The motivation to migrate: The ethnic and sociocultural constitution of the Japanese-Brazilian return-migration system

Economic Development and Cultural Change

Volumn 48, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 1-31

  Tsuda, Takeyuki ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

CULTURAL INFLUENCE; ETHNICITY; MIGRATION DETERMINANT; POPULATION MIGRATION; RETURN MIGRATION;

BRAZIL; JAPAN;

EID: 0033376598     PISSN: 00130079     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1086/452444     Document Type: Article

References (112)

1. Mary M. Kritz and Hania Zlotnik, "Global Interactions: Migration Systems, Processes, and Policies," in International Migration Systems: A Global Approach, ed. Mary M. Kritz, Lin Lean Lim, and Hania Zlotnik (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 1. This is, of course, not to deny that many immigrants before World War II (e.g., those who came to the U.S. from Europe) intended only short-term stays and eventually returned home or that a significant amount of migration today still consists of permanent migrants (especially to countries such as the U.S., Australia, and Canada). See Michael J. Piore, Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 51-52.
2. Mary M. Kritz and Hania Zlotnik, "Global Interactions: Migration Systems, Processes, and Policies," in International Migration Systems: A Global Approach, ed. Mary M. Kritz, Lin Lean Lim, and Hania Zlotnik (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), p. 1. This is, of course, not to deny that many immigrants before World War II (e.g., those who came to the U.S. from Europe) intended only short-term stays and eventually returned home or that a significant amount of migration today still consists of permanent migrants (especially to countries such as the U.S., Australia, and Canada). See Michael J. Piore, Birds of Passage: Migrant Labor and Industrial Societies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 51-52.
3. See also Ulf Hannerz, Transnational Connections: Culture, People, Places (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 28-29.
4. I put "return migration" in quotes here because in most cases, it is not the original Japanese emigrants, but their descendants who are "returning" to Japan.
5. For example, see Kritz and Zlotnik; Stephen Castles and Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (London: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 2-4; James T. Fawcett, "Networks, Linkages, and Migration Systems," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 672-80; and James T. Fawcett and Fred Arnold, "Explaining Diversity: Asian and Pacific Immigration Systems," in Pacific Bridges: The New Immigration from Asia and the Pacific Islands, ed. James Fawcett and Benjamin Carino (New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1987).
6. For example, see Kritz and Zlotnik; Stephen Castles and Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (London: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 2-4; James T. Fawcett, "Networks, Linkages, and Migration Systems," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 672-80; and James T. Fawcett and Fred Arnold, "Explaining Diversity: Asian and Pacific Immigration Systems," in Pacific Bridges: The New Immigration from Asia and the Pacific Islands, ed. James Fawcett and Benjamin Carino (New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1987).
7. For example, see Kritz and Zlotnik; Stephen Castles and Mark J. Miller, The Age of Migration: International Population Movements in the Modern World (London: Macmillan, 1993), pp. 2-4; James T. Fawcett, "Networks, Linkages, and Migration Systems," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 672-80; and James T. Fawcett and Fred Arnold, "Explaining Diversity: Asian and Pacific Immigration Systems," in Pacific Bridges: The New Immigration from Asia and the Pacific Islands, ed. James Fawcett and Benjamin Carino (New York: Center for Migration Studies, 1987).
8. For example, see Castles and Miller, pp. 21-22; Wayne Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield, "Introduction: The Ambivalent Quest for Immigration Control," in Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective, ed. Wayne A. Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994); Alejandro Portes and József Böröcz, "Contemporary Immigration: Theoretical Perspectives on Its Determinants and Modes of Incorporation," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 606-30; and Charles H. Wood, "Equilibrium and Historical-Structural Perspectives on Migration," International Migration Review 16 (1982): 298-319.
9. For example, see Castles and Miller, pp. 21-22; Wayne Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield, "Introduction: The Ambivalent Quest for Immigration Control," in Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective, ed. Wayne A. Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994); Alejandro Portes and József Böröcz, "Contemporary Immigration: Theoretical Perspectives on Its Determinants and Modes of Incorporation," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 606-30; and Charles H. Wood, "Equilibrium and Historical-Structural Perspectives on Migration," International Migration Review 16 (1982): 298-319.
10. For example, see Castles and Miller, pp. 21-22; Wayne Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield, "Introduction: The Ambivalent Quest for Immigration Control," in Controlling Immigration: A Global Perspective, ed. Wayne A. Cornelius, Philip L. Martin, and James F. Hollifield (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1994); Alejandro Portes and József Böröcz, "Contemporary Immigration: Theoretical Perspectives on Its Determinants and Modes of Incorporation," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 606-30; and Charles H. Wood, "Equilibrium and Historical-Structural Perspectives on Migration," International Migration Review 16 (1982): 298-319.
11. Japan International Cooperation Association (JICA), Nikkeijin honpo shuro jittai chosa hokokusho (Report on the survey of the nikkeijin working in our country) (Tokyo: Japan International Cooperation Association, 1992); Toyoie Kitagawa, Hamamatsu-shi ni okeru gaikokujin no seikatsu jittai/ishiki chosa: Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin o chushin ni (Survey of living conditions and consciousness of foreigners in Hamamatsu City: Focusing on Nikkei-Brazilians and Peruvians) (Hamamatsu: Hamamatsu Planning Section/International Exchange Office, 1993); and Japan Statistics Research Institute, Tokei kenkyu sanko shiryo no. 38: Nikkei Burajirujin shuro/seikatsu jittai chosa (Statistical research reference: Survey of Brazilian nikkeijin employment and living conditions) (Tokyo: Nihon Tokei Kenkyujo at Hosei University, 1993).
12. Japan International Cooperation Association (JICA), Nikkeijin honpo shuro jittai chosa hokokusho (Report on the survey of the nikkeijin working in our country) (Tokyo: Japan International Cooperation Association, 1992); Toyoie Kitagawa, Hamamatsu-shi ni okeru gaikokujin no seikatsu jittai/ishiki chosa: Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin o chushin ni (Survey of living conditions and consciousness of foreigners in Hamamatsu City: Focusing on Nikkei-Brazilians and Peruvians) (Hamamatsu: Hamamatsu Planning Section/International Exchange Office, 1993); and Japan Statistics Research Institute, Tokei kenkyu sanko shiryo no. 38: Nikkei Burajirujin shuro/seikatsu jittai chosa (Statistical research reference: Survey of Brazilian nikkeijin employment and living conditions) (Tokyo: Nihon Tokei Kenkyujo at Hosei University, 1993).
13. Japan International Cooperation Association (JICA), Nikkeijin honpo shuro jittai chosa hokokusho (Report on the survey of the nikkeijin working in our country) (Tokyo: Japan International Cooperation Association, 1992); Toyoie Kitagawa, Hamamatsu-shi ni okeru gaikokujin no seikatsu jittai/ishiki chosa: Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin o chushin ni (Survey of living conditions and consciousness of foreigners in Hamamatsu City: Focusing on Nikkei-Brazilians and Peruvians) (Hamamatsu: Hamamatsu Planning Section/International Exchange Office, 1993); and Japan Statistics Research Institute, Tokei kenkyu sanko shiryo no. 38: Nikkei Burajirujin shuro/seikatsu jittai chosa (Statistical research reference: Survey of Brazilian nikkeijin employment and living conditions) (Tokyo: Nihon Tokei Kenkyujo at Hosei University, 1993).
14. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
15. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
16. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
17. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
18. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
19. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
20. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
21. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
22. For example, George J. Borjas, "Economic Theory and International Migration," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 457-85; Michael J. Greenwood, "Research on Internal Migration in the United States: A Survey," Journal of Economic Literature 13 (1975): 397-433; Everett S. Lee, "A Theory of Migration," Demography 3 (1966): 47-57; Jerome Rothenberg, "On the Microeconomics of Internal Migration," in Internal Migration: A Comparative Perspective, ed. Alan A. Brown and Egon Neuberger (New York: Academic Press, 1977); and Michael P. Todaro, "A Model of Labor Migration and Urban Unemployment in Less Developed Countries," American Economic Review 59 (1969): 138-48. This perspective has been criticized for being ahistorical, simplistic, and limited in scope. For example, see Sherri Grasmuck and Patricia R. Pessar, Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991); Castles and Miller, p. 22; Piore, chap. 2; Alejandro Portes, "Migration and Underdevelopment," Politics and Society 8 (1978): 1-48; Wood; and Aristide R. Zolberg, "International Migration Policies in a Changing World System," in Human Migration: Patterns and Policies, ed. W. H. McNeill and R. S. Adams (Bloomington, Ind.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1978), and "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 403-30.
23. São Paulo Humanities Research Center, Butrajiru ni Okeru nikkeijin jinko chosa hokokusho (Population survey report about nikkeijin in Brazil) (São Paulo: São Paulo Humanities Research Center, 1987-88); Japan Institute of Labor, Nikkeijin rodosha no jukyu shisutemu to shuro keiken (The demand-supply system and employment experiences of nikkeijin workers) (Tokyo: Japan Institute of Labor, 1995).
24. São Paulo Humanities Research Center, Butrajiru ni Okeru nikkeijin jinko chosa hokokusho (Population survey report about nikkeijin in Brazil) (São Paulo: São Paulo Humanities Research Center, 1987-88); Japan Institute of Labor, Nikkeijin rodosha no jukyu shisutemu to shuro keiken (The demand-supply system and employment experiences of nikkeijin workers) (Tokyo: Japan Institute of Labor, 1995).
25. Toyoie Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (Survey hearing of nikkeijin workers in Gunma-ken, Oizumi-machi: The intention to become permanent and the fundamental framework for their acceptance), in Hito no kokusaika ni kansuru sogoteki kenkyu: Tokuni gaikokujin rodosha ni kansuru chosa kenkyu o chushin ni (General survey on the internationalization of people: Especially focusing on the survey research about foreign workers) (Tokyo: Toyo University, 1992), and Hamamatsu-shi ni okeni gaikokujin no seikatsu jittai/ishiki chosa: Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin o chushin ni. According to one survey, the average monthly salary for South American nikkeijin workers in Japan was $3,366 per month for men and $2,044 for women (JICA).
26. Japan Institute of Labor, p. 135.
27. According to 1992 World Bank Statistics, the annual per capita income in Japan ($28,220) was more than 10 times that of Brazil ($2,770)'. The average monthly cost of living in Japan for 1993 was $3,352 per household, whereas it is generally said that $500-$600 per month is sufficient to support a family at a modest level in Brazil. The wage imbalance between the two countries is also a product of phenomenal Japanese economic growth during the 1980s, which caused the value of the yen to skyrocket from 249 to 138 yen to the dollar between 1982 and 1989, greatly increasing the international value of Japanese wages.
28. According to research surveys, the most important financial objectives of Japanese-Brazilians are purchasing a house in Brazil and opening a business, followed by remitting money to family back home, and saving money for educational purposes (Japan Institute of Labor; Kitagawa, Hamamatsu-shi ni okeru gaikokujin no seikatsu jittai/ishiki chosa: Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin o chushin ni). Most of the Japanese-Brazilian dekasegi I interviewed had one or more of these economic objectives.
29. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
30. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
31. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
32. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
33. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
34. For example, Edna Bonacich and Lucie Cheng, "Introduction: A Theoretical Orientation to International Labor Migration," in Labor Immigration under Capitalism: Asian Workers in the United States before World War II, ed. Lucie Cheng and Edna Bonacich (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984); Manuel Castells, "Immigrant Workers and Class Struggles in Advanced Capitalism: The Western European Experience," Politics and Society 5 (1975): 33-66; Stephen Castles and Godula Kosack, Immigrant Workers and Class Structure in Western Europe (London: Oxford University Press, 1973); Douglas S. Massey, "Economic Development and International Migration in Comparative Perspective," Population and Development Review 14 (1988): 383-413; Portes; Saskia Sassen-Koob, "The International Circulation of Resources and Development: The Case of Migrant Labour," Development and Change 9 (1978): 509-45, and The Mobility of Labor and Capital: A Study in International Investment and Labor Flow (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
35. Few of my informants in Japan had been unemployed before migrating to Japan. Likewise, only 3.5% of those Japanese-Brazilians surveyed by the Japan Institute of Labor study had been unemployed before going to Japan. A similar situation is noted by Cornelius among Mexican migrants to the United States, where underemployment and inadequate wages are more responsible for migration than unemployment. See Wayne A. Cornelius, Mexican Migration to the United States: Causes, Consequences, and U.S. Responses (Cambridge, Mass.: Center for International Studies, MIT, 1978), pp. 39-40.
36. According to nationwide statistics published by Instituto Brasileiro Geografia e Estatístic, the percentage of the populace earning less than five minimum wages (about $400) rose from 46.6% in 1.983 to 50% in 1988. In the greater São Paulo area (where most Japanese-Brazilians live), the real value of wages fell 8% in 1987 and 21.6% in 1990, despite some brief increases in real wages in the 1980s.
37. Compare with Maxine L. Margolis, Little Brazil: An Ethnography of Brazilian Immigrants in New York City (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1994), p. 79.
38. Piore (n. 1 above), p. 139.
39. Relative deprivation is a concept that David Aberle used to analyze the peyote religion among the Navaho. See David Friend Aberle, The Peyote Religion among the Navaho (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982).
40. Other studies also document how migrants are not always drawn from the rural or impoverished sectors of society but frequently are middle class and relatively well-to-do: Grasmuck and Pesar (n. 7 above); Margolis; Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); Douglas S. Massey, Rafael Alarcón, Jorge Durand, and Humberto Gonzale, Return to Aztlán: The Social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987); Piore; Joshua S. Reichert, "The Migrant Syndrome: Seasonal U.S. Wage Labor and Rural Development in Central Mexico," Human Organization 40 (1981): 56-66; and Fernando Urrea, Life Strategies and the Labor Market: Colombians in New York in the 1970s, Occasional Papers no. 34 (New York: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York University, 1982).
41. Other studies also document how migrants are not always drawn from the rural or impoverished sectors of society but frequently are middle class and relatively well-to-do: Grasmuck and Pesar (n. 7 above); Margolis; Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); Douglas S. Massey, Rafael Alarcón, Jorge Durand, and Humberto Gonzale, Return to Aztlán: The Social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987); Piore; Joshua S. Reichert, "The Migrant Syndrome: Seasonal U.S. Wage Labor and Rural Development in Central Mexico," Human Organization 40 (1981): 56-66; and Fernando Urrea, Life Strategies and the Labor Market: Colombians in New York in the 1970s, Occasional Papers no. 34 (New York: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York University, 1982).
42. Other studies also document how migrants are not always drawn from the rural or impoverished sectors of society but frequently are middle class and relatively well-to-do: Grasmuck and Pesar (n. 7 above); Margolis; Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); Douglas S. Massey, Rafael Alarcón, Jorge Durand, and Humberto Gonzale, Return to Aztlán: The Social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987); Piore; Joshua S. Reichert, "The Migrant Syndrome: Seasonal U.S. Wage Labor and Rural Development in Central Mexico," Human Organization 40 (1981): 56-66; and Fernando Urrea, Life Strategies and the Labor Market: Colombians in New York in the 1970s, Occasional Papers no. 34 (New York: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York University, 1982).
43. Other studies also document how migrants are not always drawn from the rural or impoverished sectors of society but frequently are middle class and relatively well-to-do: Grasmuck and Pesar (n. 7 above); Margolis; Alejandro Portes and Robert L. Bach, Latin Journey: Cuban and Mexican Immigrants in the United States (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1985); Douglas S. Massey, Rafael Alarcón, Jorge Durand, and Humberto Gonzale, Return to Aztlán: The Social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1987); Piore; Joshua S. Reichert, "The Migrant Syndrome: Seasonal U.S. Wage Labor and Rural Development in Central Mexico," Human Organization 40 (1981): 56-66; and Fernando Urrea, Life Strategies and the Labor Market: Colombians in New York in the 1970s, Occasional Papers no. 34 (New York: Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York University, 1982).
44. Minister of Labor Secretariat Policy Planning and Research Department, Rodo keizai doko chosa hokoku (Survey report on trends in the labor economy, 1993) (Tokyo: Ministry of Labor, 1990-95).
45. The birth rate has declined by almost 32% from 2.14 children per family in 1965 to 1.46 in 1993-the world's lowest fertility rate. See Wayne A. Cornelius, "Japan: The Illusion of Immigration Control," in Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield, eds., p. 378. Japan has the fastest growing elderly population among industrialized countries. The proportion of the population over the age of 65 grew from 7.1% in 1970 to 10.3% in 1985 and then jumped to 14.5% in 1995. Future projected increases are equally steep with the over-65 population expected to constitute 19.1% of the entire population by 2005 and 25.8% by 2025 (Minister of Labor Secretariat).
46. The total number of women in Japan's labor force grew from 19 million in 1965 to 23.7 million in 1985. In 1994, there were 27 million women in the work force. Japan's female labor-force participation rate is rather high even compared with other industrialized nations and has generally hovered in the 48%-51% range since 1965. In 1994, the female labor-force participation rate was 50.2%, which was higher than that in Germany, Spain, Italy, and France and was comparable to rates in the United Kingdom (52.9%) and Australia (52.7%), although considerably lower than in the United States (58.2%) and Canada (57.6%).
47. Despite the early retirement age of 60 in Japan, 56.6% of those between the ages of 60 and 64 and 24.8% of those over the age of 65 are still working (1994 figures). Labor-market participation rates for elderly in these two age categories have remained at this high level for at least 2 decades and show no signs of seriously increasing in the future. Despite the continued rise in the elderly population, none of the Japanese employers I interviewed felt that increased hiring of older workers was a viable means to deal with labor shortages. They also noted how older workers are more expensive (unless they are retired), less productive, and many are no longer able to adequately perform physically demanding factory jobs.
48. In addition, many small and medium-sized firms, where most of the labor shortage was concentrated, found it difficult to mechanize further due to the lack of capital and their reliance on flexible production schemes to adjust to constantly changing orders from parent firms.
49. Japanese direct foreign investment abroad increased over fourfold from $12.2 billion in 1985 to $56.9 billion in 1990.
50. The amount of annual Japanese foreign investment decreased from $56.9 billion 1990 to $36 billion in 1993.
51. In his historical overview of migration from Europe and Mexico, Massey (n. 13 above) also notes how the coincidence of economic push and pull forces in the sending and receiving countries was important for initiating or increasing migration flows.
52. The United States has been the primary destination for Brazilian migrants. Margolis (n. 16 above), p. 15, estimates that there are probably anywhere from 350,000 to 400,000 Brazilian immigrant workers currently living in the United States.
53. The importance of such immigrant motivations in understanding migration patterns is also mentioned by Piore (n. 1 above).
54. The work of Sassen (n. 13 above) exemplifies this type of approach to understanding migrant flows.
55. Although Japanese foreign investment in Brazil rose briefly from the end of the 1960s to the early 1970s before the oil shock, it had fallen to very low levels by the time Japanese-Brazilians started migrating to Japan. In 1985, Japanese direct foreign investment in Brazil was only $314 million, a mere 2.5% of total Japanese foreign investment abroad that year, which amounted to $12.2 billion. In 1990, as Japanese foreign investment continued to expand rapidly, investment in Brazil dropped to only 1% of the total, and then to 0.4% in 1991. Likewise, Japanese trade with Brazil also remains quite low. Since 1985, the total value of Japanese exports to Brazil has ranged from $1.44 billion to $1.8 billion dollars, a mere 0.3%-0.4% of Japan's entire export trade.
56. The general lack of economic and political relationships between Japan and South America is exemplified by public opinion surveys conducted in Japan that indicate a very low level of awareness and appreciation of South American countries. In a 1993 NHK (Japan Broadcasting Agency) Japanese public opinion survey, respondents were asked to indicate how close Japan's relationships were to five world regions and three countries (the U.S., Korea, and China): 36.7% felt that Japan did not have close ties with Latin America, which was the second highest percentage after Africa (42.9%) and basically tied with Eastern Europe (37.3%). In fact, respondents felt Japan had closer relationships with Oceania and the Middle and Near East (NHK Service Center, NHK seron chosa shiryoshu dai roku shu [NHK public opinion survey compendium, no. 6] [Tokyo: NHK, 1993]). In addition, when respondents were asked why they do not feel a sense of affinity to Latin America, 42% cited geographical distance, 24.5% cited lack of cultural and historical connections, and 20.9% mentioned lack of economic and political relationships. See Prime Minister's Office, Seron chosa nenkan: Zenkoku seron chosa no genjyo (Annual public opinion surveys) (Tokyo: Prime Minister's Office, 1985-94).
57. The general lack of economic and political relationships between Japan and South America is exemplified by public opinion surveys conducted in Japan that indicate a very low level of awareness and appreciation of South American countries. In a 1993 NHK (Japan Broadcasting Agency) Japanese public opinion survey, respondents were asked to indicate how close Japan's relationships were to five world regions and three countries (the U.S., Korea, and China): 36.7% felt that Japan did not have close ties with Latin America, which was the second highest percentage after Africa (42.9%) and basically tied with Eastern Europe (37.3%). In fact, respondents felt Japan had closer relationships with Oceania and the Middle and Near East (NHK Service Center, NHK seron chosa shiryoshu dai roku shu [NHK public opinion survey compendium, no. 6] [Tokyo: NHK, 1993]). In addition, when respondents were asked why they do not feel a sense of affinity to Latin America, 42% cited geographical distance, 24.5% cited lack of cultural and historical connections, and 20.9% mentioned lack of economic and political relationships. See Prime Minister's Office, Seron chosa nenkan: Zenkoku seron chosa no genjyo (Annual public opinion surveys) (Tokyo: Prime Minister's Office, 1985-94).
58. Of the entire Japanese-Brazilian population in Brazil, 12.5% still consists of issei (São Paulo Humanities Research Center [n. 8 above]).
59. Yoshiya Nakagawara Ferreira and Alice Yatiyo Asari, "Algumas considerações sobre a atuaçâo do imigrante Japonês e seus descendentes na comunidade Londrinense" (Some considerations about the achievements of the Japanese immigrant and their descendants in the Londrina community), in O nikkei e sua Americanidade (The nikkei and their American-ness), ed. Massao Ohno (São Paulo: COPANI, 1986), pp. 213-24; Christopher A. Reichl, "Stages in the Historical Process of Ethnicity: The Japanese in Brazil, 1908-1988," Ethnohistory 42 (1995): 31-62.
60. Yoshiya Nakagawara Ferreira and Alice Yatiyo Asari, "Algumas considerações sobre a atuaçâo do imigrante Japonês e seus descendentes na comunidade Londrinense" (Some considerations about the achievements of the Japanese immigrant and their descendants in the Londrina community), in O nikkei e sua Americanidade (The nikkei and their American-ness), ed. Massao Ohno (São Paulo: COPANI, 1986), pp. 213-24; Christopher A. Reichl, "Stages in the Historical Process of Ethnicity: The Japanese in Brazil, 1908-1988," Ethnohistory 42 (1995): 31-62.
61. Under the new immigration provisions, the nikkeijin are allowed to enter Japan on two types of visas, both of which have no activity restriction and can be renewed an indefinite number of times. For the second-generation nisei, the previously restrictive requirements and procedures for obtaining the Nihonjin no Haigusha (spouse of Japanese) visa were simplified, making it much easier for them to enter Japan, as long as they can prove their Japanese descent. The government also set aside a new teijyusha (long-term residence) visa category for the third-generation sansei.
62. Minister of Labor Secretariat (n. 20 above).
63. A Ministry of Justice study in 1989 found that most of the companies surveyed wanted an increase in the number of nikkei workers in Japan (Nihon keizai shimbum [April 23, 1990]).
64. Yasuo Fujisaki, Dekasegi nikkei gaikokujin rodosha (Migrant nikkei foreign workers) (Tokyo: Akaishi Shoten, 1991).
65. See also Takashi Miyajima, Gaikokujin Rodosha to Nihon shakai (Foreign workers and Japanese society) (Tokyo: Akaishi Shoten, 1993); Yoko Sellek, "The U-Turn Phenomenon among South American-Japanese Descendants: From Emigrants to Migrants," Immigrants and Minorities 15 (1996): 246-69; and Keiko Yamanaka and Takashi Miyajima, "A Paradox of Skilled Workers 'Only': Japan's New Immigration Policies Regarding Foreign Labor" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Pittsburgh, August 20-24, 1992).
66. See also Takashi Miyajima, Gaikokujin Rodosha to Nihon shakai (Foreign workers and Japanese society) (Tokyo: Akaishi Shoten, 1993); Yoko Sellek, "The U-Turn Phenomenon among South American-Japanese Descendants: From Emigrants to Migrants," Immigrants and Minorities 15 (1996): 246-69; and Keiko Yamanaka and Takashi Miyajima, "A Paradox of Skilled Workers 'Only': Japan's New Immigration Policies Regarding Foreign Labor" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Pittsburgh, August 20-24, 1992).
67. See also Takashi Miyajima, Gaikokujin Rodosha to Nihon shakai (Foreign workers and Japanese society) (Tokyo: Akaishi Shoten, 1993); Yoko Sellek, "The U-Turn Phenomenon among South American-Japanese Descendants: From Emigrants to Migrants," Immigrants and Minorities 15 (1996): 246-69; and Keiko Yamanaka and Takashi Miyajima, "A Paradox of Skilled Workers 'Only': Japan's New Immigration Policies Regarding Foreign Labor" (paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Pittsburgh, August 20-24, 1992).
68. See Takamichi Kajita, Gaikokujin rodosha to Nihon (Foreign laborers and Japan) (Tokyo: NHK Books, 1994), p. 169-70; Dorinne Kondo, "Dissolution and Reconstitution of Self: Implications for Anthropological Epistemology," Cultural Anthropology 1 (1986): 76; Kosaku Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry (London: Routledge, 1992).
69. See Takamichi Kajita, Gaikokujin rodosha to Nihon (Foreign laborers and Japan) (Tokyo: NHK Books, 1994), p. 169-70; Dorinne Kondo, "Dissolution and Reconstitution of Self: Implications for Anthropological Epistemology," Cultural Anthropology 1 (1986): 76; Kosaku Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry (London: Routledge, 1992).
70. See Takamichi Kajita, Gaikokujin rodosha to Nihon (Foreign laborers and Japan) (Tokyo: NHK Books, 1994), p. 169-70; Dorinne Kondo, "Dissolution and Reconstitution of Self: Implications for Anthropological Epistemology," Cultural Anthropology 1 (1986): 76; Kosaku Yoshino, Cultural Nationalism in Contemporary Japan: A Sociological Enquiry (London: Routledge, 1992).
71. See also Kondo.
72. See also Kajita, p. 172; Sellek, p. 263.
73. Compare with Kajita, p. 170.
74. Compare with Yamanaka and Miyajima, p. 20.
75. See also Miyajima, p. 59.
76. Toshihiko Nojima, "Susumetai nikkeijin no tokubetsu ukeire" (Proposal for the special admission of the nikkeijin), Gekkan jiyu minsu (November 1989), pp. 92-99, esp. p. 98.
77. Ibid., pp. 98-99.
78. Cornelius, Martin, and Hollifield, eds. (n. 5 above); Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik, eds. (n. 1 above); Zolberg, "The Next Waves: Migration Theory for a Changing World" (n. 7 above).
79. There is occasional mention of how the mass media and popular culture can encourage migration by familiarizing individuals with the host society so that it feels closer and less foreign. The reduction of cultural distance or barriers between societies also facilitates migration, as analyzed by Monica Boyd, "Family and Personal Networks in International Migration: Recent Developments and New Agendas," International Migration Review 23 (1989): 638-70; Fawcett and Arnold (n. 4 above), p. 462; and Massey (n. 13 above).
80. Koichi Mon, "Burajiru kara no Nikkeijin 'Dekasegi' no Suii" (Changes in the nikkeijin dekasegi from Brazil), Ijyu kenkyu 29 (1992): 144-64, esp. p. 161.
81. Angelo A. Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu" (Research about the cultural differences communication of the Brazilian nikkei workers) (M.A. thesis, University of Tokyo, 1991), p. 164.
82. Koichi Mori, p. 161.
83. Although there are no government immigration statistics available about the proportion of the Japanese-Brazilian population in Brazil that has Japanese nationality, the JICA 1992 report found that 21% of the nikkeijin migrants had Japanese nationality (either issei or dual nationals). This figure seems a bit high and a more accurate estimate is probably around 10%. These individuals could always freely enter Japan to work. Even those without Japanese nationality could enter legally and work, although visa requirements were stiff.
84. Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu," p. 165; Koichi Mori, p. 161.
85. Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu," p. 165; Koichi Mori, p. 161.
86. Fujisaki (n. 38 above); Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu," p. 8.
87. Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu," p. 163.
88. Compare with George Gmelch, "Return Migration," Annual Review of Anthropology 9 (1980): 135-59, esp. p. 153.
89. Ibid.
90. See Massey (n. 13 above), p. 400, for a summary.
91. Quoted in Angelo A. Ishi, "A questão dos trabalhadores Brasileiros no Japão" (The question of Brazilian workers in Japan), Studia Brasiliana 1 (1991): 28-38, esp. p. 31.
92. Ibid.
93. Quoted in Ishi, "Nikkei Burajirujin dekasegi rodosha no ibunka komyunikeshon ni kansuru kenyu" (n. 51 above), p. 165.
94. Cornelius defines the culture of migration as "a set of interrelated perceptions, attitudinal orientations, socialization processes and social structure, including transnational social networks, growing out of the international migratory experience, which constantly encourage, validate and facilitate participation in this movement." See Wayne Cornelius, "From Sojourners to Settlers: The Changing Profile of Mexican Immigration to the United States," in U.S.-Mexico Relations: Labor Market Interdependence, ed. Jörge Bustamante, Clark Reynolds, and Raúl Hinojosa Ojeda (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1992). The culture of migration concept has also been used in this sense by Alan B. Simmons and Jean Pierre Guengant, "Caribbean Exodus and the World System," in Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik, eds. Reichert (n. 19 above) has referred to it as "the migrant syndrome." Castles has used the term in a different way simply to refer to the culture that migrants and their descendants develop in the receiving society, which is usually some mixture of the old culture of the homeland and the new culture of the host society. See Stephen Castles (with Heather Booth and Tina Wallace), Here for Good: Western Europe's New Ethnic Minorities (London: Pluto, 1984), p. 165.
95. Cornelius defines the culture of migration as "a set of interrelated perceptions, attitudinal orientations, socialization processes and social structure, including transnational social networks, growing out of the international migratory experience, which constantly encourage, validate and facilitate participation in this movement." See Wayne Cornelius, "From Sojourners to Settlers: The Changing Profile of Mexican Immigration to the United States," in U.S.-Mexico Relations: Labor Market Interdependence, ed.
96. Cornelius defines the culture of migration as "a set of interrelated perceptions, attitudinal orientations, socialization processes and social structure, including transnational social networks, growing out of the international migratory experience, which constantly encourage, validate and facilitate participation in this movement." See Wayne Cornelius, "From Sojourners to Settlers: The Changing Profile of Mexican Immigration to the United States," in U.S.-Mexico Relations: Labor Market Interdependence, ed. Jörge Bustamante, Clark Reynolds, and Raúl Hinojosa Ojeda (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1992). The culture of migration concept has also been used in this sense by Alan B. Simmons and Jean Pierre Guengant, "Caribbean Exodus and the World System," in Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik, eds. Reichert (n. 19 above) has referred to it as "the migrant syndrome." Castles has used the term in a different way simply to refer to the culture that migrants and their descendants develop in the receiving society, which is usually some mixture of the old culture of the homeland and the new culture of the host society. See Stephen Castles (with Heather Booth and Tina Wallace), Here for Good: Western Europe's New Ethnic Minorities (London: Pluto, 1984), p. 165.
97. The number of Brazilian foreigners currently registered in Japan is less than my estimate of the entire Japanese-Brazilian immigrant population in Japan. This is because about 10% of the Japanese-Brazilians are either first-generation issei who still retain Japanese nationality or second-generation nisei who are dual nationals. Since such individuals obviously do not register as foreigners in Japan, they do not show up in these immigration statistics.
98. As is true for most immigrant groups, the age distribution of the Japanese-Brazilians in Japan is very skewed with relatively few individuals under age 15 and over age 55 (Immigration Association, Heisei nananenban zairyu gaikokujin tokei [Statistics on resident foreigners, 1995 edition] [Tokyo: Immigration Association, 1995]). This means that less than 60% of the entire Japanese-Brazilian population in Brazil can be considered a source of potential migrants (based on age distribution statistics reported in the São Paulo Humanities Research Center report [n. 8 above]).
99. A 1995 research survey conducted by the Japan Institute of Labor (n. 8 above) shows that before June 1990, only 21.2% of the migrant flow consisted of Japanese-Brazilians who were "office workers" in Brazil (government bureaucrats, teachers, white-collar company workers, professionals, private business owners, and bankers). The proportion of such individuals almost doubled to 38.5% among those who entered Japan between June 1990 and April 1991. In contrast, the proportion of "technical workers/vocational workers" (including farmers) declined from 32.6% to 27.9% during the same two periods.
100. JICA.
101. There have been a number of studies that examine the function of social networks in the migration process. For example, see Boyd (n. 49 above); Douglas T. Gurak and Fe Caces, "Migration Networks and the Shaping of Migration Systems," in Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik, eds.; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Massey (n. 13 above); and Massey et al.; Massey; Massey et al. (n. 19 above); Portes and Böröcz (n. 5 above); Charles Tilly and C. H. Brown, "On Uprooting, Kinship, and the Auspices of Migration," International Joumal of Comparative Sociology 8 (1967): 138-64.
102. There have been a number of studies that examine the function of social networks in the migration process. For example, see Boyd (n. 49 above); Douglas T. Gurak and Fe Caces, "Migration Networks and the Shaping of Migration Systems," in Kritz, Lim, and Zlotnik, eds.; Larissa Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality (New York: Academic Press, 1977); Massey (n. 13 above); and Massey et al.; Massey; Massey et al. (n. 19 above); Portes and Böröcz (n. 5 above); Charles Tilly and C. H. Brown, "On Uprooting, Kinship, and the Auspices of Migration," International Joumal of Comparative Sociology 8 (1967): 138-64.
103. For discussions of the labor-recruitment system for the nikkeijin, see Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (n. 9 above); Japan Institute of Labor; Hiromasa Mori, "Nikkei Burjirujin no nyushoku/shuro jyotai" (Working and job placement conditions for Brazilian nikkeijin), in Kenkyu hokoku (Bulletin of the Japan statistics research institute) (Tokyo: Japan Statistics Research Institute, 1994); Akihiko Nishizawa, "Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin rodosha no shakaiteki sekai" (The social world of Brazilian and Peruvian nikkeijin), in Inbei sareta gaibu: Toshi kaso no esunogurafi (The hidden outside: The ethnography of the urban underclass) (Tokyo: Sairyusha, 1995); Masako Watanabe and Shizue Teruyama, "Burajiru kara no nikkei dekasegi rodosha no jittai to Nihon shakai no taio" (Actual situation of Japanese-descent migrant workers from Brazil and the response of Japanese society), Shakaigaku/shakai fukushigaku kenkyu 89 (1992): 1-66; and Masako Watanabe et al., "Nikkei dekasegi no kyuzo ni tomonau Nihon shakai no taio to mosaku" (The rapid increase in Japanesedescent migrant workers and the resulting response and uncertainty of Japanese society), Meiji Gakuin Daigaku shakaigakubu fuzoku kenkyujo nenpo 22 (1992): 55-85.
104. For discussions of the labor-recruitment system for the nikkeijin, see Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (n. 9 above); Japan Institute of Labor; Hiromasa Mori, "Nikkei Burjirujin no nyushoku/shuro jyotai" (Working and job placement conditions for Brazilian nikkeijin), in Kenkyu hokoku (Bulletin of the Japan statistics research institute) (Tokyo: Japan Statistics Research Institute, 1994); Akihiko Nishizawa, "Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin rodosha no shakaiteki sekai" (The social world of Brazilian and Peruvian nikkeijin), in Inbei sareta gaibu: Toshi kaso no esunogurafi (The hidden outside: The ethnography of the urban underclass) (Tokyo: Sairyusha, 1995); Masako Watanabe and Shizue Teruyama, "Burajiru kara no nikkei dekasegi rodosha no jittai to Nihon shakai no taio" (Actual situation of Japanese-descent migrant workers from Brazil and the response of Japanese society), Shakaigaku/shakai fukushigaku kenkyu 89 (1992): 1-66; and Masako Watanabe et al., "Nikkei dekasegi no kyuzo ni tomonau Nihon shakai no taio to mosaku" (The rapid increase in Japanesedescent migrant workers and the resulting response and uncertainty of Japanese society), Meiji Gakuin Daigaku shakaigakubu fuzoku kenkyujo nenpo 22 (1992): 55-85.
105. For discussions of the labor-recruitment system for the nikkeijin, see Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (n. 9 above); Japan Institute of Labor; Hiromasa Mori, "Nikkei Burjirujin no nyushoku/shuro jyotai" (Working and job placement conditions for Brazilian nikkeijin), in Kenkyu hokoku (Bulletin of the Japan statistics research institute) (Tokyo: Japan Statistics Research Institute, 1994); Akihiko Nishizawa, "Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin rodosha no shakaiteki sekai" (The social world of Brazilian and Peruvian nikkeijin), in Inbei sareta gaibu: Toshi kaso no esunogurafi (The hidden outside: The ethnography of the urban underclass) (Tokyo: Sairyusha, 1995); Masako Watanabe and Shizue Teruyama, "Burajiru kara no nikkei dekasegi rodosha no jittai to Nihon shakai no taio" (Actual situation of Japanese-descent migrant workers from Brazil and the response of Japanese society), Shakaigaku/shakai fukushigaku kenkyu 89 (1992): 1-66; and Masako Watanabe et al., "Nikkei dekasegi no kyuzo ni tomonau Nihon shakai no taio to mosaku" (The rapid increase in Japanesedescent migrant workers and the resulting response and uncertainty of Japanese society), Meiji Gakuin Daigaku shakaigakubu fuzoku kenkyujo nenpo 22 (1992): 55-85.
106. For discussions of the labor-recruitment system for the nikkeijin, see Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (n. 9 above); Japan Institute of Labor; Hiromasa Mori, "Nikkei Burjirujin no nyushoku/shuro jyotai" (Working and job placement conditions for Brazilian nikkeijin), in Kenkyu hokoku (Bulletin of the Japan statistics research institute) (Tokyo: Japan Statistics Research Institute, 1994); Akihiko Nishizawa, "Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin rodosha no shakaiteki sekai" (The social world of Brazilian and Peruvian nikkeijin), in Inbei sareta gaibu: Toshi kaso no esunogurafi (The hidden outside: The ethnography of the urban underclass) (Tokyo: Sairyusha, 1995); Masako Watanabe and Shizue Teruyama, "Burajiru kara no nikkei dekasegi rodosha no jittai to Nihon shakai no taio" (Actual situation of Japanese-descent migrant workers from Brazil and the response of Japanese society), Shakaigaku/shakai fukushigaku kenkyu 89 (1992): 1-66; and Masako Watanabe et al., "Nikkei dekasegi no kyuzo ni tomonau Nihon shakai no taio to mosaku" (The rapid increase in Japanesedescent migrant workers and the resulting response and uncertainty of Japanese society), Meiji Gakuin Daigaku shakaigakubu fuzoku kenkyujo nenpo 22 (1992): 55-85.
107. For discussions of the labor-recruitment system for the nikkeijin, see Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi" (n. 9 above); Japan Institute of Labor; Hiromasa Mori, "Nikkei Burjirujin no nyushoku/shuro jyotai" (Working and job placement conditions for Brazilian nikkeijin), in Kenkyu hokoku (Bulletin of the Japan statistics research institute) (Tokyo: Japan Statistics Research Institute, 1994); Akihiko Nishizawa, "Nikkei Burajiru/Perujin rodosha no shakaiteki sekai" (The social world of Brazilian and Peruvian nikkeijin), in Inbei sareta gaibu: Toshi kaso no esunogurafi (The hidden outside: The ethnography of the urban underclass) (Tokyo: Sairyusha, 1995); Masako Watanabe and Shizue Teruyama, "Burajiru kara no nikkei dekasegi rodosha no jittai to Nihon shakai no taio" (Actual situation of Japanese-descent migrant workers from Brazil and the response of Japanese society), Shakaigaku/shakai fukushigaku kenkyu 89 (1992): 1-66; and Masako Watanabe et al., "Nikkei dekasegi no kyuzo ni tomonau Nihon shakai no taio to mosaku" (The rapid increase in Japanesedescent migrant workers and the resulting response and uncertainty of Japanese society), Meiji Gakuin Daigaku shakaigakubu fuzoku kenkyujo nenpo 22 (1992): 55-85.
108. The function of social networks in reducing the cost of migration financially, psychologically, and in terms of finding jobs in the host society is also mentioned by others such as Lomnitz.
109. These figures are from a survey conducted in 1990 (Kitagawa, "Gunma-ken Oizumi-machi ni okeru nikkeijin rodosha hiaringu chosa: Eijyuka shikou to ukeire kibanseibi") and one conducted later in 1992 (Japan Statistics Research Institute [n. 6 above]).
110. Likewise, Massey notes "the tendency for emigration to become progressively independent of the economic conditions that originally caused it. Once a critical takeoff stage is reached, the movement of population alters social and economic structures within sending communities in ways that increase the likelihood of subsequent migration." Portes and Böröcz, pp. 612-13, make similar observations.
111. For analyses of the ethnic consequences of Japanese-Brazilian return migration, see Takeyuki Tsuda, "Transnational Migration and the Nationalization of Ethnic Identity among Japanese-Brazilian Return Migrants," Ethos (in press), and "The Stigma of Ethnic Difference: The Structure of Prejudice and 'Discrimination' toward Japan's New Immigrant Minority," Journal of Japanese Studies 24 (1998): 317-59.
112. For analyses of the ethnic consequences of Japanese-Brazilian return migration, see Takeyuki Tsuda, "Transnational Migration and the Nationalization of Ethnic Identity among Japanese-Brazilian Return Migrants," Ethos (in press), and "The Stigma of Ethnic Difference: The Structure of Prejudice and 'Discrimination' toward Japan's New Immigrant Minority," Journal of Japanese Studies 24 (1998): 317-59.