From habitus to mouth: Language and class in Bourdieu's sociology of language

Theory and Society

Volumn 28, Issue 6, 1999, Pages 879-901

  Myles, John ^a  

^a DURHAM UNIVERSITY   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

EID: 0033260695     PISSN: 03042421     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1023/A:1007070332177     Document Type: Article

References (128)

1. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
2. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
3. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
4. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
5. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
6. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
7. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
8. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
9. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
10. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
11. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
12. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
13. The earliest translation into English was Pierre Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 16/6 (1977): 645-668, while the principal collection of essays in English came out in P. Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, ed. John Thompson (Cambridge: Polity, 1991). A pioneering commentary is to be found in John Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), and John Thompson, editor, "Introduction" to Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, other, more recent commentaries are to be found in Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control, Identity (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and Habitus: Comparing the Accounts of Bourdieu and Bernstein," British Journal of the Sociology of Education 14/2 (1993): 169-178, W. F. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics in Linguistic Practice," Bourdieu - Critical Perspectives, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: Polity, 1993). "Critical language," studies often refer to Bourdieu but do not really apply his ideas, for example: Norman Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), M. Heller, "Language Choice, Social Institutions, and Symbolic Domination," Language in Society 24 (1995): 373-405, T. Crowley, Language in History: Theories and Texts (London: Routledge, 1996): Judith Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997). Recently, more challenging use of Bourdieu has appeared in Mike Grenfell's work, ironically in a socio-linguistic study of variation in "censorship" in Orleans, "The Linguistic Market in Orleans," France: Nation and State, ed. M. Kelly and R. Bock, (Southampton: Association for the Study of Modern and Contemporary France, 1993), and pedagogic discourse: Mike Grenfell, "Language and the Classroom," Bourdieu and Education, ed. Mike Grenfell and Davis Jones (London: Falmer Press, 1998).
14. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
15. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
16. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
17. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
18. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
19. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
20. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
21. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
22. For example, Bourdieu's ideas have a potentially radical impact in some of the debates facing critical theoretical linguistics (i.e., R. Harris, The Language Myth (London: Duckworth, 1981)), semantics, grammar, and register (particularly the work of Michael Halliday, Learning How to Mean (London: Edward Arnold, 1975); Language as Social Semiotic (London: Edward Arnold, 1978)), lexical studies (e.g., J. Aitchison, Words in Mind (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994)), socio-linguistics (e.g., L. Milroy, Language and Social Networks, Oxford: Blackwell, 1989)), and studies of dialect (P. Trudgill and J. K. Chambers, Dialects of English (London: Longman, 1991)) and other class differences in language use such as accent (John C. Wells, Accents of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982)), or language and social etiquette: P. Brown and S. Levinson, Politeness (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), J. Holmes, Women, Men and Politeness (London: Longman, 1995).
23. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
24. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
25. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
26. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
27. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
28. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
29. For example, in critical feminist linguistics (Deborah Cameron, "Theoretical Debates in Feminist Linguistics: Questions of Sex and Gender," Gender ami Discourse, ed. R. Wodak (London: Sage, 1997); Robin Lakoff, Language and Women's Place (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), sexuality and language, (K. Harvey and C. Shalom, editors, Narratives, Language and Desire (London: Routledge, 1977), or studies of race, D. Sutcliffe, British Black English (Oxford: Blackwell, 1982); language, power and subjectivity, I. Parker, Discourse Dynamics (London: Routledge, 1992); or language and the body, Michael Argyle, Bodily Communication (London: Methuen, 1988), and P. Bull, Body Movement and Interpersonal Communication (Chichester: John Wiley, 1984).
30. For example, in interactionist studies, Paul Drew and Anthony Wootton, Erving Goffman: Explaining the Interactional Order (Cambridge: Polity, 1988), and ethnomethodological and conversational analysis studies, John Atkinson, Our Master's Voices (London: Methuen, 1984), Paul Drew and John Heritage, Talk at Work (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), Christian Heath, "Pain Talk: The Expression of Suffering in the Medical Consultation," Social Psychology Quarterly 52/2 (1989): 113-125.
31. For example, in interactionist studies, Paul Drew and Anthony Wootton, Erving Goffman: Explaining the Interactional Order (Cambridge: Polity, 1988), and ethnomethodological and conversational analysis studies, John Atkinson, Our Master's Voices (London: Methuen, 1984), Paul Drew and John Heritage, Talk at Work (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), Christian Heath, "Pain Talk: The Expression of Suffering in the Medical Consultation," Social Psychology Quarterly 52/2 (1989): 113-125.
32. For example, in interactionist studies, Paul Drew and Anthony Wootton, Erving Goffman: Explaining the Interactional Order (Cambridge: Polity, 1988), and ethnomethodological and conversational analysis studies, John Atkinson, Our Master's Voices (London: Methuen, 1984), Paul Drew and John Heritage, Talk at Work (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), Christian Heath, "Pain Talk: The Expression of Suffering in the Medical Consultation," Social Psychology Quarterly 52/2 (1989): 113-125.
33. For example, in interactionist studies, Paul Drew and Anthony Wootton, Erving Goffman: Explaining the Interactional Order (Cambridge: Polity, 1988), and ethnomethodological and conversational analysis studies, John Atkinson, Our Master's Voices (London: Methuen, 1984), Paul Drew and John Heritage, Talk at Work (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), Christian Heath, "Pain Talk: The Expression of Suffering in the Medical Consultation," Social Psychology Quarterly 52/2 (1989): 113-125.
34. See the exchange between Harker and May, "Code and Habitus," and Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control and Identity, also Dell Hymes, Ethnography, Linguistics. Narrative Inequality (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), 188-189.
35. See the exchange between Harker and May, "Code and Habitus," and Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control and Identity, also Dell Hymes, Ethnography, Linguistics. Narrative Inequality (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), 188-189.
36. See the exchange between Harker and May, "Code and Habitus," and Basil Bernstein, Pedagogy, Symbolic Control and Identity, also Dell Hymes, Ethnography, Linguistics. Narrative Inequality (London: Taylor and Francis, 1996), 188-189.
37. See also, Paul Atkinson, Language, Structure and Reproduction. An Introduction to the Sociology of Basil Bernstein ( London: Methuen, 1985), 114, on this in relation to similarities between Bernstein and Halliday's projects.
38. Pierre Bourdieu, "Understanding," Theory, Culture and Society 13 (1996): 17-37.
39. See Pierre Bourdieu, "Commentary on the Commentaries," Contemporary Sociology 57: 158-161, for his attitude toward the influence of ethnomethodology on French sociology during the late 1980s and to any suggestion that his work may have been influenced by it. Hymes suggests that as ethnometliodology starts to overcome its early methodological and epistemological desire to "expose sociology" it may be "the trend in sociology from which a sociological linguistics can be hoped for," Ethnography 90.
40. See Pierre Bourdieu, "Commentary on the Commentaries," Contemporary Sociology 57: 158-161, for his attitude toward the influence of ethnomethodology on French sociology during the late 1980s and to any suggestion that his work may have been influenced by it. Hymes suggests that as ethnometliodology starts to overcome its early methodological and epistemological desire to "expose sociology" it may be "the trend in sociology from which a sociological linguistics can be hoped for," Ethnography 90.
41. A. Wootton, Dilemmas of Discourse (London: Aller and Unwin, 1975): 25.
42. I.e., a position similar to that of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1968).
43. M. Pêcheux, "Discourse - Structure or Event?" in C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, editors, Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan, 1988), 645. Also termed by Volosinov as "abstract objectivism" and "individual-subjectivism," V. N. Volosinov, Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (London: Seminar Press, 1993), 48-56. Bourdieu couches it more in Humbold ian terms as ergon and energeia (P. Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice 94). Pêcheux has in mind Saussurian developments but both he and Bourdieu are concerned by the degeneration of this "relational approach" in more positivist developments, e.g., B. Malmberg, Structural Linguistics and Human Communication (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1967).
44. M. Pêcheux, "Discourse - Structure or Event?" in C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, editors, Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan, 1988), 645. Also termed by Volosinov as "abstract objectivism" and "individual-subjectivism," V. N. Volosinov, Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (London: Seminar Press, 1993), 48-56. Bourdieu couches it more in Humbold ian terms as ergon and energeia (P. Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice 94). Pêcheux has in mind Saussurian developments but both he and Bourdieu are concerned by the degeneration of this "relational approach" in more positivist developments, e.g., B. Malmberg, Structural Linguistics and Human Communication (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1967).
45. M. Pêcheux, "Discourse - Structure or Event?" in C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, editors, Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan, 1988), 645. Also termed by Volosinov as "abstract objectivism" and "individual-subjectivism," V. N. Volosinov, Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (London: Seminar Press, 1993), 48-56. Bourdieu couches it more in Humbold ian terms as ergon and energeia (P. Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice 94). Pêcheux has in mind Saussurian developments but both he and Bourdieu are concerned by the degeneration of this "relational approach" in more positivist developments, e.g., B. Malmberg, Structural Linguistics and Human Communication (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1967).
46. M. Pêcheux, "Discourse - Structure or Event?" in C. Nelson and L. Grossberg, editors, Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (London: Macmillan, 1988), 645. Also termed by Volosinov as "abstract objectivism" and "individual-subjectivism," V. N. Volosinov, Marxism and the Philosophy of Language (London: Seminar Press, 1993), 48-56. Bourdieu couches it more in Humbold ian terms as ergon and energeia (P. Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice 94). Pêcheux has in mind Saussurian developments but both he and Bourdieu are concerned by the degeneration of this "relational approach" in more positivist developments, e.g., B. Malmberg, Structural Linguistics and Human Communication (New York: Springer-Verlag, 1967).
47. "The object of linguistics, that which is proper to the langue, thus appears to be traversed by a discursive division between two spaces: that of the manipulation of stabilized significations, normalized by pedagogical hygiene of thought, and that of transformation of meaning escaping from all a priori assignable norms, the work of meaning on meaning, grasped as an indefinite "rebirth" of interpretations. The frontier between the two is difficult to determine in that there exists a whole intermediate zone of discursive provesses ... oscillating around it." M. Pêcheux, "Discourse," 646.
48. Pêcheux, "Discourse," ibid.
49. Bernstein, Pedagogy, 102.
50. Bernstein, Pedagogy, 111, author's italics.
51. Bernstein, Pedagogy, 102.
52. "Bernstein can only talk about "subjects" and ever then only rarely. The possibilities of contradiction, challenge and change in the code theory are not as apparent as Bernstein would have us believe. Rather, as a general social theory, Bernstein's formulation is limited by the inflexibility of the concept of code, and the difficulty of generalising it," R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and habitus," 177. However, Bernstein gives a spirited defense of his position by arguing that his concept of rule has characteristics that are similar to Bourdieu's notion of strategy: "... rules become resources for appropriation in the construction of specific pedagogic practices/communications and contexts. They also become sources of challenge and defence. How the rules are realized as resources is a function of classification and framing produced by the power and control relations of those groups dominating the specific realizations," Pedagogy, 192.
53. "Bernstein can only talk about "subjects" and ever then only rarely. The possibilities of contradiction, challenge and change in the code theory are not as apparent as Bernstein would have us believe. Rather, as a general social theory, Bernstein's formulation is limited by the inflexibility of the concept of code, and the difficulty of generalising it," R. Harker and S.A. May, "Code and habitus," 177. However, Bernstein gives a spirited defense of his position by arguing that his concept of rule has characteristics that are similar to Bourdieu's notion of strategy: "... rules become resources for appropriation in the construction of specific pedagogic practices/communications and contexts. They also become sources of challenge and defence. How the rules are realized as resources is a function of classification and framing produced by the power and control relations of those groups dominating the specific realizations," Pedagogy, 192.
54. P. Brown and S. Levinson, "Social Structure, Groups and Interaction," ed. K. R. Scherer and H. Giles, Social Markers in Speech (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979).
55. Bourdieu, Language, 76.
56. See Edmund Husserl, "On the Phenomenology of the Consciousness of Internal Time," Collected Works IV 1893-1917 (London/Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1991): 127.
57. Pierre Bourdieu, In Other Words (Cambridge: Polity, 1990): 111-112.
58. B. Bernstein, Class, Codes and Control: Volume One (London: Paladin, 1973): 78-79. Grenfell, "The Linguistic Market in Oreleans," 81 .
59. B. Bernstein, Class, Codes and Control: Volume One (London: Paladin, 1973): 78-79. Grenfell, "The Linguistic Market in Oreleans," 81 .
60. See the quote from Julie Birchill at note 48 below, highlighting how class groups "invest" to different levels in language.
61. Bourdieu, Logic, 39; In Other Words, 9.
62. Bourdieu, Logic, 39; In Other Words, 9.
63. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 9; D. Pole, The Later Philosophy of Wittgenstein (London: Athlone Press, 1963), 18.
64. Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 9; D. Pole, The Later Philosophy of Wittgenstein (London: Athlone Press, 1963), 18.
65. C. Taylor, "To Follow a Rule," Bourdieu, Critical Perspectives, ed. C. Calhoun (et al.), (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), 48-59.
66. Bourdieu notes that "dispositions can be imagined by analogy with Chomsky's generative grammar - with this difference: I am talking about dispositions acquired through experience, thus variable from place to place and time to time," Bourdieu, In Other Words, 9.
67. On conversation see, Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, passim; on art, see Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), and on law, Pierre Bourdieu, "The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field," The Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987): 805-853.
68. On conversation see, Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, passim; on art, see Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), and on law, Pierre Bourdieu, "The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field," The Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987): 805-853.
69. On conversation see, Pierre Bourdieu, Language and Symbolic Power, passim; on art, see Pierre Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production (Cambridge: Polity, 1993), and on law, Pierre Bourdieu, "The Force of Law: Toward a Sociology of the Juridical Field," The Hastings Law Journal 38 (1987): 805-853.
70. Bourdieu, Language, 37-38.
71. Bourdieu gives as an example of gender differences: "It is surely no accident that popular usage condenses the opposition between the bourgeois relation and the popular relation to language in the sexually over-determined opposition between two words for the mouth: la bouche, which is more closed, pinched, i.e., tense and consored [sic], and therefore feminine, and la guele, unashamedly wide open, as in "split" (fendue, se fendre la guele, "split oneself laughing"), i.e., relaxed and free, and therefore masculine," Language 86. However, as the poet Tony Harrison notes, class differences in language are also embodied or "thickened" in a similar way: "The stutter of the scold out of the / branks of condescension, class and counter class / thickens with glottals to a lumpen mass / of Ludding morphemes closing up their ranks," Collected Poetry (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985).
72. Bourdieu gives as an example of gender differences: "It is surely no accident that popular usage condenses the opposition between the bourgeois relation and the popular relation to language in the sexually over-determined opposition between two words for the mouth: la bouche, which is more closed, pinched, i.e., tense and consored [sic], and therefore feminine, and la guele, unashamedly wide open, as in "split" (fendue, se fendre la guele, "split oneself laughing"), i.e., relaxed and free, and therefore masculine," Language 86. However, as the poet Tony Harrison notes, class differences in language are also embodied or "thickened" in a similar way: "The stutter of the scold out of the / branks of condescension, class and counter class / thickens with glottals to a lumpen mass / of Ludding morphemes closing up their ranks," Collected Poetry (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1985).
73. P. Bourdieu, Distinction (London: Routledge, 1987): 101-106.
74. P. Bourdieu, In Other Words, 133.
75. Thus a class often defines itself by the topics it will or will not speak on. In Kureishi's The Buddha of Suburbia, the protagonist Karim reflects on the contrast between his lower-class origins and his girlfriend Eleanor's upper middle-class ability to speak on artistic subjects: "We were proud of never learning anything except the names of footballers, the personnel of rock groups and the lyrics of "I am the Walrus" ... For Eleanor's crowd hard words and sophisticated ideas were in the air they breathed from birth, and this language was the currency that bought you the best of what the world could offer. But for us it could only ever be a second language, consciously acquired," in H. Kureishi, The Buddha of Suburbia (London: Faber, 1990): 178.
76. Thus a class often defines itself by the topics it will or will not speak on. In Kureishi's The Buddha of Suburbia, the protagonist Karim reflects on the contrast between his lower-class origins and his girlfriend Eleanor's upper middle-class ability to speak on artistic subjects: "We were proud of never learning anything except the names of footballers, the personnel of rock groups and the lyrics of "I am the Walrus" ... For Eleanor's crowd hard words and sophisticated ideas were in the air they breathed from birth, and this language was the currency that bought you the best of what the world could offer. But for us it could only ever be a second language, consciously acquired," in H. Kureishi, The Buddha of Suburbia (London: Faber, 1990): 178.
77. Bernstein characterizes public language in a number of dimensions but notes "short, grammatically simple, often unfinished sentences, a poor syntactical construction with a verbal form stressing active mode" and "it is a language of implicit meaning," Bernstein, Class, 62-63.
78. Bernstein, Class, 63.
79. "I would talk of constructivist structuralism or structuralist constructivism, taking the word structuralist in a sense very different from that given to it by Saussurean or Levi-Straussian tradition. By structuralism ... I mean that there exist, in the social world itself, and not merely in symbolic systems, language, myth etc., objective structures which are independent of the consciousness and desires of agents and are capable of guiding or constraining their practices and representations. By constructivism, I mean that there is a social genesis on the one hand of the patterns of perception, thought and action which are constitutive of what I call the habitus, and on the other hand of social structures, and in particular of what I call fields and groups, especially of what are usually called social classes," Bourdieu, In Other Words, 123.
80. W. Labov, Sociolinguistic Patterns (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1972).
81. Today a Liverpool "Scouse" accent is poorly evaluated but it was highly regarded in the 1960s due to being "symbolically boosted" in value by "working-class heroes" like the Beatles.
82. P. Bourdieu, "Sociology in Question (London: Sage, 1993), 79.
83. Or, "meconnaissance," P. Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977): 21.
84. Paul Willis, Learning to Labour (Aldershot: Gower, 1977).
85. Kureishi's Karim continues his reflections and notes this limit to critical reflexivity: "What idiots we were! How misinformed! Why did i't we understand that we were happily condemning ourselves to being nothing better than motor-mechanics? Why couldn't we see that?" However, as Willis points out, it is important to see "local, or institutional logic and a larger class logic. The larger class logic could not develop and be articulated without these regional instances of struggle, nor could, however, these instances be differentiated internally and structured systematically in relation to other instances and the reproduction of the whole without the larger logic," Learning to Labour, 121.
86. See Bernstein, Class, 78.
87. Bourdieu, Language, 77.
88. Willis gives an example of how a working-class father feels constrained at a school parents'evening: "I can't get up in a room and talk against teachers, like, I couldn't talk against you because I'd be flabbergasted, I'd be 'umming' and 'ahhing,' and I'd be worried stiff you know ... If I could have been in a room with 'im [the head of school] you know, on his own, without anybody hearing us, I could have said ... you're full of bull,'" Learning to Labour, 74.
89. Bourdieu, Language, 80.
90. Thompson, Studies in the Theory of Ideology, 51.
91. Bourdieu has explicitly rejected deficit theories, P. Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 6/7 (1977), 645-668. However, this type of interpretation may be a result of Bourdieu's engagement with Panofsky's structuralism and the idea of "schemes of perception" as an aspect of the habitus: "It follows that style, whether it be a matter of poetry as compared with prose or of the diction of a particular (social, sexual or generational) class compared with that of another class, exists only in relation to agents endowed with schemes of perception and appreciation that enabled them to constitute it, as a set of systematic differences, apprehended syncretically." P. Bourdieu, Language, 38-39. For a discussion of the influence of Panofsky on Bourdieu, see J. Codd, "Making Distinctions: The Eye of the Beholder," ed. R. Harker et al., An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu (London: Macmillian, 1990). There is, also, no doubt that socialization practices play a part in the embodiment of linguistic orientations, so that working-class speakers, for example, are less likely to invest in a broad "elaborated" range of linguistic resources due to the practical sense derived from their habitus. Thus, the journalist Julie Birchall has commented that "Speech has always been my second language. To some extent, I was brought up to think that people who talked a lot were in some small way mad. I grew up in a quiet household among a people who provided a hat trick of reticence: the English West Country working-class. To say we did not talk about our feelings is to put it mildly ... Interestingly, though it is young working-class men whom we most associate with all types of noise pollution, I find that it is upper-middle-class women who tend to talk the loudest about personal issues," Guardian Weekend, October 24, 1998. However, euphemization or self-censorship provide important concepts for understanding how in everyday contexts our use of language is "class conditioned."
92. Bourdieu has explicitly rejected deficit theories, P. Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 6/7 (1977), 645-668. However, this type of interpretation may be a result of Bourdieu's engagement with Panofsky's structuralism and the idea of "schemes of perception" as an aspect of the habitus: "It follows that style, whether it be a matter of poetry as compared with prose or of the diction of a particular (social, sexual or generational) class compared with that of another class, exists only in relation to agents endowed with schemes of perception and appreciation that enabled them to constitute it, as a set of systematic differences, apprehended syncretically." P. Bourdieu, Language, 38-39. For a discussion of the influence of Panofsky on Bourdieu, see J. Codd, "Making Distinctions: The Eye of the Beholder," ed. R. Harker et al., An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu (London: Macmillian, 1990). There is, also, no doubt that socialization practices play a part in the embodiment of linguistic orientations, so that working-class speakers, for example, are less likely to invest in a broad "elaborated" range of linguistic resources due to the practical sense derived from their habitus. Thus, the journalist Julie Birchall has commented that "Speech has always been my second language. To some extent, I was brought up to think that people who talked a lot were in some small way mad. I grew up in a quiet household among a people who provided a hat trick of reticence: the English West Country working-class. To say we did not talk about our feelings is to put it mildly ... Interestingly, though it is young working-class men whom we most associate with all types of noise pollution, I find that it is upper-middle-class women who tend to talk the loudest about personal issues," Guardian Weekend, October 24, 1998. However, euphemization or self-censorship provide important concepts for understanding how in everyday contexts our use of language is "class conditioned."
93. Bourdieu has explicitly rejected deficit theories, P. Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 6/7 (1977), 645-668. However, this type of interpretation may be a result of Bourdieu's engagement with Panofsky's structuralism and the idea of "schemes of perception" as an aspect of the habitus: "It follows that style, whether it be a matter of poetry as compared with prose or of the diction of a particular (social, sexual or generational) class compared with that of another class, exists only in relation to agents endowed with schemes of perception and appreciation that enabled them to constitute it, as a set of systematic differences, apprehended syncretically." P. Bourdieu, Language, 38-39. For a discussion of the influence of Panofsky on Bourdieu, see J. Codd, "Making Distinctions: The Eye of the Beholder," ed. R. Harker et al., An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu (London: Macmillian, 1990). There is, also, no doubt that socialization practices play a part in the embodiment of linguistic orientations, so that working-class speakers, for example, are less likely to invest in a broad "elaborated" range of linguistic resources due to the practical sense derived from their habitus. Thus, the journalist Julie Birchall has commented that "Speech has always been my second language. To some extent, I was brought up to think that people who talked a lot were in some small way mad. I grew up in a quiet household among a people who provided a hat trick of reticence: the English West Country working-class. To say we did not talk about our feelings is to put it mildly ... Interestingly, though it is young working-class men whom we most associate with all types of noise pollution, I find that it is upper-middle-class women who tend to talk the loudest about personal issues," Guardian Weekend, October 24, 1998. However, euphemization or self-censorship provide important concepts for understanding how in everyday contexts our use of language is "class conditioned."
94. Bourdieu has explicitly rejected deficit theories, P. Bourdieu, "The Economics of Linguistic Exchanges," Social Science Information 6/7 (1977), 645-668. However, this type of interpretation may be a result of Bourdieu's engagement with Panofsky's structuralism and the idea of "schemes of perception" as an aspect of the habitus: "It follows that style, whether it be a matter of poetry as compared with prose or of the diction of a particular (social, sexual or generational) class compared with that of another class, exists only in relation to agents endowed with schemes of perception and appreciation that enabled them to constitute it, as a set of systematic differences, apprehended syncretically." P. Bourdieu, Language, 38-39. For a discussion of the influence of Panofsky on Bourdieu, see J. Codd, "Making Distinctions: The Eye of the Beholder," ed. R. Harker et al., An Introduction to the Work of Pierre Bourdieu (London: Macmillian, 1990). There is, also, no doubt that socialization practices play a part in the embodiment of linguistic orientations, so that working-class speakers, for example, are less likely to invest in a broad "elaborated" range of linguistic resources due to the practical sense derived from their habitus. Thus, the journalist Julie Birchall has commented that "Speech has always been my second language. To some extent, I was brought up to think that people who talked a lot were in some small way mad. I grew up in a quiet household among a people who provided a hat trick of reticence: the English West Country working-class. To say we did not talk about our feelings is to put it mildly ... Interestingly, though it is young working-class men whom we most associate with all types of noise pollution, I find that it is upper-middle-class women who tend to talk the loudest about personal issues," Guardian Weekend, October 24, 1998. However, euphemization or self-censorship provide important concepts for understanding how in everyday contexts our use of language is "class conditioned."
95. Fairclough, Discourse and Social Change, 144.
96. Bourdieu, Language, 81-84.
97. As James Kelman notes in relation to his own relationship to the literary field: " ... just to be an ordinary writer in the way if you're a white upper class man you're at home in the world, in the language. If you're a writer from the working classes, black, a woman, gay, Irish, from Yorkshire, there'd be things you'd need to get rid of, that you'd bump your head against," The Guardian Weekend, July 18, 1998.
98. "To institute, to give a social definition, an identity, is also to impose boundaries," Bourdieu, Language, 120.
99. In regard to political struggles and the construction of classes, Bourdieu notes: "The management of names is one of the instruments of the management of material scarcity, and the names of groups ... record a particular state of struggles and negotiations over the official designations and material and symbolic advantages associated with them," Bourdieu, Language, 240.
100. "Speaking generally, it is always necessary that the circumstances in which the words are uttered should be in some way, or ways, appropriate, and it is very commonly necessary that either speaker himself or other persons should also perform certain other actions, whether "physical" or "mental" actions or even acts of uttering further words." J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), 8. For a critical commentary similar to Bourdieu's, see J. Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997), 147.
101. "Speaking generally, it is always necessary that the circumstances in which the words are uttered should be in some way, or ways, appropriate, and it is very commonly necessary that either speaker himself or other persons should also perform certain other actions, whether "physical" or "mental" actions or even acts of uttering further words." J. L. Austin, How to Do Things with Words (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962), 8. For a critical commentary similar to Bourdieu's, see J. Butler, Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Performative (London: Routledge, 1997), 147.
102. Actually, Bourdieu admires Austin's work and argues that his criticisms should now be seen as "aimed at formalist readings which have reduced Austin's sociological indications ... to analyses of pure logic," Bourdieu, In Other Words, 29.
103. Bourdieu, Language, 75.
104. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics," 140; Harker and May, "Code and Habitus," 176.
105. Hanks, "Notes on Semantics," 140; Harker and May, "Code and Habitus," 176.
106. Bourdieu, Outline, 3.
107. Indexicality of meaning in this respect is somewhat similar to that construed in Charles Pierce's terms as a sign that must represent its object by taking "... a real correspondence with it as a tally does quarts of milk, and a vane in the wind," Charles S. Pierce. Writings of Charles Pierce, Volume I, 1857-1866 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). But ethnomethodologists have in mind the work of Husserl in this area, thus Garfinkel: "Properties that are exhibited by accounts (by reason of their being features of the socially organized occasions of their use) are available from studies by logicians as the properties of indexical expressions and indexical sentences. Husserl spoke of expressions whose sense cannot be decided by an auditor without his necessarily knowing or assuming something about the biography and the purposes of the user of the expression, the circumstance of the utterance, the previous course of the conversation, or the particular relationship of actual or potential interaction that exists between the expresser and the auditor." Howard Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall). See also its usage in: J. D. Douglas, editor, Understanding Everyday Life (London: RKP, 1971), 33; D. L. Wieder, Language and Social Reality (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). Fundamentally, the ethnomethodologists take this path because they "refuse to treat the community (the appropriate set of relevances) as a previously given context, and to explore the ways in which utterances in everyday speech (however grammatical or not) constitute a community (through articulating a set of relevances) as a more or less adequate context for communication," David Chaney, "Community and Communication," Communication 7 (1982): 1-32.
108. Indexicality of meaning in this respect is somewhat similar to that construed in Charles Pierce's terms as a sign that must represent its object by taking "... a real correspondence with it as a tally does quarts of milk, and a vane in the wind," Charles S. Pierce. Writings of Charles Pierce, Volume I, 1857-1866 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). But ethnomethodologists have in mind the work of Husserl in this area, thus Garfinkel: "Properties that are exhibited by accounts (by reason of their being features of the socially organized occasions of their use) are available from studies by logicians as the properties of indexical expressions and indexical sentences. Husserl spoke of expressions whose sense cannot be decided by an auditor without his necessarily knowing or assuming something about the biography and the purposes of the user of the expression, the circumstance of the utterance, the previous course of the conversation, or the particular relationship of actual or potential interaction that exists between the expresser and the auditor." Howard Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall). See also its usage in: J. D. Douglas, editor, Understanding Everyday Life (London: RKP, 1971), 33; D. L. Wieder, Language and Social Reality (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). Fundamentally, the ethnomethodologists take this path because they "refuse to treat the community (the appropriate set of relevances) as a previously given context, and to explore the ways in which utterances in everyday speech (however grammatical or not) constitute a community (through articulating a set of relevances) as a more or less adequate context for communication," David Chaney, "Community and Communication," Communication 7 (1982): 1-32.
109. Indexicality of meaning in this respect is somewhat similar to that construed in Charles Pierce's terms as a sign that must represent its object by taking "... a real correspondence with it as a tally does quarts of milk, and a vane in the wind," Charles S. Pierce. Writings of Charles Pierce, Volume I, 1857-1866 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). But ethnomethodologists have in mind the work of Husserl in this area, thus Garfinkel: "Properties that are exhibited by accounts (by reason of their being features of the socially organized occasions of their use) are available from studies by logicians as the properties of indexical expressions and indexical sentences. Husserl spoke of expressions whose sense cannot be decided by an auditor without his necessarily knowing or assuming something about the biography and the purposes of the user of the expression, the circumstance of the utterance, the previous course of the conversation, or the particular relationship of actual or potential interaction that exists between the expresser and the auditor." Howard Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall). See also its usage in: J. D. Douglas, editor, Understanding Everyday Life (London: RKP, 1971), 33; D. L. Wieder, Language and Social Reality (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). Fundamentally, the ethnomethodologists take this path because they "refuse to treat the community (the appropriate set of relevances) as a previously given context, and to explore the ways in which utterances in everyday speech (however grammatical or not) constitute a community (through articulating a set of relevances) as a more or less adequate context for communication," David Chaney, "Community and Communication," Communication 7 (1982): 1-32.
110. Indexicality of meaning in this respect is somewhat similar to that construed in Charles Pierce's terms as a sign that must represent its object by taking "... a real correspondence with it as a tally does quarts of milk, and a vane in the wind," Charles S. Pierce. Writings of Charles Pierce, Volume I, 1857-1866 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). But ethnomethodologists have in mind the work of Husserl in this area, thus Garfinkel: "Properties that are exhibited by accounts (by reason of their being features of the socially organized occasions of their use) are available from studies by logicians as the properties of indexical expressions and indexical sentences. Husserl spoke of expressions whose sense cannot be decided by an auditor without his necessarily knowing or assuming something about the biography and the purposes of the user of the expression, the circumstance of the utterance, the previous course of the conversation, or the particular relationship of actual or potential interaction that exists between the expresser and the auditor." Howard Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall). See also its usage in: J. D. Douglas, editor, Understanding Everyday Life (London: RKP, 1971), 33; D. L. Wieder, Language and Social Reality (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). Fundamentally, the ethnomethodologists take this path because they "refuse to treat the community (the appropriate set of relevances) as a previously given context, and to explore the ways in which utterances in everyday speech (however grammatical or not) constitute a community (through articulating a set of relevances) as a more or less adequate context for communication," David Chaney, "Community and Communication," Communication 7 (1982): 1-32.
111. Indexicality of meaning in this respect is somewhat similar to that construed in Charles Pierce's terms as a sign that must represent its object by taking "... a real correspondence with it as a tally does quarts of milk, and a vane in the wind," Charles S. Pierce. Writings of Charles Pierce, Volume I, 1857-1866 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1982). But ethnomethodologists have in mind the work of Husserl in this area, thus Garfinkel: "Properties that are exhibited by accounts (by reason of their being features of the socially organized occasions of their use) are available from studies by logicians as the properties of indexical expressions and indexical sentences. Husserl spoke of expressions whose sense cannot be decided by an auditor without his necessarily knowing or assuming something about the biography and the purposes of the user of the expression, the circumstance of the utterance, the previous course of the conversation, or the particular relationship of actual or potential interaction that exists between the expresser and the auditor." Howard Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall). See also its usage in: J. D. Douglas, editor, Understanding Everyday Life (London: RKP, 1971), 33; D. L. Wieder, Language and Social Reality (The Hague: Mouton, 1974). Fundamentally, the ethnomethodologists take this path because they "refuse to treat the community (the appropriate set of relevances) as a previously given context, and to explore the ways in which utterances in everyday speech (however grammatical or not) constitute a community (through articulating a set of relevances) as a more or less adequate context for communication," David Chaney, "Community and Communication," Communication 7 (1982): 1-32.
112. J. Heritage, editor, Garfinkel and Ethnomethodology (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1984), 109.
113. Bourdieu, Outline, 81.
114. P. Bourdieu, Introduction to Reflexive Sociology (Cambridge: Polity, 1992), 144.
115. "From our point of view, formulations are constiuent features of the setting in which they are done. A formulation's good or bad sense, success in illuminating the order of affairs it depicts, truth or falsity, recognizability as being about the order of affairs whose features it describes, and so on, are contingent accomplishments of the settings in which they are done," D. Zimmerman and H. Pollner, "The Everyday World as Phenomena," Douglas, Understanding Everyday Life, 102. See also, Heritage, Garfinkel, 133.
116. "From our point of view, formulations are constiuent features of the setting in which they are done. A formulation's good or bad sense, success in illuminating the order of affairs it depicts, truth or falsity, recognizability as being about the order of affairs whose features it describes, and so on, are contingent accomplishments of the settings in which they are done," D. Zimmerman and H. Pollner, "The Everyday World as Phenomena," Douglas, Understanding Everyday Life, 102. See also, Heritage, Garfinkel, 133.
117. Bourdieu, Language, 147-148.
118. D. Zimmerman and D. Boden, editors, "Introduction," Talk and Social Structure (Cambridge: Polity, 1991), 12-14.
119. E. Goffman, "Felicity's Condition," American Journal of Sociology 89/1 (1983: 23-24.
120. Zimmerman and Boden, Talk and Social Structure, 7-8.
121. For his view on science, see P. Bourdieu, "The Specificity of the Scientific Field," ed. C. Lemert, French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal Since 1968 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981). Essentially, Bourdieu takes the view that there is a need for what Toulmin calls a "language-shift" for truly social scientific discourse. S. Toulmin, The Philosophy of Science (London: Hutchinson, 1953), 13.
122. For his view on science, see P. Bourdieu, "The Specificity of the Scientific Field," ed. C. Lemert, French Sociology: Rupture and Renewal Since 1968 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981). Essentially, Bourdieu takes the view that there is a need for what Toulmin calls a "language-shift" for truly social scientific discourse. S. Toulmin, The Philosophy of Science (London: Hutchinson, 1953), 13.
123. T. P. Wilson, "Social Structure and Interaction," in Zimmerman and Boden, Talk and Social Structure, 40.
124. Wilson, "Social Structure," 22.
125. Wootton, Dilemmas, 75.
126. Hymes, Ethnography, 94.
127. H. Dreyfus and P. Rabinow, "Can there be a Science of Existential Structure and Social Meaning?" ed. C. Calhoun et al., Bourdieu: Critical Perspectives (Cambridge: Polity), 35-36.
128. Butler notes, for example, unauthorized speech acts can challenge those that are socially authorized, Excitable Speech, 160.