Mirroring modernity: America's conflicting identities

Polity

Volumn 32, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 67-91

  Sinopoli, Richard C ^a   Gabrielson, Teena ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0033261190     PISSN: 00323497     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/3235334     Document Type: Article

References (74)

1. The literature in these areas is too voluminous to cite here. On the first theme, which is of particular relevance, see Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Stephen Nathanson, "In Defense of 'Moderate Patriotism'," Ethics 99 (April 1989): 535-52; Martha C. Nussbaum, et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
2. The literature in these areas is too voluminous to cite here. On the first theme, which is of particular relevance, see Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Stephen Nathanson, "In Defense of 'Moderate Patriotism'," Ethics 99 (April 1989): 535-52; Martha C. Nussbaum, et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
3. The literature in these areas is too voluminous to cite here. On the first theme, which is of particular relevance, see Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Stephen Nathanson, "In Defense of 'Moderate Patriotism'," Ethics 99 (April 1989): 535-52; Martha C. Nussbaum, et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
4. The literature in these areas is too voluminous to cite here. On the first theme, which is of particular relevance, see Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Stephen Nathanson, "In Defense of 'Moderate Patriotism'," Ethics 99 (April 1989): 535-52; Martha C. Nussbaum, et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
5. The literature in these areas is too voluminous to cite here. On the first theme, which is of particular relevance, see Alasdair MacIntyre, Is Patriotism a Virtue? (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984); David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995); Stephen Nathanson, "In Defense of 'Moderate Patriotism'," Ethics 99 (April 1989): 535-52; Martha C. Nussbaum, et al., For Love of Country: Debating the Limits of Patriotism (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996); Yael Tamir, Liberal Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993).
6. John Dunn, Western Political Theory in the Face of the Future (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 55.
7. Ernest Renan, "What is a Nation?," in Nation and Narration, ed. Homi K. Babba (London: Routledge, 1990), 8-22, 19.
8. Renan, "What is a Nation?" 15.
9. Renan, "What is a Nation?" 11.
10. Here, we rely on MacIntyre's insightful account of the role of narrative and tradition in structuring moral consciousness. Alasdair MacIntyre, After Virtue, second edition (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984).
11. Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 11. See also John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1960); Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1944).
12. Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 11. See also John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1960); Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1944).
13. Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 11. See also John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1960); Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1944).
14. Anthony Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (New York: Basil Blackwell, 1987), 11. See also John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1982); Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (London: Hutchinson University Library, 1960); Hans Kohn, The Idea of Nationalism: A Study in its Origins and Background (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1944).
15. David Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (London: Clarendon Press, 1990).
16. David Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (London: Clarendon Press, 1990).
17. David Apter, The Politics of Modernization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965); Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1983); Eric Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism Since 1780 (London: Clarendon Press, 1990).
18. Charles Taylor, Sources of the Self: The Making of Modern Identity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), 28.
19. Taylor, Sources of the Self, 27.
20. Peter Berger, "On the Obsolescence of the Concept of Honour," in Liberalism and Its Critics, ed. Michael Sandel (New York: New York University Press, 1984); Charles Taylor, The Ethics of Authenticity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
21. Peter Berger, "On the Obsolescence of the Concept of Honour," in Liberalism and Its Critics, ed. Michael Sandel (New York: New York University Press, 1984); Charles Taylor, The Ethics of Authenticity (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992).
22. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991); Montserrat Guibernau, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55. Also see Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (translated by Stuart Gilbert, New York: Anchor Books, 1983). Tocqueville brilliantly describes the process by which French society was "modernized" through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries so as to gradually destroy the medieval system of mutual obligations between peasantry and nobility and to weaken local and regional autonomy in its wake. He describes an alliance between modernizing reformers, the physiocrats (to whom he refers with not quite Burkean derision as the "Economists") and the crown. By the mid-eighteenth century, he writes, "freedom had been so long extinct in France that people had almost entirely forgotten what it meant and how it functioned" (165). The reforming "Economists," Turgot foremost among them, saw this decline of local autonomy and medieval duties and made common cause with the royal power. Tocqueville writes, "This was a 'new' power since it neither stemmed from the Middle Ages nor bore any mark of them, and despite its shortcomings the Economists saw in it great possibilities. Like them it favored equality among men and uniformity of law throughout the land. Again like them it had a strong aversion for all the ancient powers deriving from feudalism or associated with aristocracy. . . . In short, they set no limits to [the state's] rights and powers; its duty was not merely to reform but to transform the French nation" (161-62). Universal education, aimed in large measure at forging a national sensibility, was considered a primary means of this transformation. The French Revolution, Tocqueville concludes, merely culminates a process of transformation that had been underway for quite some time.
23. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991); Montserrat Guibernau, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55. Also see Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (translated by Stuart Gilbert, New York: Anchor Books, 1983). Tocqueville brilliantly describes the process by which French society was "modernized" through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries so as to gradually destroy the medieval system of mutual obligations between peasantry and nobility and to weaken local and regional autonomy in its wake. He describes an alliance between modernizing reformers, the physiocrats (to whom he refers with not quite Burkean derision as the "Economists") and the crown. By the mid-eighteenth century, he writes, "freedom had been so long extinct in France that people had almost entirely forgotten what it meant and how it functioned" (165). The reforming "Economists," Turgot foremost among them, saw this decline of local autonomy and medieval duties and made common cause with the royal power. Tocqueville writes, "This was a 'new' power since it neither stemmed from the Middle Ages nor bore any mark of them, and despite its shortcomings the Economists saw in it great possibilities. Like them it favored equality among men and uniformity of law throughout the land. Again like them it had a strong aversion for all the ancient powers deriving from feudalism or associated with aristocracy. . . . In short, they set no limits to [the state's] rights and powers; its duty was not merely to reform but to transform the French nation" (161-62). Universal education, aimed in large measure at forging a national sensibility, was considered a primary means of this transformation. The French Revolution, Tocqueville concludes, merely culminates a process of transformation that had been underway for quite some time.
24. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991); Montserrat Guibernau, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55. Also see Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (translated by Stuart Gilbert, New York: Anchor Books, 1983). Tocqueville brilliantly describes the process by which French society was "modernized" through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries so as to gradually destroy the medieval system of mutual obligations between peasantry and nobility and to weaken local and regional autonomy in its wake. He describes an alliance between modernizing reformers, the physiocrats (to whom he refers with not quite Burkean derision as the "Economists") and the crown. By the mid-eighteenth century, he writes, "freedom had been so long extinct in France that people had almost entirely forgotten what it meant and how it functioned" (165). The reforming "Economists," Turgot foremost among them, saw this decline of local autonomy and medieval duties and made common cause with the royal power. Tocqueville writes, "This was a 'new' power since it neither stemmed from the Middle Ages nor bore any mark of them, and despite its shortcomings the Economists saw in it great possibilities. Like them it favored equality among men and uniformity of law throughout the land. Again like them it had a strong aversion for all the ancient powers deriving from feudalism or associated with aristocracy. . . . In short, they set no limits to [the state's] rights and powers; its duty was not merely to reform but to transform the French nation" (161-62). Universal education, aimed in large measure at forging a national sensibility, was considered a primary means of this transformation. The French Revolution, Tocqueville concludes, merely culminates a process of transformation that had been underway for quite some time.
25. Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origins and Spread of Nationalism (New York: Verso, 1991); Montserrat Guibernau, Nationalisms: The Nation-State and Nationalism in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1996); Charles Taylor, "Nationalism and Modernity," in The Morality of Nationalism, ed. Robert McKim and Jeff McMahan (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 31-55. Also see Alexis de Tocqueville, The Old Regime and the French Revolution (translated by Stuart Gilbert, New York: Anchor Books, 1983). Tocqueville brilliantly describes the process by which French society was "modernized" through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries so as to gradually destroy the medieval system of mutual obligations between peasantry and nobility and to weaken local and regional autonomy in its wake. He describes an alliance between modernizing reformers, the physiocrats (to whom he refers with not quite Burkean derision as the "Economists") and the crown. By the mid-eighteenth century, he writes, "freedom had been so long extinct in France that people had almost entirely forgotten what it meant and how it functioned" (165). The reforming "Economists," Turgot foremost among them, saw this decline of local autonomy and medieval duties and made common cause with the royal power. Tocqueville writes, "This was a 'new' power since it neither stemmed from the Middle Ages nor bore any mark of them, and despite its shortcomings the Economists saw in it great possibilities. Like them it favored equality among men and uniformity of law throughout the land. Again like them it had a strong aversion for all the ancient powers deriving from feudalism or associated with aristocracy. . . . In short, they set no limits to [the state's] rights and powers; its duty was not merely to reform but to transform the French nation" (161-62). Universal education, aimed in large measure at forging a national sensibility, was considered a primary means of this transformation. The French Revolution, Tocqueville concludes, merely culminates a process of transformation that had been underway for quite some time.
26. Karl Marx, "Manifesto of the Communist Party," in The Marx-Engels Reader, ed. Robert C. Tucker (New York: W.W. Norton, 1978), 476.
27. See Liah Greenfeld, "Transcending the Nation's Worth," Daedalus 122 (Summer 1993): 47-62. Greenfeld argues that modern nationalism "originated as a reaction - one of many possible reactions - to the structural contradictions of the society of orders". It conferred, in England, for example, a status on upwardly mobile commoners, asserting their claim to dignity as co-nationals with the aristocracy. In France and Russia, she claims, the nobility had lost status in the early modern period due to centralization of power in the state. The nobles, feeling "humiliated by the central power and deprived of any power of their own," turned from "estate identity" to a national one, thereby redefining their relation to the central power and conferring on themselves a new form of high status (51). Greenfeld's argument is largely persuasive and we are in some sense tracking its normative consequences.
28. Anderson, Imagined Communities.
29. Berger, "On the Obsolescence of the Concept of Honour," 155.
30. Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey. 1992. 505 U.S. 833.
31. We are influenced here by Joseph Raz's account of rights as grounded in fundamental human interests. Joseph Raz, The Morality of Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
32. Will Kymlicka, Liberalism, Community and Culture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989).
33. Taylor, The Ethics of Authenticity.
34. Religion is a likely place to look for a form of identification that may oppose a nationalist one, given that communities of faith cross national lines. Indeed, there are cases in early modern Europe where religious influences inhibit national integration, especially that of Italy. See Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: Redwood Burn Limited, Trowbridge & Esher, 1974). Yet, as Smith observes, though "nationalism is a fundamentally secular ideology, there is nothing unusual about religious nationalism. . . . Not only have nationalists often found it necessary to appeal to the religious sentiments of the masses, but they have also found it relatively easy to identify the nation with the religious community." Anthony Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991), 49.
35. Religion is a likely place to look for a form of identification that may oppose a nationalist one, given that communities of faith cross national lines. Indeed, there are cases in early modern Europe where religious influences inhibit national integration, especially that of Italy. See Perry Anderson, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: Redwood Burn Limited, Trowbridge & Esher, 1974). Yet, as Smith observes, though "nationalism is a fundamentally secular ideology, there is nothing unusual about religious nationalism. . . . Not only have nationalists often found it necessary to appeal to the religious sentiments of the masses, but they have also found it relatively easy to identify the nation with the religious community." Anthony Smith, National Identity (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1991), 49.
36. Tamir, Liberal Nationalism, 141.
37. David, Gutierrez, Walls and Mirrors: Mexican-Americans, Mexican Immigrants, and the Politics of Ethnicity (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), 185.
38. We previously explored the notions of orthodox and proceduralist/pluralist Americanism in Richard Sinopoli and Teena Gabrielson, "Pluralism and Identity Politics Today: Three Case Studies," in From Many, One, ed. Richard Sinopoli (Washington DC.: Georgetown University Press, 1997).
39. Frederick Jackson Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier in American History," (1893) in History, Frontier, and Section: Three Essays by Frederick Jackson Turner, introduction by Martin Ridge (Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1993).
40. Hector St. Jean de Crevecoeur, Letters From an American Farmer (New York: Penguin Books, [1782] 1981),70.
41. Thomas Jefferson, The Life and Selected Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Adrienne Koch and William Peden (New York: Random House, 1994), 533.
42. Crevecoeur, Letters, 70.
43. Turner, "The Significance of the Frontier," 60, emphasis added.
44. Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967); Perry Miller, Nature's Nation (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967).
45. Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967); Perry Miller, Nature's Nation (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1967).
46. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay. "Federalist Paper 1," in The Federalist Papers, introduction by Clinton Rossiter (New York: New American Library, 1961), 33.
47. Or, in the words of a young Kentuckian, William Arthur, in 1850; "How boldly and brightly the fourth of July stands upon the page of History! With what an electrical splendor it bursts upon the vision" and works a "vast and ennobling change [upon], the face of the earth" through the "universal diffusion of Christianity, Liberty and Science." Quoted in Sacvan Bercovitch, The American Jeremiad (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 148.
48. Lyman Beecher, A Plea for the West (Cincinnati: Truman & Smith, 1835), 44.
49. Know-Nothing Token, "America for Americans," ed. Anon. (New York: J.C. Derby, 1855), 42-43.
50. Here, we disagree in part with Michael Walzer's understanding of the Know-Nothings as civic republicans who were primarily concerned with protecting the purity of America's political institutions from the antidemocratic tendencies of those emigrating from authoritarian lands and who owed fealty to the Roman Catholic Church. It is difficult to disentangle political from cultural motivations and there is a clear link between civic republicanism and a reliance on cultural homogeneity. Nonetheless, the rhetoric of the Know-Nothings appeals as well to an exclusionary nationalist strain independent of their civic concerns. Indeed, the latter may well be the rationale for the former. See Michael Walzer, "What Does it Mean to be an 'American'?" Social Research 57 (Fall 1990): 591-614, 601.
51. Theodore Roosevelt, True Americanism (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, The Knickerbocker Press, 1897), 32, 49, 52, 49, emphasis added.
52. The term "melting pot" originated as the title of a play written by a Russian Jewish immigrant, Israel Zangwill, and was first performed in 1908. It contained the climactic line, "America is God's crucible, the great Melting-Pot where all the races of Europe are melting and reforming". When Theodore Roosevelt saw the play performed in Washington he praised the author effusively. See Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society (New York: W.W. Norton, 1992). However, the idea of the melting pot is consistent with the Orthodox framework and is suggested much earlier by Crevecoeur and others such as Frederick Jackson Turner and Ralph Waldo Emerson (with varying degrees of inclusiveness).
53. The authors disagree over the extent to which orthodox Americanism depicts an Anglo-Saxon ethnic American identity. Rather than attempt to bridge the authors' views, this essay follows the thoughts of the senior author, Richard Sinopoli.
54. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, 78.
55. James Madison, "Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments," (1785) in The Mind of the Founder: Sources of the Political Thought of James Madison, ed. Marvin Meyers (Hanover, MA: University Press of New England, 1973), 632.
56. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers, 38.
57. Du Bois, W. E. B. "The Conservation of the Races" (1897), in Writings of WEB Du Bois (New York: Viking Press, New American Library, 1986), 821, 822.
58. John Dewey, "Nationalizing Education," in Addresses and Proceedings (Ann Arbor: National Education Association of the United States, 1916); Horace M. Kallen, "Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American Nationality, Part Two," Nation 100 (February 25, 1915): 217-220; Edward Alfred Steiner, The Confession of a Hyphenated American (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1916).
59. John Dewey, "Nationalizing Education," in Addresses and Proceedings (Ann Arbor: National Education Association of the United States, 1916); Horace M. Kallen, "Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American Nationality, Part Two," Nation 100 (February 25, 1915): 217-220; Edward Alfred Steiner, The Confession of a Hyphenated American (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1916).
60. John Dewey, "Nationalizing Education," in Addresses and Proceedings (Ann Arbor: National Education Association of the United States, 1916); Horace M. Kallen, "Democracy Versus the Melting-Pot: A Study of American Nationality, Part Two," Nation 100 (February 25, 1915): 217-220; Edward Alfred Steiner, The Confession of a Hyphenated American (New York: Fleming H. Revell Co., 1916).
61. Kallen, "Democracy," 220.
62. Dewey, "Nationalizing Education," 185.
63. John Rawls, "The Idea of an Overlapping Consensus," Oxford Journal of Legal Studies 7 (Spring 1987): 1-25.
64. Georg Friedrich Hegel, Philosophy of Right, translated by T. M. Knox (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1821, 1952), 162-63.
65. The pluralist conception of national identity does have an orientation towards the good, but it is thinner because it prioritizes the right over the good. Further, belonging is primarily found in the smaller communities made possible by a liberal state and only indirectly in the nation for protecting those communities.
66. Michael Walzer, On Toleration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), 104.
67. David Miller, On Nationality (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), 128-30.
68. Robert Putnam, "Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital," Journal of Democracy 6 (January 1995): 65-77; Michael Walzer, On Toleration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); Cornel West, Race Matters (New York: Vintage Books, 1993).
69. Robert Putnam, "Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital," Journal of Democracy 6 (January 1995): 65-77; Michael Walzer, On Toleration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); Cornel West, Race Matters (New York: Vintage Books, 1993).
70. Robert Putnam, "Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital," Journal of Democracy 6 (January 1995): 65-77; Michael Walzer, On Toleration (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997); Cornel West, Race Matters (New York: Vintage Books, 1993).
71. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. J. P. Mayer, trans. George Lawrence (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1969), 508.
72. This is borne out by the National Election Studies surveys which have asked the same questions regarding trust since the early 1960s. Data from this survey demonstrating the decline in trust in national government are cited widely. See, for example, William H. Flanigan and Nancy H. Zingale, Political Behavior of the American Electorate (Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press, 1994), 137.
73. We do not have the same rich survey resources to measure patriotism that we do for trust in government or efficacy. One indication of constancy, over an admittedly narrow time span, is provided by Gallup, which records overall favorable ratings of the United States by American citizens of 93% in 1976 and 95% in 1989. This is to be sure a broad gauge but it illustrates our point, especially since 1976, on the heels of Watergate and the Nixon pardon, was close to an historical low point in measures of trust in government. George Gallup, Jr., The Gallup Poll: Public Opinion 1989 (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources Inc., 1989), 98.
74. Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 256.