workers were facing an additional risk, for employers who felt compelled to pay them equal wages might then have decided to replace them with "white" workers. While Creese's article focuses on immigrant Chinese workers in Vancouver before the Second World War, Jin Tan has examined the position of immigrant Chinese workers in the whole province from 1858 to 1885. Tan emphasizes that there were cases where the Chinese immigrants struck for higher wages and indicates that there were some cases where mine owners replaced striking Chinese immigrants with "white" strike-breakers. On this, see Jin Tan, "Chinese Labour and the Reconstituted Social Order of British Columbia", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), pp. 76-77. For other examples of Asian immigrants going out on strike, see: Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflict in New Westminster, 1900-1930", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 123, 128, 132; Jeanne Myers, "Class and Community in the Fraser Mills Strike, 1931", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 141-160; and Muszynski, pp. 155, 181.
110. Creese, "Organizing Against Racism in the Workplace [...]", p. 42. However, the immigrant Asian workers were facing an additional risk, for employers who felt compelled to pay them equal wages might then have decided to replace them with "white" workers. While Creese's article focuses on immigrant Chinese workers in Vancouver before the Second World War, Jin Tan has examined the position of immigrant Chinese workers in the whole province from 1858 to 1885. Tan emphasizes that there were cases where the Chinese immigrants struck for higher wages and indicates that there were some cases where mine owners replaced striking Chinese immigrants with "white" strike-breakers. On this, see Jin Tan, "Chinese Labour and the Reconstituted Social Order of British Columbia", Canadian Ethnic Studies, 19 (1987), pp. 76-77. For other examples of Asian immigrants going out on strike, see: Allen Seager, "Workers, Class, and Industrial Conflict in New Westminster, 1900-1930", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 123, 128, 132; Jeanne Myers, "Class and Community in the Fraser Mills Strike, 1931", in Workers, Capital, and the State in British Columbia, pp. 141-160; and Muszynski, pp. 155, 181.
111. Creese, "Exclusion or Solidarity?", p. 318.
112. See, for example, Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 29-36, 66-71, 100-103; and Craig Heron, Working in Steel: The Early Years in Canada, 1883-1935 (Toronto, 1988), pp. 74-87.
113. See, for example, Avery, Reluctant Host, pp. 29-36, 66-71, 100-103; and Craig Heron, Working in Steel: The Early Years in Canada, 1883-1935 (Toronto, 1988), pp. 74-87.
114. Other methods of exclusion may have been far more common. After all, Anglo-Canadian workers were not always in a strong enough position to risk striking against the employment of the foreign-born. And why strike, if less drastic methods of exclusion might accomplish the same goal? We need more work to examine how immigrants from southern and eastern Europe were kept out of the better jobs.
115. Palmer, A Culture in Conflict, pp. 205-206. Palmer also states more broadly that, in Hamilton from 1890 to 1914, "skilled workers often refused to work with foreign-speaking labourers, striking to preserve specific jobs as the exclusive terrain of the English-speaking". On this, see p. 231.
116. Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85. Often, part of the antipathy toward Italian and Polish immigrant workers was rooted in anti-Catholic attitudes. Within the Canadian working class, there was a serious division between Protestants and Catholics.
117. Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 72.
118. On this incident, see Craig Heron, "The Crisis of the Craftsman: Hamilton's Metal Workers in the Early Twentienth Century", in Michael S. Cross and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), The Consolidation of Capitalism, 1896-1929: Readings in Canadian Social History, vol. 4 (Toronto, 1983), p. 102.
119. See, for example, Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 85-87.
120. See, for example, Carmela Patrias, Relief Strike: Immigrant Workers and the Great Depression in Crowland, Ontario, 1930-1935 (Toronto, 1990), p. 16. (This study is reprinted in condensed form in Iacovetta, A Nation of Immigrants.)
121. See, for example, Carmela Patrias, Relief Strike: Immigrant Workers and the Great Depression in Crowland, Ontario, 1930-1935 (Toronto, 1990), p. 16. (This study is reprinted in condensed form in Iacovetta, A Nation of Immigrants.)
122. Duart Snow, "The Holmes Foundry Strike of March 1937: 'We'll give their jobs to white men!'", Ontario History, 69 (1977), pp. 3-31.
123. Snow, pp. 18, 22, 27. The quotation is from the Canadian Observer, 4 March 1937, cited in Snow, p. 18.
124. Eli Culbertson, The Strange Lives of One Man (Chicago, 1940), p. 273, cited in Orest Martynowych, Ukrainians in Canada: The Formative Years, 1891-1924 (Edmonton, 1991), p. 120.
125. Eli Culbertson, The Strange Lives of One Man (Chicago, 1940), p. 273, cited in Orest Martynowych, Ukrainians in Canada: The Formative Years, 1891-1924 (Edmonton, 1991), p. 120.
126. Ian MacKay, "Strikes in the Maritimes, 1901-1914", in David Frank and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Labour and Working-Class History in Atlantic Canada: A Reader (St. John's, Newfoundland, 1995), pp. 209-210.
127. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
128. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
129. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
130. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
131. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
132. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
133. Bill Freeman, 1005: Political Life in a Union Local (Toronto, 1982), p. 56; and Wayne Roberts (ed.), Baptism of a Union: Stelco Strike of 1946 (Hamilton, Ontario, [ca. 1980]), p. 12. For an example from the needle trades, see Frager, Sweatshop Strife, pp. 87-90. On tensions between rank-and-file, immigrant militants and Anglo-Celtic union leaders at Ford of Canada, see Wells, "Origins of Canada's Wagner Model", pp. 204-205. Wells indicates that the Anglo-Celtic union leaders had much in common with Ford supervisors, due to ethnic, religious, and Masonic ties. 81. Various forms of work-related public agitation sometimes reinforced ethnically-based hierarchies as well, especially in the aftermath of the First World War. In Winnipeg in early 1919, for example, a mob threatened the Swift meatpacking plant in reaction to the company's refusal to fire "aliens" and replace them with returned soldiers. The angry mob then swept along, beating up "foreigners". On this, see Donald Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Stike of 1919", in J. M. Bumsted (ed.), Interpreting Canada's Past, vol. II: After Confederation (Toronto, 1986), p. 230. For more information on the public agitation to pressure employers to fire "enemy aliens" in the aftermath of the war, see Avery, Reluctant Host, p. 76; and Heron, Working in Steel, p. 85.
134. Donald Avery, "Dangerous Foreigners": European Immigrant Workers and Labour Radicalism in Canada, 1896-1932 (Toronto, 1979), p. 63.
135. Ibid., pp. 53-55.
136. Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (New York, 1969), pp. 227-285.
137. Patrias, Relief Strike, p. 15.
138. Ibid., pp. 8-9, 15-20, 45-46. Allen Seager has also done interesting work examining inter-ethnic collaboration. See Allen Seager, "Class, Ethnicity, and Politics in the Alberta Coalfields, 1905-1945", in Dirk Hoerder (ed.), "Struggle a Hard Battle": Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb IL, 1986), pp. 304-324.
139. Ibid., pp. 8-9, 15-20, 45-46. Allen Seager has also done interesting work examining inter-ethnic collaboration. See Allen Seager, "Class, Ethnicity, and Politics in the Alberta Coalfields, 1905-1945", in Dirk Hoerder (ed.), "Struggle a Hard Battle": Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb IL, 1986), pp. 304-324.
140. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
141. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
142. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
143. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
144. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
145. The quotation is from Craig Heron, "National Contours: Solidarity and Fragmentation", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, p. 272. See also Craig Heron and Myer Siemiatycki, "The Great War, the State, and Working-Class Canada", in Heron, The Workers' Revolt in Canada, pp. 11-27. Other articles in this anthology also advance this argument. On the erosion of divisions in the Maritimes, for example, see Ian McKay and Suzanne Morton, "The Maritimes: Expanding the Circle of Resistance", pp. 45, 56-63. On issues of ethnicity during die Winnipeg General Strike, see Avery, "The Radical Alien and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", pp. 222-239. Avery argues dial although the Central Strike Committee was made up only of Anglo-Canadians, ethnic organizations such as the Ukrainian Labour Temple Association formed links to the Central Strike Committee and helped draw together workers from diverse backgrounds. On the participation of women in the Winnipeg General Strike, see Linda Kealey, "'No Special Protection - No Sympathy': Women's Activism in the Canadian Labour Revolt of 1919", in Deian R. Hopkin and Gregory S. Kealey (eds), Class, Community and the Labour Movement: Wales and Canada, 1850-1930 (n.p., 1989), pp. 134-159; and Mary Horodyski, "Women and the Winnipeg General Strike of 1919", Manitoba History, 2 (1986), pp. 28-37.
146. On the attitudes of many female suffragists, see, for example, Carol Lee Bacchi, Liberation Deferred?: The Ideas of the English-Canadian Suffragists, 1877-1918 (Toronto, 1983), pp. 3-12, 50-55. On the racist attitudes of first-wave feminists, see especially Mariana Valverde, "'When the Mother of the Race Is Free': Race, Reproduction, and Sexuality in First-Wave Feminism", in Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (eds), Gender Conflicts: New Essays in Women's History (Toronto, 1992), pp. 3-26
147. On the attitudes of many female suffragists, see, for example, Carol Lee Bacchi, Liberation Deferred?: The Ideas of the English-Canadian Suffragists, 1877-1918 (Toronto, 1983), pp. 3-12, 50-55. On the racist attitudes of first-wave feminists, see especially Mariana Valverde, "'When the Mother of the Race Is Free': Race, Reproduction, and Sexuality in First-Wave Feminism", in Franca Iacovetta and Mariana Valverde (eds), Gender Conflicts: New Essays in Women's History (Toronto, 1992), pp. 3-26
148. See, for example, Sangster, Dreams of Equality,
149. and Linda Kealey, Enlisting Women for the Cause.