A tale of two sciences: Bedside and bench in twentieth-century Britain

Medical History

Volumn 43, Issue 4, 1999, Pages 421-449

  Lawrence, Christopher ^a  

^a Wellcome Institute   (United Kingdom)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; CLINICAL MEDICINE; DIAGNOSIS, MEASUREMENT AND ANALYSIS; HISTORY; UNITED KINGDOM;

CLINICAL MEDICINE; GREAT BRITAIN; HISTORY, 20TH CENTURY; LABORATORY TECHNIQUES AND PROCEDURES;

EID: 0033205639     PISSN: 00257273     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0025727300065686     Document Type: Article

References (177)

1. The literature on this subject is now very large. For a case study and a survey of predominantly American material see, Joel D Howell, Technology in the hospital: transforming patient care in the early twentieth century, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. For British material and an important interpretation, see Steve Sturdy and Roger Cooler, 'Science, scientific management and the transformation of medicine in Britain c.1870-1950', Hist. Sci., 1998, 36: 421-66.
2. The literature on this subject is now very large. For a case study and a survey of predominantly American material see, Joel D Howell, Technology in the hospital: transforming patient care in the early twentieth century, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. For British material and an important interpretation, see Steve Sturdy and Roger Cooler, 'Science, scientific management and the transformation of medicine in Britain c.1870-1950', Hist. Sci., 1998, 36: 421-66.
3. follow Jose Harris very closely here in her evocation of the many classes that individuals could simultaneously identify with in this period. See her Private lives, public spirit: a social history of Britain 1870-1914, Oxford University Press, 1993.
4. See David Cannadine, The decline and fall of the British aristocracy. New York, Doubleday, 1992.
5. See Harold Perkin, The rise of professional society: England since 1880, London, Routledge, 1989.
6. Horder's son mentions neither animosity nor friendship. Mervyn Horder, The little genius: a memoir of the first Lord Horder, London, Duckworth, 1966. Neither does Geoffrey Bourne, who was not shy of displaying the hostilities at Bart's. Geoffrey Bourne, We met at Bart's: the autobiography of a physician, London, F Muller, 1963. In a letter to the British Medical Journal in 1927 a number of distinguished physicians encouraged their colleagues to join the recently established British Institute of Philosophical Studies. The signatories included Lord Dawson, Henry Head and Thomas Horder. Brown was not a signatory and, given his philosophical interests, this is at least mildly interesting. Br. med. J., 1927, i: 699. I know of no reference to Horder in-Brown's writings. Horder refers to Brown in an address in 1936. The tone is approving but no intimacy is signified. Thomas Horder, Health and a day, London, J M Dent and Sons, 1937, p. 21.
7. Horder's son mentions neither animosity nor friendship. Mervyn Horder, The little genius: a memoir of the first Lord Horder, London, Duckworth, 1966. Neither does Geoffrey Bourne, who was not shy of displaying the hostilities at Bart's. Geoffrey Bourne, We met at Bart's: the autobiography of a physician, London, F Muller, 1963. In a letter to the British Medical Journal in 1927 a number of distinguished physicians encouraged their colleagues to join the recently established British Institute of Philosophical Studies. The signatories included Lord Dawson, Henry Head and Thomas Horder. Brown was not a signatory and, given his philosophical interests, this is at least mildly interesting. Br. med. J., 1927, i: 699. I know of no reference to Horder in-Brown's writings. Horder refers to Brown in an address in 1936. The tone is approving but no intimacy is signified. Thomas Horder, Health and a day, London, J M Dent and Sons, 1937, p. 21.
8. Horder's son mentions neither animosity nor friendship. Mervyn Horder, The little genius: a memoir of the first Lord Horder, London, Duckworth, 1966. Neither does Geoffrey Bourne, who was not shy of displaying the hostilities at Bart's. Geoffrey Bourne, We met at Bart's: the autobiography of a physician, London, F Muller, 1963. In a letter to the British Medical Journal in 1927 a number of distinguished physicians encouraged their colleagues to join the recently established British Institute of Philosophical Studies. The signatories included Lord Dawson, Henry Head and Thomas Horder. Brown was not a signatory and, given his philosophical interests, this is at least mildly interesting. Br. med. J., 1927, i: 699. I know of no reference to Horder in-Brown's writings. Horder refers to Brown in an address in 1936. The tone is approving but no intimacy is signified. Thomas Horder, Health and a day, London, J M Dent and Sons, 1937, p. 21.
9. Horder's son mentions neither animosity nor friendship. Mervyn Horder, The little genius: a memoir of the first Lord Horder, London, Duckworth, 1966. Neither does Geoffrey Bourne, who was not shy of displaying the hostilities at Bart's. Geoffrey Bourne, We met at Bart's: the autobiography of a physician, London, F Muller, 1963. In a letter to the British Medical Journal in 1927 a number of distinguished physicians encouraged their colleagues to join the recently established British Institute of Philosophical Studies. The signatories included Lord Dawson, Henry Head and Thomas Horder. Brown was not a signatory and, given his philosophical interests, this is at least mildly interesting. Br. med. J., 1927, i: 699. I know of no reference to Horder in-Brown's writings. Horder refers to Brown in an address in 1936. The tone is approving but no intimacy is signified. Thomas Horder, Health and a day, London, J M Dent and Sons, 1937, p. 21.
10. Horder's son mentions neither animosity nor friendship. Mervyn Horder, The little genius: a memoir of the first Lord Horder, London, Duckworth, 1966. Neither does Geoffrey Bourne, who was not shy of displaying the hostilities at Bart's. Geoffrey Bourne, We met at Bart's: the autobiography of a physician, London, F Muller, 1963. In a letter to the British Medical Journal in 1927 a number of distinguished physicians encouraged their colleagues to join the recently established British Institute of Philosophical Studies. The signatories included Lord Dawson, Henry Head and Thomas Horder. Brown was not a signatory and, given his philosophical interests, this is at least mildly interesting. Br. med. J., 1927, i: 699. I know of no reference to Horder in-Brown's writings. Horder refers to Brown in an address in 1936. The tone is approving but no intimacy is signified. Thomas Horder, Health and a day, London, J M Dent and Sons, 1937, p. 21.
11. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
12. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
13. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
14. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
15. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
16. On the United States, see Russell C Maulitz, '"Physician versus bacteriologist": the ideology of science in clinical medicine', in Morris J Vogel and Charles E Rosenberg (eds), The therapeutic revolution: essays in the social history of American medicine, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979, pp. 91-108; John Harley Warner, 'Ideals of science and their discontents in late nineteenth century American science', Isis, 1991, 82: 454-79; idem, 'The history of science and the sciences of medicine', in Arnold Thackray (ed.). Constructing knowledge in the history of science, Osiris, University of Chicago Press, 1995, vol. 10, pp. 164-93. On France, see Patrice Pinell, Naissance d'un fléau: histoire de la lutte contre le cancer en France (1890-1940), Paris, Métailié, 1992; George Weisz, The emergence of modern universities in France, 1863-1914, Princeton University Press, 1983; idem, The medical mandarins: the French Academy of Medicine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
17. There is no biography of Brown, see the obituaries, Lancet, 1946, ii: 546-8; Br. med. J., 1946, ii: 556-7; William Munk, Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London 1826-1925, London, The College, 1955, vol. 4, p. 491.
18. There is no biography of Brown, see the obituaries, Lancet, 1946, ii: 546-8; Br. med. J., 1946, ii: 556-7; William Munk, Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London 1826-1925, London, The College, 1955, vol. 4, p. 491.
19. There is no biography of Brown, see the obituaries, Lancet, 1946, ii: 546-8; Br. med. J., 1946, ii: 556-7; William Munk, Lives of the Fellows of the Royal College of Physicians of London 1826-1925, London, The College, 1955, vol. 4, p. 491.
20. Mervyn Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 9. Thomas Horder took the conjoint examination of the Royal College of Surgeons of England and the Royal Society of Apothecaries (MRCS, LRCP) followed by the University of London degree. A very common practice.
21. Ibid, p. 13. Details of junior appointments are given in St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1896-97, 4: 110; 1897-8, 5: 15, 111. On physiology, see John L Thomton, 'The history of physiology at St. Bartholomew's hospital, London', Ann. Sci., 1951, 7: 238-47.
22. Ibid, p. 13. Details of junior appointments are given in St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1896-97, 4: 110; 1897-8, 5: 15, 111. On physiology, see John L Thomton, 'The history of physiology at St. Bartholomew's hospital, London', Ann. Sci., 1951, 7: 238-47.
23. Ibid, p. 13. Details of junior appointments are given in St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1896-97, 4: 110; 1897-8, 5: 15, 111. On physiology, see John L Thomton, 'The history of physiology at St. Bartholomew's hospital, London', Ann. Sci., 1951, 7: 238-47.
24. Ibid, p. 13. Details of junior appointments are given in St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1896-97, 4: 110; 1897-8, 5: 15, 111. On physiology, see John L Thomton, 'The history of physiology at St. Bartholomew's hospital, London', Ann. Sci., 1951, 7: 238-47.
25. Mervyn Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 11-12. Horder was not quite so eccentric as to wear a sword, presumably this was a description of the pin.
26. Ibid., p. 18.
27. Bourne, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 41-2.
28. Mervyn Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 24-5.
29. Lancet, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 547.
30. Harold J Cook, 'Good advice and little medicine: the professional authority of early modern English physicians', J. Br. Stud., 1994, 33: 1-31.
31. On the "Great", see Bourne, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 20.
32. Christopher Lawrence, 'Incommunicable knowledge: science, technology and the clinical art in Britain 1850-1914', J. contemp. Hist., 1985, 20: 503-20.
33. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 30.
34. Richard Shannon, The crisis of imperialism 1865-1915, Frogmore, Paladin, 1976, p. 216.
35. Thomas Horder, 'The approach to medicine', Lancet, 1939, i: 913-17, on p. 916.
36. See John V Pickstone, 'Past and present knowledges in the practice of the history of science', Hist. Sci., 1995, 33: 203-24; idem, 'Ways of knowing: towards a historical sociology of science, technology and medicine', Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1993, 26: 433-58.
37. See John V Pickstone, 'Past and present knowledges in the practice of the history of science', Hist. Sci., 1995, 33: 203-24; idem, 'Ways of knowing: towards a historical sociology of science, technology and medicine', Brit. J. Hist. Sci., 1993, 26: 433-58.
38. Samuel Gee, Auscultation and percussion, London, Smith, Elder, 1893, pp. 6, 48.
39. Thomas Horder, '"Neurasthenia:" a critical enquiry', St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1902-3, 10: 67-73, p. 72
40. Samuel Gee, Medical lectures and aphorisms, Smith, Elder, 1902, pp. 209, 213, 215, 222, 223, 225.
41. Henry Dale, 'Scientific method in medical research', Br. med. J.. 1950, ii: 1185-90, p. 1187.
42. Gee, op. cit., note 24 above, 4th ed., London, Henry Frowde, Hodder & Stoughton, 1915, p. 363.
43. Ibid., 1st ed., 1902, p. 232, 235.
44. Ibid., p. 90.
45. Ibid., p. 99.
46. 'Clinical aphorisms from Dr. Gee's wards', collected and edited by Thomas J Horder, in Samuel West and W J Walsham (eds.), Saint Bartholomew's hospital reports, London, Smith, Elder, 1897, pp. 29-59.
47. Thomas Horder, 'Medicine and old ethicks', Br. med. J.. 1924, i: 485-9, 488. I develop the point that the sentiment that empiricism was particularly English (as exemplified by Sydenham) and compared favourably with dangerous continental theorizing in Christopher Lawrence, 'Edward Jenner's jockey boots and the great tradition in English medicine 1918-1939', in Christopher Lawrence and Anna-K Mayer (eds), Regenerating England: science, medicine and culture in inter-war Britain, Amsterdam, Rodopi (forthcoming).
48. Thomas Horder, 'Medicine and old ethicks', Br. med. J.. 1924, i: 485-9, 488. I develop the point that the sentiment that empiricism was particularly English (as exemplified by Sydenham) and compared favourably with dangerous continental theorizing in Christopher Lawrence, 'Edward Jenner's jockey boots and the great tradition in English medicine 1918-1939', in Christopher Lawrence and Anna-K Mayer (eds), Regenerating England: science, medicine and culture in inter-war Britain, Amsterdam, Rodopi (forthcoming).
49. Thomas Horder, 'The influence of radiology upon our conceptions of disease'. Pro. Roy. Soc. Med., 1924,17, parts I & II: 64-76.
50. Walter Langdon Brown, 'Seven years in the post-mortem room: a retrospect', St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1913, 20: 70-2.
51. Walter Langdon Brown, Physiological principles in treatment, London, Baillière, Tindall and Cox, 1908, p. vi.
52. Ibid., pp. 2, 1.
53. Ibid., pp. 36, 2.
54. See Robert Tattersall, 'Hypoadrenia, or "A bit of Addison's disease"', Med. Hist. (this issue).
55. Brown, op. cit., note 34 above, pp. 56, 49.
56. Gee, op. cit., note 24 above, p. 1.
57. [Rudolph Abel], Abel's laboratory handbook of bacteriology, translated . . . by M H Gordon with additions by Dr A C Houston, Dr T J Horder and the translator, London, Henry Frowde, 1907.
58. Thomas Horder, Clinical pathology in practice, London, H Frowde, Hodder & Stoughton, 1910, p. 1.
59. Ibid., pp. v, 1-2, 3, 9.
60. Ibid., p. 2.
61. Ibid., pp. 10, 13.
62. Ibid, p. 13. My emphasis.
63. Thomas Horder, Fifty years of medicine, London, Duckworth, 1953, pp. 12-13.
64. Ibid., p. 12.
65. Thomas Horder, 'Clinical medicine as an aid to pathology: a criticism', St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1911-12, 19: 192-5. The title was intentionally ironic.
66. Horder, op. cit., note 41 above, p. 151.
67. Walter Langdon-Brown, Thus we arc men, London, Kegan Paul, Trench, Tubner, 1938, pp. 164-5.
68. On the ubiquitous condemnation of the diseases of civilization, see Roy Porter, 'Diseases of civilization', in W F Bynum and Roy Porter (eds), Companion encyclopaedia of the history of medicine, 2 vols, London, Routledge, 1993, vol. 1., pp. 585-600; Charles Rosenberg, 'Pathologies of progress: the idea of civilization as risk', Bull. Hist. Med., 1998, 72: 714-30.
69. On the ubiquitous condemnation of the diseases of civilization, see Roy Porter, 'Diseases of civilization', in W F Bynum and Roy Porter (eds), Companion encyclopaedia of the history of medicine, 2 vols, London, Routledge, 1993, vol. 1., pp. 585-600; Charles Rosenberg, 'Pathologies of progress: the idea of civilization as risk', Bull. Hist. Med., 1998, 72: 714-30.
70. Walter Langdon Brown, The sympathetic nervous system in disease, London, Henry Frowde, 1920, p. 27. George Crile, an American surgeon famous for his researches on shock \vho later turned his attention to psychosomatic disorders.
71. Report of a meeting of 'Interstate Postgraduate Assembly of America', Br. med. J., 1925, i: 1051-3.
72. Horder, op. cit., note 23 above. On Beard, see Charles E Rosenberg, 'The place of George M Beard in nineteenth-century psychiatry'. Bull. Hist. Med., 1962, 36: 245-59.
73. Horder, op. cit., note 23 above. On Beard, see Charles E Rosenberg, 'The place of George M Beard in nineteenth-century psychiatry'. Bull. Hist. Med., 1962, 36: 245-59.
74. On the marked move to organic political thought, in all sorts of ways, in these years, see Harris, op. cit., note 2 above. On a particular formulation and quite probably the one Horder and Brown adopted, see Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: an ideology of social reform, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978.
75. On the marked move to organic political thought, in all sorts of ways, in these years, see Harris, op. cit., note 2 above. On a particular formulation and quite probably the one Horder and Brown adopted, see Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: an ideology of social reform, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978.
76. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 16-17.
77. Ibid, pp. 19-11; Lancet, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 547.
78. Ibid, pp. 19-11; Lancet, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 547.
79. Br. med. J., op. cit., note 7 above, p. 556.
80. Thomas Horder and Harry Roberts, The philosophy of Jesus, London, Dent, 1944.
81. Brown, op. cit, note 50 above, p. 262.
82. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 35.
83. Ibid., p. 179.
84. Walter Langdon-Brown, 'The return to Aesculapius,' Lancet, 1933, ii: 821-2. A sentiment Horder explicitly mentioned and of which he approved. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 21.
85. Walter Langdon-Brown, 'The return to Aesculapius,' Lancet, 1933, ii: 821-2. A sentiment Horder explicitly mentioned and of which he approved. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 21.
86. Horder, op. cit., note 31 above, p. 485.
87. Cannadine, op. cit., note 3 above, p. 354.
88. See, for example, Joan Austoker, A history of the Imperial Cancer Research Fund, 1902-1986, Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 86; Joan Austoker, 'Walter Morley Fletcher and the origins of a basic biomedical research policy', in Joan Austoker and Linda Bryder (eds), Historical perspectives on the role of the MRC, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 23-34.
89. See, for example, Joan Austoker, A history of the Imperial Cancer Research Fund, 1902-1986, Oxford University Press, 1988, p. 86; Joan Austoker, 'Walter Morley Fletcher and the origins of a basic biomedical research policy', in Joan Austoker and Linda Bryder (eds), Historical perspectives on the role of the MRC, Oxford University Press, 1989, pp. 23-34.
90. Victor Cornelius Medvei and John L Thornton, The Royal Hospital of St. Bartholomew, London, St Bartholomew's Hospital, 1974.
91. For an excellent study of just such a change see Steve Sturdy, 'The political economy of scientific medicine: science, education and the transformation of medical practice in Sheffield, 1890-1922', Med. Hist., 1992, 36: 125-59.
92. These, for Horder, certainly, with their promise of bureaucratization and threat to freedom, constituted one of his worst nightmares. See his 'The place of the voluntary hospitals in relation to health services', Br. med. J., 1928, ii: 27-9. Horder was a vociferous opponent of a National Health Service (NHS) in the form it was introduced after the second world war. This opposition is easily caricatured as reactionary. Herder's response, however, was that of an ageing Edwardian liberal who feared bureaucratization, the dominance of large hospitals and the marginalization of the general practitioner. Criticisms all currently levelled at the NHS.
93. Christopher Lawrence, 'Still incommunicable: clinical holists and medical knowledge in interwar Britain', in Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz (eds), Greater than the parts: holism in biomedicine 1920-1950, New York, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 94-111. For an overview of holism in the period, see Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, 'Medical holism: the context', ibid., pp. 3-22. For studies of other varieties of medical and scientific holism in the period, see the other essays in the volume.
94. Christopher Lawrence, 'Still incommunicable: clinical holists and medical knowledge in interwar Britain', in Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz (eds), Greater than the parts: holism in biomedicine 1920-1950, New York, Oxford University Press, 1998, pp. 94-111. For an overview of holism in the period, see Christopher Lawrence and George Weisz, 'Medical holism: the context', ibid., pp. 3-22. For studies of other varieties of medical and scientific holism in the period, see the other essays in the volume.
95. Thomas Horder, 'Preventive treatment in influenza', Br. med. J., 1919, ii: 695-8, on p. 696.
96. Thomas Horder, The future of medicine', St. Bartholomew's Hosp. J., 1920, 27: 143-5.
97. Mervyn Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 31, and personal communication. Thomas Horder would make a fascinating study in the relation between temperament and ideology. His son described him to me as a "loner".
98. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 175-6.
99. Walter Langdon Brown, 'Diabetes in relation to the ductless glands', Br. med. J., 1920, ii: 191.
100. Brown, op. cit., note 34 above, 5th ed., 1924, p. 272.
101. See obituaries, op. cit., note 7 above. Horder considered the introduction of psychology as a compulsory subject in the medical curriculum "long overdue". Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 49.
102. See obituaries, op. cit., note 7 above. Horder considered the introduction of psychology as a compulsory subject in the medical curriculum "long overdue". Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 49.
103. Horder, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 916. I have no evidence that Horder was involved in the Medical Society of Individual Psychology to which Brown seems to have devoted a great deal of attention.
104. Brown, op. cit., note 52 above, pp. vii, 14.
105. Ibid., pp. 23-4.
106. Report of an address, 'Individual psychology and the sympathetic mechanism', Br. med. J., 1931, ii: 753-4, on p. 753. Brown's conflation of the social and the biological was explicit in his Maudsley lecture in 1936, The biology of social life', in which political and biological languages were freely exchanged. Cell, individual and society, were in hierarchical continuity: "Just as cells struggle to achieve the best they can within their environment, so the individual they form struggles either to do so, or to change its surroundings". "The cause of successful evolution", he stated, "has been to increase . . . the size of the . . . unit" and "just as the development of the higher centres checks instinctive activities, so the development of communal life must restrict the freedom of the individual". The conclusion was obvious, "A strong central government is needed to keep order, and no high degree of differentiation is possible in the animal body without the control of a centralised nervous system". Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 11-31.
107. Report of an address, 'Individual psychology and the sympathetic mechanism', Br. med. J., 1931, ii: 753-4, on p. 753. Brown's conflation of the social and the biological was explicit in his Maudsley lecture in 1936, The biology of social life', in which political and biological languages were freely exchanged. Cell, individual and society, were in hierarchical continuity: "Just as cells struggle to achieve the best they can within their environment, so the individual they form struggles either to do so, or to change its surroundings". "The cause of successful evolution", he stated, "has been to increase . . . the size of the . . . unit" and "just as the development of the higher centres checks instinctive activities, so the development of communal life must restrict the freedom of the individual". The conclusion was obvious, "A strong central government is needed to keep order, and no high degree of differentiation is possible in the animal body without the control of a centralised nervous system". Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 11-31.
108. Brown, op. cit., note 52 above, pp. 36-7.
109. Ibid., pp. 143-5.
110. Ibid., pp. 82, 83.
111. Thomas Horder, Medical notes, London, H Frowde, 1921, p. 1, citing Gee, op. cit., note 24 above, p. 232.
112. Thomas Horder, Medical notes, London, H Frowde, 1921, p. 1, citing Gee, op. cit., note 24 above, p. 232.
113. Horder, ibid., pp. 2, 5. Emphasis mine.
114. Ibid., pp. 19, 77. Emphasis in original in both.
115. 'Dr. Albert Abrams', Lancet, 1924, i: 146.
116. F Howard Humphris, 'The "electronic reactions" of Abrams (E.R.A.)', ibid., pp. 176-8.
117. Ibid., pp. 309, 359-60, 415-16; Br. med. J., 1924, i: 164-5.
118. Ibid., pp. 309, 359-60, 415-16; Br. med. J., 1924, i: 164-5.
119. Thomas Horder, et al., A preliminary communication concerning the "Electronic Reactions" of Abrams with special reference to the "Emanometer" technique of Boyd, John Bale, Sons & Danielsson, London, 1925, p. 20. It is possible Horder funded the work of the committee. He certainly helped remove "certain financial obstacles" (ibid.).
120. Thomas Horder, et al., A preliminary communication concerning the "Electronic Reactions" of Abrams with special reference to the "Emanometer" technique of Boyd, John Bale, Sons & Danielsson, London, 1925, p. 20. It is possible Horder funded the work of the committee. He certainly helped remove "certain financial obstacles" (ibid.).
121. Horder, op. cit., note 31 above. William Boyd qualified MB ChB Glasgow 1915 and MD Glasgow 1919. He held appointments at homeopathic institutions and published in homeopathic journals.
122. See Lancet, 1924, ii: 803-4.
123. 'The Electronic Reactions of Abrams', Br. med. J., 1925, i: 179-85.
124. Ibid., pp. 192-3, 236-7, 281-2.
125. Ibid., p. 702.
126. Preliminary communication, op. cit., note 91 above, p. 12-18.
127. Br. med. J., 1955, ii: 624. The obituarist passed over Horder's endorsement of Boyd in such a way as to suggest to this historian that the whole episode was an embarrassment to Horder's friends.
128. Lancet, 1925, ii: 210. Indeed perhaps Horder benefited from supporting a homeopath!
129. See Harry Collins and Trevor Pinch, The Golem: what everyone should know about science, Cambridge University Press, 1993. On cold fusion see ch. 3.
130. Horder, op. cit., note 41 above, p. 90.
131. Mervyn Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 17.
132. Br. med. J., 1922 ii: 1078-80.
133. Br. med. J.. 1923 ii: 445.
134. Br. med. J., 1925, i: 695.
135. See the views cited in Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above.
136. Br. med J., 1925, i: 695.
137. Walter Langdon Brown, The position of the thyroid in the endoctine system', Br. med. J., 1922, i: 85-8.
138. Walter Langdon Brown, The endocrines in general medicine, London, Constable, 1927, pp. 109, 131.
139. Lancet, op. cit., note 7 above, p. 547.
140. Brown, op. cit. note, 109 above, p. 131.
141. Thomas Horder and A E Gow, The essentials of medical diagnosis, London, Cassell, 1928.
142. Ibid., pp. 7, 10.
143. Ibid., 2nd ed., London, Cassell, 1952, p. xiii.
144. Thomas Horder, On the need for standardization in clinical pathology', Lancet, 1928, ii: 137-9.
145. Brown, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 49. The phrase had been used of the doctor, rather than the patient, three years earlier by Horder when discussing septicaemia: "In no disease did the personal equation of the doctor enter so largely" Br. med. J., 1925, i: 657-8.
146. Brown, op. cit., note 33 above, p. 49. The phrase had been used of the doctor, rather than the patient, three years earlier by Horder when discussing septicaemia: "In no disease did the personal equation of the doctor enter so largely" Br. med. J., 1925, i: 657-8.
147. On nudism, see Thomas Horder, 'Medicine and morals'. Lancet, 1934, i: 795-8.
148. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
149. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
150. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
151. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
152. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
153. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
154. On literary elites, see D L LeMahieu, A culture for democracy: mass communication and the cultivated mind in Britain between the wars, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988; John Carey, The intellectuals and the masses: pride and prejudice among the literary intelligentsia, 1880-1939, London, Faber, 1992. The difference between Leavis and the doctors was that Leavis and the Scrutineers were to some extent engaged in overthrowing a gentleman-scholar tradition. See Francis Mulhern, The moment of scrutiny, London, NLB, 1979, p. 32. Perhaps more correctly they were engaged in overthrowing the critical apparatus employed in that tradition. Mulhern argues that "neither birth nor occupational status fitted its members for the role of scholar-gentlemen. They were, for the most part, petit or lower bourgeois in origin" (p. 32). The same could be said for many of the doctors. See also Ian Mackillop, F. R. Leavis, a life in criticism, London, Allen Lane, 1995. For a comparison of Leavis and the doctors, see Lawrence, op. cit., note 70 above. On the medical profession and gentility, see Christopher Lawrence, 'Medical minds: surgical bodies: corporeality and the doctors', in Christopher Lawrence and Steven Shapin (eds), Science incarnate: historical embodiments of natural knowledge, Chicago University Press, 1998, pp. 156-201. The similarities of the medical responses to modernity to those of some modernists in the arts by no means entailed identity of sentiments on all matters. "Mr T. S. Eliot", wrote Brown, "who is bleakly austere in prose says that in poetry, meaning only plays the part of the lump of meat in the turned-up end of the dog-stealer's trousers. Meaning is only required to focus the reader's attention until the poem has him in thrall. Well that may be so, but 1 still hanker after that bit of meat." Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 45.
155. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 174.
156. Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 60.
157. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 33.
158. Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 13.
159. Ibid., p. 27.
160. Ibid., p. 49. Parenthetically, one might note the use again of the idea of marriage as, variously, something normal, evolved and an ideal, organic union.
161. Ibid., p. 27; Jan Smuts, Holism and evolution, New York, Macmillan, 1926; Walter Langdon Brown, The integration of the endocrine system, Cambridge, The University Press, 1935.
162. Ibid., p. 27; Jan Smuts, Holism and evolution, New York, Macmillan, 1926; Walter Langdon Brown, The integration of the endocrine system, Cambridge, The University Press, 1935.
163. Ibid., p. 27; Jan Smuts, Holism and evolution, New York, Macmillan, 1926; Walter Langdon Brown, The integration of the endocrine system, Cambridge, The University Press, 1935.
164. Eric Hobsbawm, The age of extremes. A history of the world, 1914-1991, New York, Vintage Books, 1996, p. 109.
165. Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 2-3, 17.
166. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 169; Thomas Horder, 'The vocation of medicine', Lancet, 1948, ii: 715-7, p. 717.
167. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 169; Thomas Horder, 'The vocation of medicine', Lancet, 1948, ii: 715-7, p. 717.
168. Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, pp. 62, 57.
169. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, p. 191.
170. Ibid., p. 13.
171. Brown, op. cit., note 50 above, p. 23.
172. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 209-10.
173. Horder, op. cit., note 20 above, p. 915.
174. Thomas Horder, op. cit., note 5 above, pp. 166, 32, 2.
175. Ibid., pp. 168-9.
176. Ibid., pp. 175-6, 181.
177. Horder and Gow, op. cit., note 114 above, p. xiii.