Do politics have artefacts?

Social Studies of Science

Volumn 29, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 411-431

  Joerges, Bernward ^a  

^a WZB BERLIN SOCIAL SCIENCE CENTER   (Germany)

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0033243176     PISSN: 03063127     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/030631299029003004     Document Type: Review

References (93)

1. Gerald Wagner, 'Vertrauen in Technik' (Trust in Technology), Zeitschrift für Soziologie, Vol. 23, No. 1 (April 1994), 145-57 (trans. BJ).
2. Langdon Winner, 'Do Artifacts Have Politics?', Daedalus, Vol. 109, No. 1 (Winter 1980), 121-36.
3. Wagner, op. cit. note 1, 155.
4. Later on, Winner discusses at length technological modes beyond the design mode, where specific technologies require social forms: 'inherently political technologies' (op. cit. note 2, 128) are graded along the two axes of 'strict requirement versus strong compatibility' with social relations and conditions 'internal versus external' to the workings of a given technology. The combination of 'strictly required' and 'internally located' social relations produces inherently powerful artifacts, as in nuclear energy.
5. Winner, op. cit. note 2, 123. And he continues, generalizing to the construction of relationships of social inclusion/exclusion at large: 'Many of Moses' monumental structures of concrete and steel embody a systematic social inequality, a way of engineering relations among people that, after a time, becomes just another part of the landscape'.
6. In German, head and wall (Kopf und Wand) rhymes nicely with the venerable metaphor of Kopf und Hand (head and hand).
7. Langdon Winner, 'Upon Opening the Black Box and Finding it Empty: Social Constructivism and the Philosophy of Technology', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), 362-78.
8. See Keith Grint and Steve Woolgar, 'Computers, Guns and Roses: What's Social about Being Shot?', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Summer 1992), 366-80. Steve Woolgar is, of course, one of the main defendants in Winner's trial of social constructivism.
9. Langdon Winner, The Whale and the Reactor (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1986), 19-39. Another version (from which many authors quote) appeared in Donald MacKenzie and Judy Wajcman (eds), The Social Shaping of Technology (Milton Keynes, Bucks. & Philadelphia, PA: The Open University Press, 1985), 26-38.
10. Langdon Winner, The Whale and the Reactor (Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1986), 19-39. Another version (from which many authors quote) appeared in Donald MacKenzie and Judy Wajcman (eds), The Social Shaping of Technology (Milton Keynes, Bucks. & Philadelphia, PA: The Open University Press, 1985), 26-38.
11. Remark made in an interview (Sigtuna, Sweden, 6 December 1994).
12. Or, as the children's game is called in German, 'Stille Post'.
13. An important source for many could have been the often-quoted introductory essay to the volume edited by Donald MacKenzie and Judy Wajcman (op. cit. note 9), esp. 7. Here Winner's Moses-interpretation appears in the first few pages (and is appropriated for the argument against technological determinism).
14. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
15. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
16. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
17. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
18. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
19. Other texts in which Winner's parable is drawn on in the affirmative include, for example: Ilana Löwy, 'The Legislation of Things (Essay Review)', Studies in History and Philosophy of Science, Vol. 28, No. 3 (September 1997), 533-43, at 534-35; John Law and Annemarie Mol, 'Notes on Materiality and Sociality', The Sociological Review, Vol. 43, No. 2 (May 1995), 274-94, at 280-81; Andrew Feenberg, Questioning Technology (London: Routledge, 1998), 80; Mary Tiles and Hans Oberdieck, Living in a Technological Culture: Human Tools and Human Values (London: Routledge, 1995), 133; Bernward Joerges, 'Technology in Everyday Life: Conceptual Queries', Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour, Vol. 18, No. 2 (June 1988), 219-37, at 235 (n.7); Donald MacKenzie, 'Marx and the Machine', Technology and Culture, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 1984), 473-502, at 500; and many others. No doubt readers have their own lists.
20. As, for instance, in Bryan Pfaffenberger, 'Technological Dramas', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Summer 1992), 282-312, at 294.
21. Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar, Laboratory Life (Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1979; Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, revd edn, 1986).
22. Jim Johnson aka Bruno Latour, 'Mixing Humans and Non-Humans Together: The Sociology of a Door-Closer', Social Problems, Vol. 35, No. 3 (June 1988), 298-310, at 302 (emphasis in original).
23. Steve Woolgar, 'The Turn to Technology in Social Studies of Science', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 16, No. 1 (Winter 1991), 20-50.
24. Ibid., 34 (emphasis in original).
25. Ibid., 35.
26. Robert Caro, The Power Broker: Robert Moses and the Fall of New York (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1974), 938.
27. In a little controversy around Winner's black-box article (in which the bridges turn up again, of course), Marc Elam, Langdon Winner, Trevor Pinch and Steve Woolgar have it out in various ventriloquist guises. In the end, Woolgar is pleased at having persuaded Winner that in the last analysis it all comes down to rhetoric tout court: see Trevor Pinch, 'Turn, Turn, and Turn Again: The Woolgar Formula', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Autumn 1993), 511-22; Steve Woolgar, 'What's at Stake in the Sociology of Technology? A Reply to Pinch and to Winner', ibid., 523-29; Mark Elam, 'Anti Anticonstructivism or Laying the Fears of a Langdon Winner to Rest', ibid., Vol. 19, No. 1 (Winter 1994), 101-06; Langdon Winner, 'Reply to Mark Elam', ibid., 107-09.
28. In a little controversy around Winner's black-box article (in which the bridges turn up again, of course), Marc Elam, Langdon Winner, Trevor Pinch and Steve Woolgar have it out in various ventriloquist guises. In the end, Woolgar is pleased at having persuaded Winner that in the last analysis it all comes down to rhetoric tout court: see Trevor Pinch, 'Turn, Turn, and Turn Again: The Woolgar Formula', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Autumn 1993), 511-22; Steve Woolgar, 'What's at Stake in the Sociology of Technology? A Reply to Pinch and to Winner', ibid., 523-29; Mark Elam, 'Anti Anticonstructivism or Laying the Fears of a Langdon Winner to Rest', ibid., Vol. 19, No. 1 (Winter 1994), 101-06; Langdon Winner, 'Reply to Mark Elam', ibid., 107-09.
29. In a little controversy around Winner's black-box article (in which the bridges turn up again, of course), Marc Elam, Langdon Winner, Trevor Pinch and Steve Woolgar have it out in various ventriloquist guises. In the end, Woolgar is pleased at having persuaded Winner that in the last analysis it all comes down to rhetoric tout court: see Trevor Pinch, 'Turn, Turn, and Turn Again: The Woolgar Formula', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Autumn 1993), 511-22; Steve Woolgar, 'What's at Stake in the Sociology of Technology? A Reply to Pinch and to Winner', ibid., 523-29; Mark Elam, 'Anti Anticonstructivism or Laying the Fears of a Langdon Winner to Rest', ibid., Vol. 19, No. 1 (Winter 1994), 101-06; Langdon Winner, 'Reply to Mark Elam', ibid., 107-09.
30. In a little controversy around Winner's black-box article (in which the bridges turn up again, of course), Marc Elam, Langdon Winner, Trevor Pinch and Steve Woolgar have it out in various ventriloquist guises. In the end, Woolgar is pleased at having persuaded Winner that in the last analysis it all comes down to rhetoric tout court: see Trevor Pinch, 'Turn, Turn, and Turn Again: The Woolgar Formula', Science, Technology, & Human Values, Vol. 18, No. 4 (Autumn 1993), 511-22; Steve Woolgar, 'What's at Stake in the Sociology of Technology? A Reply to Pinch and to Winner', ibid., 523-29; Mark Elam, 'Anti Anticonstructivism or Laying the Fears of a Langdon Winner to Rest', ibid., Vol. 19, No. 1 (Winter 1994), 101-06; Langdon Winner, 'Reply to Mark Elam', ibid., 107-09.
31. 'Jesus uses the form to illustrate his message to his followers by telling a fictitious story that is nevertheless true-to-life': Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. 9 (1990), 133.
32. Caro, op. cit. note 20.
33. '. . . Moses began to limit access by buses; he instructed Shapiro (one of his engineers) to build the bridge across his new parkways low - too low for buses to pass': Caro, ibid., 318.
34. Ibid., 318.
35. Ibid., 951.
36. See, however, Bernward Joerges, 'Expertise Lost: An Early Case ofTechnology Assessment', Social Studies of Science, Vol. 24, No. 1 (February 1994), 96-104, on the vicissitudes of this kind of statement.
37. Robert Caro, quoted from the introduction to Johann P. Krieg (ed.), Robert Moses: Single-minded Genius (New York: Heart of the Lakes Publishing, 1989), 14. Moses obviously did not like the biography of 'Caro, the snooper', as he wrote in an unpublished, outraged and bitter comment on a profile (condensed chapters of the biography) in the New Yorker on the occasion of the book's publication by Knopf: Robert Moses, 'Comment on a New Yorker Profile and Biography' (typescript, 26 August 1974, 23pp., courtesy of Arnold H. Vollmer). Recently, Robert Caro has strongly confirmed his judgement of Moses, and added a little saga of personal persecution by Moses after publication of The Power Broker. Robert Caro, 'The City-Shaper', New Yorker (5 January 1998), 38-50.
38. Robert Caro, quoted from the introduction to Johann P. Krieg (ed.), Robert Moses: Single-minded Genius (New York: Heart of the Lakes Publishing, 1989), 14. Moses obviously did not like the biography of 'Caro, the snooper', as he wrote in an unpublished, outraged and bitter comment on a profile (condensed chapters of the biography) in the New Yorker on the occasion of the book's publication by Knopf: Robert Moses, 'Comment on a New Yorker Profile and Biography' (typescript, 26 August 1974, 23pp., courtesy of Arnold H. Vollmer). Recently, Robert Caro has strongly confirmed his judgement of Moses, and added a little saga of personal persecution by Moses after publication of The Power Broker. Robert Caro, 'The City-Shaper', New Yorker (5 January 1998), 38-50.
39. Robert Caro, quoted from the introduction to Johann P. Krieg (ed.), Robert Moses: Single-minded Genius (New York: Heart of the Lakes Publishing, 1989), 14. Moses obviously did not like the biography of 'Caro, the snooper', as he wrote in an unpublished, outraged and bitter comment on a profile (condensed chapters of the biography) in the New Yorker on the occasion of the book's publication by Knopf: Robert Moses, 'Comment on a New Yorker Profile and Biography' (typescript, 26 August 1974, 23pp., courtesy of Arnold H. Vollmer). Recently, Robert Caro has strongly confirmed his judgement of Moses, and added a little saga of personal persecution by Moses after publication of The Power Broker. Robert Caro, 'The City-Shaper', New Yorker (5 January 1998), 38-50.
40. Kenneth T. Jackson, interview (Columbia University, NY, 13 November 1996). See also K.T. Jackson, 'Robert Moses and the Planned Environment: A Re-evaluation', in Krieg (ed.), op. cit. note 28, 21-30.
41. This is, as latter-day relativists will fondly quote (wrongly of course, or rather: adapted to their purposes) what the Prussian Leopold von Ranke required historians to find out. In fact, Ranke said: '. . . wie es eigentlich gewesen'. Translating 'eigentlich' as 'really', and putting the emphasis on 'eigentlich' instead of gewesen' (or 'was'), mistakenly places the quote in a relativism/realism context. But Ranke's intention was not to oppose a 'true' history to many other, 'alternative' histories: his appeal to historians was not to pronounce judgement. 'History has been ascribed the office to judge the past and to teach the contemporary world for the benefit of future times: such high offices are outside the scope of my present attempt: it only wants to show how it actually was': Leopold von Ranke, Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Völker von 1494-1514, Sämtliche Werke, Vol. 33 (Leipzig, 1855), viii, quoted from Friedrich Jaeger and Jörn Rüsen, Geschichte des Historismus (München: Beck, 1992), 45.
42. This is, as latter-day relativists will fondly quote (wrongly of course, or rather: adapted to their purposes) what the Prussian Leopold von Ranke required historians to find out. In fact, Ranke said: '. . . wie es eigentlich gewesen'. Translating 'eigentlich' as 'really', and putting the emphasis on 'eigentlich' instead of gewesen' (or 'was'), mistakenly places the quote in a relativism/realism context. But Ranke's intention was not to oppose a 'true' history to many other, 'alternative' histories: his appeal to historians was not to pronounce judgement. 'History has been ascribed the office to judge the past and to teach the contemporary world for the benefit of future times: such high offices are outside the scope of my present attempt: it only wants to show how it actually was': Leopold von Ranke, Geschichte der romanischen und germanischen Völker von 1494-1514, Sämtliche Werke, Vol. 33 (Leipzig, 1855), viii, quoted from Friedrich Jaeger and Jörn Rüsen, Geschichte des Historismus (München: Beck, 1992), 45.
43. Bruno Latour, 'Give Me a Laboratory and I will Raise the World', in Karin Knorr Cetina and Michael Mulkay (eds), Science Observed: Perspectives on the Social Study of Science (London: Sage, 1982), 141-70. This is of course another case of Chinese Whispers, where Latour uses (some would say abuses) notions introduced by Foucault and Serres with considerably different meanings, much as I do here with Latour's own meaning of the concept.
44. The railroad was much frequented, although at high prices: see Vincent F. Seyfried, The Long Island Railroad, Part 1, The South Side Railroad (Port Washington, NY: I.J. Friedman, 1961), 154; on Moses' dealings with the railroad, see also Cleveland Rodgers, Robert Moses: Builder for Democracy (New York: Holt, 1952), 281-87; for a reevaluation of Moses' rôle in the transformation of Long Island, see Mollie Keller, 'The Best Laid Plans: Robert Moses and the Making of Metroland', in Krieg (ed.), op. cit. note 28, 203-12.
45. The railroad was much frequented, although at high prices: see Vincent F. Seyfried, The Long Island Railroad, Part 1, The South Side Railroad (Port Washington, NY: I.J. Friedman, 1961), 154; on Moses' dealings with the railroad, see also Cleveland Rodgers, Robert Moses: Builder for Democracy (New York: Holt, 1952), 281-87; for a reevaluation of Moses' rôle in the transformation of Long Island, see Mollie Keller, 'The Best Laid Plans: Robert Moses and the Making of Metroland', in Krieg (ed.), op. cit. note 28, 203-12.
46. The railroad was much frequented, although at high prices: see Vincent F. Seyfried, The Long Island Railroad, Part 1, The South Side Railroad (Port Washington, NY: I.J. Friedman, 1961), 154; on Moses' dealings with the railroad, see also Cleveland Rodgers, Robert Moses: Builder for Democracy (New York: Holt, 1952), 281-87; for a reevaluation of Moses' rôle in the transformation of Long Island, see Mollie Keller, 'The Best Laid Plans: Robert Moses and the Making of Metroland', in Krieg (ed.), op. cit. note 28, 203-12.
47. F. Scott Fitzgerald's novel, The Great Gatsby, plays on Long Island.
48. See John A. Black, 'Robert Moses: Long Island's First Environmentalist', in Krieg (ed.), op. cit. note 28, 141-50.
49. John R. Logan and Harvey L. Molotch endorse the view that 'Commissioner Moses was able to overcome opposition to his vast highway and bridge building in the New York City area in part because the region's politicians were themselves buying up land adjacent to parkway exits, setting themselves up for huge rent gains': J.R. Logan and H.L. Molotch, 'The City as a Growth Machine', in Susan Fainstein and Scott Campbell (eds), Readings in Urban Theory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996), 291-337, at 304.
50. Robert Fitch, in his The Assassination of New York (New York: Verso, 1996), 59, traces problems of lack of public access not to Moses himself, but rather to the Regional Plan Association's 1929 plan for New York and its corporate backers: 'just about every highway and bridge credited to Robert Moses was conceived and planned by the RPA. Moses simply poured the concrete on the dotted lines indicated in the plan'.
51. 37. Not having undertaken any primary surveys myself, I rely here on possibly impressionistic findings passed on to me by correspondents.
52. Moses was obviously aware of this. As late as 1951, he wrote in a report to Mayor Impellitteri: '. . . the present 80-cent one-way fare is certainly a major deterrent to widespread use of these unexcelled beach and recreation facilities and effectively drives more low-income families to Coney Island, which is badly overcrowded': Robert Moses, Public Works: A Dangerous Trade (New York: McGraw Hill, 1970), 325.
53. George DeWan quotes Caro as quoting a private communication by Shapiro about what his old friend Frances Perkins once told him about Moses: He doesn't love the people. . . . It used to shock me because he was doing all these things for the welfare of the people. . . . He'd denounce the common people terribly. To him they were lousy, dirty people, throwing bottles all over Jones Beach. . . . He loves the public, but not as people. (George DeWan, The Master Builder: How Planner Robert Moses Transformed Long Island for the 20th Century and Beyond, http://www.lihistory.com/7/hs722a.htm [3 August 1998], 8.)
54. Robert Moses' many large bridges must be mentioned here, if only in passing. Moses built most of the giant bridges that link Manhattan with the other boroughs, and the rest of the country. In particular, the gigantic project of the Triborough Bridge (which is, in fact, four bridges connected by an intricate system of approaches) literally belonged to Moses. With the toll money from the Triborough bridges, he financed, in a rolling scheme, a good part of his rebuilding of New York, and thus effectively evaded control by the elected representatives of the city and its citizens.
55. Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983); Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); see also the section devoted to Moses in Eugene Lewis, Public Entrepreneurship: Toward a Theory of Bureaucratic Political Power (Bloomington, IN & London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 156-228; and Joel Schwartz, The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1993), passim. 42. Moses prided himself, above all, as a man of action. His famous adage, 'Those who can, build - those who can't, criticize!', thrown in the general direction of urban and technology studies but aimed very specifically at Lewis Mumford, finds a peculiar echo in Thomas and Agatha Hughes' (otherwise celebratory) appraisal of Mumford's rôle (in connection with Moses' United Nations Headquarters): 'In proposing destruction in the name of organicism, Mumford offers a brutal bulldozer urbanism little better than that of Le Corbusier or Robert Moses, whose urban ideas he so despised': T.P. Hughes and A.G. Hughes, Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 281.
56. Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983); Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); see also the section devoted to Moses in Eugene Lewis, Public Entrepreneurship: Toward a Theory of Bureaucratic Political Power (Bloomington, IN & London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 156-228; and Joel Schwartz, The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1993), passim. 42. Moses prided himself, above all, as a man of action. His famous adage, 'Those who can, build - those who can't, criticize!', thrown in the general direction of urban and technology studies but aimed very specifically at Lewis Mumford, finds a peculiar echo in Thomas and Agatha Hughes' (otherwise celebratory) appraisal of Mumford's rôle (in connection with Moses' United Nations Headquarters): 'In proposing destruction in the name of organicism, Mumford offers a brutal bulldozer urbanism little better than that of Le Corbusier or Robert Moses, whose urban ideas he so despised': T.P. Hughes and A.G. Hughes, Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 281.
57. Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983); Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); see also the section devoted to Moses in Eugene Lewis, Public Entrepreneurship: Toward a Theory of Bureaucratic Political Power (Bloomington, IN & London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 156-228; and Joel Schwartz, The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1993), passim. 42. Moses prided himself, above all, as a man of action. His famous adage, 'Those who can, build - those who can't, criticize!', thrown in the general direction of urban and technology studies but aimed very specifically at Lewis Mumford, finds a peculiar echo in Thomas and Agatha Hughes' (otherwise celebratory) appraisal of Mumford's rôle (in connection with Moses' United Nations Headquarters): 'In proposing destruction in the name of organicism, Mumford offers a brutal bulldozer urbanism little better than that of Le Corbusier or Robert Moses, whose urban ideas he so despised': T.P. Hughes and A.G. Hughes, Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 281.
58. Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983); Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); see also the section devoted to Moses in Eugene Lewis, Public Entrepreneurship: Toward a Theory of Bureaucratic Political Power (Bloomington, IN & London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 156-228; and Joel Schwartz, The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1993), passim. 42. Moses prided himself, above all, as a man of action. His famous adage, 'Those who can, build - those who can't, criticize!', thrown in the general direction of urban and technology studies but aimed very specifically at Lewis Mumford, finds a peculiar echo in Thomas and Agatha Hughes' (otherwise celebratory) appraisal of Mumford's rôle (in connection with Moses' United Nations Headquarters): 'In proposing destruction in the name of organicism, Mumford offers a brutal bulldozer urbanism little better than that of Le Corbusier or Robert Moses, whose urban ideas he so despised': T.P. Hughes and A.G. Hughes, Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 281.
59. Marshall Berman, All that is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983); Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961); see also the section devoted to Moses in Eugene Lewis, Public Entrepreneurship: Toward a Theory of Bureaucratic Political Power (Bloomington, IN & London: Indiana University Press, 1980), 156-228; and Joel Schwartz, The New York Approach: Robert Moses, Urban Liberals, and Redevelopment of the Inner City (Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 1993), passim. 42. Moses prided himself, above all, as a man of action. His famous adage, 'Those who can, build - those who can't, criticize!', thrown in the general direction of urban and technology studies but aimed very specifically at Lewis Mumford, finds a peculiar echo in Thomas and Agatha Hughes' (otherwise celebratory) appraisal of Mumford's rôle (in connection with Moses' United Nations Headquarters): 'In proposing destruction in the name of organicism, Mumford offers a brutal bulldozer urbanism little better than that of Le Corbusier or Robert Moses, whose urban ideas he so despised': T.P. Hughes and A.G. Hughes, Lewis Mumford: Public Intellectual (New York & Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 281.
60. In Michael Ignatieff, A Just Measure of Pain: The Penitentiary in the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), quoted from Anne Crowther, 'Penal Peepshow: Bentham's Prison that Never Was', Times Literary Supplement (23 February 1996), 4-5. See also note 58, below.
61. In Michael Ignatieff, A Just Measure of Pain: The Penitentiary in the Industrial Revolution, 1750-1850 (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), quoted from Anne Crowther, 'Penal Peepshow: Bentham's Prison that Never Was', Times Literary Supplement (23 February 1996), 4-5. See also note 58, below.
62. As Random House editor Jason Epstein has called him recently: see J. Epstein, 'Metropolitan Life: The Encyclopedia of New York', New York Review of Books (16 November 1995), 4-6.
63. See Black, op. cit. note 34.
64. To quote one of my correspondents who studies American scenic roads (Timothy Davis, personal communication, 28 February 1995): The prohibition of commercial traffic is one of the defining characteristics of parkways as a specific type of road. Of course there are similar roads which are open to all kinds of traffic. They are called highways or freeways . . . a term coined around 1930 to denote parkway-type roads with free access for all types of vehicles. Davis' letter then goes on to say that the prohibition of commercial traffic from parkways dates back to the 19th century: It reflects the fact that parkways were originally conceived as elongated parks with recreational drives through them, not as general purpose transportation arteries. 19th-century American parkroads and parkways were designed for use by light carriages and buggies. They excluded heavy wagons and commercial teaming, and only rarely allowed horse-drawn sightseeing omnibuses. These uses were considered detrimental to the road surfaces and incompatible with the essential purpose of parks, which were supposed to serve as a retreat from the hustle, bustle and commercial activity of the modern city. It was natural to continue these prohibitions to motor vehicles, especially since early motor trucks and omnibuses were extremely slow and unwieldy, and would certainly have dominated the park landscape and interfered with motorists' pleasure. Automobiles were initially a plaything of the wealthy but - in America at least - cheap new and second-hand cars were available to working classes by the 1920s when Robert Moses began building his parkways. It has been argued that the spread of automobile ownership in the 1920s made parkways and recreational driving vastly more democratic than they had been in the horse-and-carriage era.
65. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
66. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
67. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
68. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
69. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
70. Simon Schama, Landscape and Memory (New York: Alfred Knopf, 1995); see also Roderick Nash, Wilderness and the American Mind (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1967); Brester Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1959); Christopher Tunnard and Boris Pushkarev, Man-made America: Chaos or Control? (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963). For an account of competing American parkway ideologies, see Gilmore Clarke, 'The Parkway Idea', in Snow (ed.), The Highway and the Landscape, op. cit., 32-55. Moses stood for one of the two main schools of National Park and Parkway development: an innovative concept, 'pro-urban', using modern means of production and regulation, as opposed to a more localist-folklorist, anti-urban tradition. I cannot resist here a quotation from Moses' outraged and quite unpublishable response to Caro's New Yorker profile (Moses, op. cit. note 28, 21ff., my emphasis). After an aside on Caro's expertise in matters of public works . . . Caro's engineering and transportation outgivings are ridiculously amateurish, naive and infantile. He picked them up from a disgruntled young engineer with the City Planning Commission who indulged in nasty recriminations after he left . . . the Commission. . . . he confesses to a revealing affinity: In this context I always tip my hat to my cousin Frank Lloyd Wright. In his wilder projects of Welsh fantasy he really believed his own architectural interruptions of nature lifted us to the hills whence cometh our light, enhanced the plains and swept us out to the limitless seas. Frank's comparison of himself as a skylark and to me as a blind night crawler were of course just a quaint bit of Celtic humour. We take these things from the Frank Lloyd Wrights because we admire them in spite of their idiosyncrasies.
71. Except, arguably, for mass transit, although Moses also fought for the modernization of the railroads: see Rodgers, op. cit. note 32.
72. It seems that Moses was highly conscious of this. Former Moses engineer Shapiro impressively (and affirmatively) pays witness to this when he tells Caro of Moses' grim determination to hold fast to his vision even when, in the 1960s, his Long Island parkways had mutated into one of the world's most frequented and congested highways. Long after his dream of linking the metropolitan Moloch to a redeeming nature had turned into a nightmare, did he enjoy the thought that his bridges may indeed have public transport blocked off from this nature for decades after his death? (see Caro, op. cit. note 20, 953).
73. It has been said many times, of course, that American public transportation systems are shaped by a hidden (or not so hidden) agenda to discriminate bus-routes and railways. Says Robert Fitch (op. cit. note 36, 72), concerning the Long Island Expressway: A principal RPA imperative - keeping lower-income workers at a safe distance from upper-income businessmen - also goes far to explain why . . . no provisions for mass transit were ever made, an outcome which Caro blames squarely on Moses. To be fair, Winner acknowledges (op. cit. note 2, 125ff.) that . . . . . . most important examples of technologies that have political consequences are those that transcend the simple categories of 'intended' and 'unintended' altogether. . . . Rather, one must say that the technological deck has been stacked long in advance to favor certain social interests, and that some people were bound to receive a better hand than others. (See also his Chapter on 'Decentralization Clarified', in The Whale and the Reactor, op. cit. note 9, where Winner returns to the Moses case.) But it is his examples for the design-version, which he himself refers to as 'almost conspirational', that have made themselves a career in social studies of technology.
74. It has been said many times, of course, that American public transportation systems are shaped by a hidden (or not so hidden) agenda to discriminate bus-routes and railways. Says Robert Fitch (op. cit. note 36, 72), concerning the Long Island Expressway: A principal RPA imperative - keeping lower-income workers at a safe distance from upper-income businessmen - also goes far to explain why . . . no provisions for mass transit were ever made, an outcome which Caro blames squarely on Moses. To be fair, Winner acknowledges (op. cit. note 2, 125ff.) that . . . . . . most important examples of technologies that have political consequences are those that transcend the simple categories of 'intended' and 'unintended' altogether. . . . Rather, one must say that the technological deck has been stacked long in advance to favor certain social interests, and that some people were bound to receive a better hand than others. (See also his Chapter on 'Decentralization Clarified', in The Whale and the Reactor, op. cit. note 9, where Winner returns to the Moses case.) But it is his examples for the design-version, which he himself refers to as 'almost conspirational', that have made themselves a career in social studies of technology.
75. It has been said many times, of course, that American public transportation systems are shaped by a hidden (or not so hidden) agenda to discriminate bus-routes and railways. Says Robert Fitch (op. cit. note 36, 72), concerning the Long Island Expressway: A principal RPA imperative - keeping lower-income workers at a safe distance from upper-income businessmen - also goes far to explain why . . . no provisions for mass transit were ever made, an outcome which Caro blames squarely on Moses. To be fair, Winner acknowledges (op. cit. note 2, 125ff.) that . . . . . . most important examples of technologies that have political consequences are those that transcend the simple categories of 'intended' and 'unintended' altogether. . . . Rather, one must say that the technological deck has been stacked long in advance to favor certain social interests, and that some people were bound to receive a better hand than others. (See also his Chapter on 'Decentralization Clarified', in The Whale and the Reactor, op. cit. note 9, where Winner returns to the Moses case.) But it is his examples for the design-version, which he himself refers to as 'almost conspirational', that have made themselves a career in social studies of technology.
76. [Editor's note] This quotation is the subject of a lengthy annotation in the Appendix to Burton Stevenson's monumental Stevenson's Book of Quotations (London: Cassell, 8th edn, n.d.), 2298. It is given there as: 'One can resist the invasion of armies, but not the invasion of ideas', and cited as: Victor Hugo, Histoire d'un Crime: Conclusion: La Chute, Ch. 10, p. 649 (Édition Nationale, Paris, 1983), Vol. 36. However, it is noted that 'this sentence has been variously translated'. Later, the editor writes: And on April 15, 1943, The Nation sent out a subscription circular with the sentence, 'There is one thing stronger than all the armies in the world; and that is an idea whose time has come', stating that this was the closing entry in Victor Hugo's diary, who died the same night in his sleep. A talk to the circulation manager responsible for the circular elicited the information that, while he remembered using the quotation, he had no idea of its source or where he found it. A search by the Information Division of the New York Public Library disclosed no trace of any publication of Victor Hugo resembling a diary or journal. A similar search by the reference department of the Library of Congress was also unavailing, but the sentence from Histoire d'un Crime given above was found, and is probably the origin of the sentence quoted by The Nation, which has since become familiar in a more picturesque form, 'Greater than the tread of mighty armies is an idea whose hour has come'. It seems as if this quotation has had a 'career' similar to the parable of Moses' low bridges! We hope that this will be a warning to all contributing scholars: writing footnotes is much more rewarding than writing Editorials. [DE]
77. Winner, interview, loc. cit. note 10.
78. Max Weber, 'Wissenschaft als Beruf', in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, UTB [1919], 1988), 582-613; in English: 'Science as Vocation', in Hans Heinrich Gerth and C. Wright Mills (eds), From Max Weber: Social Essays (London & Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1948), 129-56.
79. Max Weber, 'Wissenschaft als Beruf', in Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, UTB [1919], 1988), 582-613; in English: 'Science as Vocation', in Hans Heinrich Gerth and C. Wright Mills (eds), From Max Weber: Social Essays (London & Boston, MA: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1948), 129-56.
80. See once more the Encyclopedia Britannica: 'Parables can often be understood only by an informed élite, who can discern the meaning within the brief, enigmatic structures' (op. cit. note 22, 133).
81. Another example which may interest authors who were won over by Winner's narrative, is - on a slightly different scale - the story of Tokugawa Japan's intentional reversion from an advanced military technology (firearms) to a more primitive one (the samurai swords), as told (for instance) by Noel Perrin, in his Giving up the Gun: Japan's Reversion to the Sword, 1543-1879 (Boston, MA: Godine, 1979). According to Conrad Totman's review of Perrin's book, this tale does not stand up to historiographic evidence for both motivations and outcomes: it seems this was neither intended, nor did it happen: see Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 3 (May 1980), 599-601.
82. Another example which may interest authors who were won over by Winner's narrative, is - on a slightly different scale - the story of Tokugawa Japan's intentional reversion from an advanced military technology (firearms) to a more primitive one (the samurai swords), as told (for instance) by Noel Perrin, in his Giving up the Gun: Japan's Reversion to the Sword, 1543-1879 (Boston, MA: Godine, 1979). According to Conrad Totman's review of Perrin's book, this tale does not stand up to historiographic evidence for both motivations and outcomes: it seems this was neither intended, nor did it happen: see Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 3 (May 1980), 599-601.
83. Recently, Richard Rorty has veritably demolished the US-American intellectual left since the 1960s, accusing them of academic abstractions, and of being incapable of pragmatic reform: see R. Rorty, Achieving Our Country: Leftist Politics in Twentieth-Century America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). This is how I read Winner's technology theory too: see, especially, Langdon Winner, Autonomous Technology: Technics-out-of-Control as a Theme in Political Thought (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1977).
84. Recently, Richard Rorty has veritably demolished the US-American intellectual left since the 1960s, accusing them of academic abstractions, and of being incapable of pragmatic reform: see R. Rorty, Achieving Our Country: Leftist Politics in Twentieth-Century America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997). This is how I read Winner's technology theory too: see, especially, Langdon Winner, Autonomous Technology: Technics-out-of-Control as a Theme in Political Thought (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1977).
85. See Stephen H. Kellert, 'Science and Literature and Philosophy', Configurations, Vol. 4, No. 2 (Spring 1996), 215-32.
86. Jeremy Bentham, 'Panopticon; or, the Inspection-House: Containing the idea of a new principle of construction applicable to any sort of establishment, in which persons of any description are to be kept under inspection . . . with a Plan of Management adapted to the Principle . . .' (written in London, 1787): see Jeremy Bentham (ed. Miran Božovič), The Panopticon and other Prison Writings (New York: Verso, 1995).
87. Although many prison buildings to this day look similar to Bentham's original device (if not its details), only two prison buildings which somehow corresponded to Bentham's plans seem to have been built eventually - one in Illinois and one in Cuba (where -talking about disciplinary effects - Fidel Castro wrote his famous speech 'History Will Absolve Me'): see John Ryle, 'The Panopticon', Letter to the Editor, Times Literary Supplement (1 March 1996), 17.
88. I use the term 'LogIcons' as shorthand for 'pictures to think with' - that is, visual representations in science (and in other technical activities).
89. It is peculiarly difficult to give specific examples for this position. I sometimes name alleged inherent social-control effects of concrete high-rise buildings, or of so-called fascist architecture, only to open up long debates, because it is so commonsensical to account for things in terms of inherent social qualities and to classify them accordingly: see also Bernward Joerges, Gebaute Umwelt und Verhalten: über das Verhältnis von Technikwissenschaften und Sozialwissenschaften am Beispiel der Architektur- und der Verhaltenstheorie (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 1979).
90. John L. Austin, How to do Things with Words (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962).
91. Pierre Bourdieu, Ce que parler veut dire: L'économie des échanges linguistiques (Paris: Fayard, 1982), quoting from the German edition, Was heißt Sprechen? Die Ökonomie des sprachlichen Austauschs (Wien: Braumüller, 1990), 73.
92. Pierre Bourdieu, Ce que parler veut dire: L'économie des échanges linguistiques (Paris: Fayard, 1982), quoting from the German edition, Was heißt Sprechen? Die Ökonomie des sprachlichen Austauschs (Wien: Braumüller, 1990), 73.
93. Looking at it this way, the title of this Comment could well have been: 'To Whom Belong the Bridges of Robert Moses?'; or: 'To Whom Belong the Bridges of Robert Moses?'.