Hildegard of Bingen and the greening of medieval medicine

Bulletin of the History of Medicine

Volumn 73, Issue 3, 1999, Pages 381-403

  Sweet, Victoria ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; GERMANY; HISTORY; HUMAN; PUBLIC FIGURE; PUBLICATION; RELIGION;

CHRISTIANITY; FAMOUS PERSONS; GERMANY; HISTORY, MEDIEVAL; HUMANS; MANUSCRIPTS, MEDICAL; RELIGION AND MEDICINE;

EID: 0033194747     PISSN: 00075140     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1353/bhm.1999.0140     Document Type: Article

References (114)

1. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
2. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
3. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
4. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
5. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
6. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
7. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
8. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
9. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
10. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
11. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
12. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
13. In this paper, all translations are my own. Contemporary sources for Hildegard's life include biographies written during her lifetime, a first-hand report from the commission that visited her monastery in 1233 to investigate her claims to sainthood, and her letters. Many of these documents have been newly edited. See Gottfried, and Theodoric of Echternach, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in S. Hildegardis opera omnia, Patrologiae cursus completus . . . Series latina, ed. Jacques-Paul Migne (Paris: Apud Garnier, 1882), vol. 197, cols. 91-130; and "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis," in Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis (hereafter, CCCM), ed. Monica Klaes (Turnhout: Brepols, 1993), vol. 126. In English, see Sabina Flanagan, Hildegard of Bingen, 1098-1179: A Visionary Life (London: Routledge, 1989); Barbara Newman, Sister of Wisdom: St. Hildegard's Theology of the Feminine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 1-42; and Peter Dronke, "Hildegard of Bingen," in idem, Women Writers of the Middle Ages: A Critical Study of Texts from Perpetua (†203) to Marguerite Porete (†1310) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), pp. 144-201. Hundreds of letters both to and from Hildegard also survive; many have been published in Migne, Patrologia, vol. 197, cols. 145-382; others are newly edited in "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," in CCCM, ed. Lieven van Acker (Turnhout: Brepols, 1991, 1993), vols. 91-91A. For English versions, see The Letters of Hildegard of Bingen, vol. 1, trans. Joseph L. Baird and Radd K. Ehrman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994). The annals of Disibodenberg offer additional insights into Hildegard's experiences as a child and young adult: see "Annales Sancti Disibodi 891-1200," in Monumenta germaniae historica SS, ed. Georg Waitz (Hannover, 1861), vol. 17, pp. 14-30. Three outstanding secondary sources about the context of Hildegard's life include: Anton Philipp Brück, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1179-1979: Festschrift zum 800. Todestag der Heiligen (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1979); Charles Burnett and Peter Dronke, eds., Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of Her Thought and Art (London: Warburg Institute, 1998); and Hans-Jürgen Kotzur, ed., Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179 (Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1998). On Hildegard's methods of composition, see Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana," Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 1981, 16:97-131.
14. Much has been discovered about Hildegard's family, with whom she maintained close ties. Her brother, Hugo, became the cantor in Mainz, taught in the cathedral school, and later served as Hildegard's secretary. Another brother, Rorich, was a canon in the cloister of Thalley in the Saar; a sister, Clementia, became a nun at Rupertsberg. Drutwin, the eldest, inherited the family property; dying childless, he bequeathed it to Hildegard's convent. Nothing is known of her other sisters, Irmengard, Odila, and Jutta. See Ines Koring, "Hildegard von Bingen, 1098-1179," in Kotzur, Hildegard von Bingen (n. 1), pp. 2-22.
15. Jutta seems to have been a powerful, well-educated woman from the noble class; see Franz Staab, "Reform und Reformgruppen im Erzbistum Mainz: Vom 'Libellus de Willigis consuetudinibus' zur 'Vita domnae Juttae inclusae,'" in Reformidee und Reformpolitik im spätsalisch-frühstaufischen Reich, ed. Stefan Weinfurter (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1992), pp. 119-88; Franz Staab, "Aus Kindheit und Lehrzeit Hildegards," in Hildegard von Bingen: Prophetin durch die Zeiten: zum 900. Geburtstag, ed. Äbtissen Edeltraud Forster und dem Konvent der Benediktinerinnenabtei St. Hildegard (Freiburg: Herder, 1997), pp. 58-86; and Miriam Schmitt, "Blessed Jutta of Disibodenberg: Hildegard of Bingen's Magistra and Abbess," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1989, 40(2): 170-89.
16. Jutta seems to have been a powerful, well-educated woman from the noble class; see Franz Staab, "Reform und Reformgruppen im Erzbistum Mainz: Vom 'Libellus de Willigis consuetudinibus' zur 'Vita domnae Juttae inclusae,'" in Reformidee und Reformpolitik im spätsalisch-frühstaufischen Reich, ed. Stefan Weinfurter (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1992), pp. 119-88; Franz Staab, "Aus Kindheit und Lehrzeit Hildegards," in Hildegard von Bingen: Prophetin durch die Zeiten: zum 900. Geburtstag, ed. Äbtissen Edeltraud Forster und dem Konvent der Benediktinerinnenabtei St. Hildegard (Freiburg: Herder, 1997), pp. 58-86; and Miriam Schmitt, "Blessed Jutta of Disibodenberg: Hildegard of Bingen's Magistra and Abbess," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1989, 40(2): 170-89.
17. Jutta seems to have been a powerful, well-educated woman from the noble class; see Franz Staab, "Reform und Reformgruppen im Erzbistum Mainz: Vom 'Libellus de Willigis consuetudinibus' zur 'Vita domnae Juttae inclusae,'" in Reformidee und Reformpolitik im spätsalisch-frühstaufischen Reich, ed. Stefan Weinfurter (Mainz: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1992), pp. 119-88; Franz Staab, "Aus Kindheit und Lehrzeit Hildegards," in Hildegard von Bingen: Prophetin durch die Zeiten: zum 900. Geburtstag, ed. Äbtissen Edeltraud Forster und dem Konvent der Benediktinerinnenabtei St. Hildegard (Freiburg: Herder, 1997), pp. 58-86; and Miriam Schmitt, "Blessed Jutta of Disibodenberg: Hildegard of Bingen's Magistra and Abbess," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1989, 40(2): 170-89.
18. "Inaquosa ubi nulla essent commoda" (Gottfried and Theodoric, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis" [n. 1], col. 106). According to Disibod's annals, 1151 was a year of "fames valida et mortalitas hominum" [fierce famine and general mortality] - an inauspicious beginning for the new monastery ("Annales" [n. 1], vol. 17, 28:43).
19. "Inaquosa ubi nulla essent commoda" (Gottfried and Theodoric, "Vita Sanctae Hildegardis" [n. 1], col. 106). According to Disibod's annals, 1151 was a year of "fames valida et mortalitas hominum" [fierce famine and general mortality] - an inauspicious beginning for the new monastery ("Annales" [n. 1], vol. 17, 28:43).
20. Hildegard's life throws much-needed light on the relationship between cloistered nuns, monks, and the world at large. Although the strict enclosure of nuns has often been emphasized, the principle was honored in the breach, as Hildegard's activities demonstrate. Not only did she routinely receive visitors from all over Europe, but she traveled throughout Germany, preaching. Nor was there the strict separation of men and women that we have come to expect. Hildegard's secretary, the monk Volmar, moved to Rupertsberg along with the nuns, and her former prior at Disibodenberg referred to the monks as those who "have known you almost from the cradle and with whom you lived for many years" [. . . nos, qui vos fere a cunabulis novimus et apud quos per plurimos annos fuistis] (van Acker, "Hildegardis Bingensis Epistolarium," [n. 1], vol. 91, 175: 7-8, letter 78). Such observations are pertinent to any consideration of the relationship between Hildegard's text and her intellectual environment.
21. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
22. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
23. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
24. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
25. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
26. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
27. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
28. For a recent review of the Anglo-Saxon historiography, see Sabina Flanagan, "Zwischen New Age und wissenschaftlicher Forschung: Die Rezeption Hildegards von Bingen in der englischsprachigen Welt," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 476-84. For a review of the medical historiography, see Sue Spencer Cannon, "The Medicine of Hildegard of Bingen: Her Twelfth-Century Theories and Their Twentieth-Century Appeal as a Form of Alternative Medicine" (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1993), pp. 47-55. Although Hildegard's natural-scientific text, the Physica, has been available in a printed edition since 1533, her medical text, Causae et curae, was unknown until Carl Jessen discovered the still-unique manuscript in the Royal Library at Copenhagen in 1859. A complete edition appeared in 1903: Paul Kaiser, ed., Hildegardis Causae et curae (Leipzig: Teubner, 1903) (parenthetical citations below of page and line numbers refer to this edition); the text has not yet been re-edited. For an account of the vicissitudes of the only surviving manuscript of Causae et curae, see Kaiser's "Praefatio," Hildegardis Causae et curae, pp. iii-iv. For information on the manuscripts of the Physica, and its relationship to Causae el curae, see Marianna Schrader and Adelgundis Führkötter, Die Echtheit des Schrifttums der heiligen Hildegard von Bingen: quellen Kritische Untersuchungen (Cologne: Bohlau-Verlag, 1956), pp. 54-59. For a recent discussion of new manuscript finds, medieval compilation techniques, and their relationship to the hypothesized Ur-text, see Irmgard Müller, "Zur Verfasserfrage der medizinisch-naturkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Tiefe des Gotteswissens: Schönheit der Sprachgestalt bei Hildegard von Bingen, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog, 1995), pp. 1-17. See also Laurence Moulinier, Le manuscrit perdu à Strasbourg: Enquête sur l'oeuvre scientifique de Hildegarde (Paris: Sorbonne, 1995), and idem, "Ein Präzedenzfall der Kompendien-Literatur: Die Quellen der natur- und heilkundlichen Schriften Hildegards von Bingen," in Prophetin durch die Zeiten (n. 3), pp. 431-17.
29. For example: "The historical importance of this work [Physica] lies in the fact that in it we possess an independent presentation of twelfth-century German natural science, borrowed from the Volk" [Die geschichtliche Bedeutung dieses Werkes besteht darin, dass wir in demselben eine dem Volke entlehnte selbständige Darstellung der deutschen Naturkunde des zwölften Jahrhunderts besitzen] (Heinrich Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und der epidemischen Krankheiten. Vol. 1: Geschichte der Medicin im Alterthum und Mittelatter [Jena: Hermann Dufft, 1875], p. 640, my translation) .Julius Pagel, noting the use of German in the otherwise Latin Physica, suggested that this use implied a representation of folk medical tradition [In dem lateinischen Text finden sich vielfach altdeutsche, z.T. aus der Volkmedizin entlehnte Bezeichnungen für Krankheiten und Heilmittel] (p. 634), and thus should be considered to be "ein populär medizinisches Vademecum" (p. 635) (Julius Pagel, "Geschichte der Medizin im Mittelalter," in Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, ed. Max Neuburger and Julius Pagel (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1902],vol. 1).Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff referred to her as "die deutsche Seherin und Krankenheilerin": see Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff, Geschichte der Medizin im Überblick mit Abbildungen (Jena: Fischer, 1928, 1: 173). When Hermann Fischer synthesized previous research in his still-useful book of 1927, he compared her remedies to those in a wide range of herbal texts and proposed that all derived from a common, hypothesized "Indo-Germanic" source. ["Wenn manche Volksrezepte des frühen Mittelalters mit denen antiker Autoren zusammengehen, so möchte ich eher blauben, dass beide auf die indogermanische Vorzeit zurückgehen"] (p. 41 [417]) (Hermann Fischer, Die Heilige Hildegard von Bingen: Die Erste deutsche Naturforscherin und Ärztin, ihr Leben und Werk [Munich: Münchner Drucke, 1927]).
30. For example: "The historical importance of this work [Physica] lies in the fact that in it we possess an independent presentation of twelfth-century German natural science, borrowed from the Volk" [Die geschichtliche Bedeutung dieses Werkes besteht darin, dass wir in demselben eine dem Volke entlehnte selbständige Darstellung der deutschen Naturkunde des zwölften Jahrhunderts besitzen] (Heinrich Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und der epidemischen Krankheiten. Vol. 1: Geschichte der Medicin im Alterthum und Mittelatter [Jena: Hermann Dufft, 1875], p. 640, my translation) .Julius Pagel, noting the use of German in the otherwise Latin Physica, suggested that this use implied a representation of folk medical tradition [In dem lateinischen Text finden sich vielfach altdeutsche, z.T. aus der Volkmedizin entlehnte Bezeichnungen für Krankheiten und Heilmittel] (p. 634), and thus should be considered to be "ein populär medizinisches Vademecum" (p. 635) (Julius Pagel, "Geschichte der Medizin im Mittelalter," in Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, ed. Max Neuburger and Julius Pagel (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1902],vol. 1).Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff referred to her as "die deutsche Seherin und Krankenheilerin": see Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff, Geschichte der Medizin im Überblick mit Abbildungen (Jena: Fischer, 1928, 1: 173). When Hermann Fischer synthesized previous research in his still-useful book of 1927, he compared her remedies to those in a wide range of herbal texts and proposed that all derived from a common, hypothesized "Indo-Germanic" source. ["Wenn manche Volksrezepte des frühen Mittelalters mit denen antiker Autoren zusammengehen, so möchte ich eher blauben, dass beide auf die indogermanische Vorzeit zurückgehen"] (p. 41 [417]) (Hermann Fischer, Die Heilige Hildegard von Bingen: Die Erste deutsche Naturforscherin und Ärztin, ihr Leben und Werk [Munich: Münchner Drucke, 1927]).
31. For example: "The historical importance of this work [Physica] lies in the fact that in it we possess an independent presentation of twelfth-century German natural science, borrowed from the Volk" [Die geschichtliche Bedeutung dieses Werkes besteht darin, dass wir in demselben eine dem Volke entlehnte selbständige Darstellung der deutschen Naturkunde des zwölften Jahrhunderts besitzen] (Heinrich Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und der epidemischen Krankheiten. Vol. 1: Geschichte der Medicin im Alterthum und Mittelatter [Jena: Hermann Dufft, 1875], p. 640, my translation) .Julius Pagel, noting the use of German in the otherwise Latin Physica, suggested that this use implied a representation of folk medical tradition [In dem lateinischen Text finden sich vielfach altdeutsche, z.T. aus der Volkmedizin entlehnte Bezeichnungen für Krankheiten und Heilmittel] (p. 634), and thus should be considered to be "ein populär medizinisches Vademecum" (p. 635) (Julius Pagel, "Geschichte der Medizin im Mittelalter," in Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, ed. Max Neuburger and Julius Pagel (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1902],vol. 1).Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff referred to her as "die deutsche Seherin und Krankenheilerin": see Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff, Geschichte der Medizin im Überblick mit
32. For example: "The historical importance of this work [Physica] lies in the fact that in it we possess an independent presentation of twelfth-century German natural science, borrowed from the Volk" [Die geschichtliche Bedeutung dieses Werkes besteht darin, dass wir in demselben eine dem Volke entlehnte selbständige Darstellung der deutschen Naturkunde des zwölften Jahrhunderts besitzen] (Heinrich Haeser, Lehrbuch der Geschichte der Medicin und der epidemischen Krankheiten. Vol. 1: Geschichte der Medicin im Alterthum und Mittelatter [Jena: Hermann Dufft, 1875], p. 640, my translation) .Julius Pagel, noting the use of German in the otherwise Latin Physica, suggested that this use implied a representation of folk medical tradition [In dem lateinischen Text finden sich vielfach altdeutsche, z.T. aus der Volkmedizin entlehnte Bezeichnungen für Krankheiten und Heilmittel] (p. 634), and thus should be considered to be "ein populär medizinisches Vademecum" (p. 635) (Julius Pagel, "Geschichte der Medizin im Mittelalter," in Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, ed. Max Neuburger and Julius Pagel (Jena: Gustav Fischer, 1902],vol. 1).Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff referred to her as "die deutsche Seherin und Krankenheilerin": see Theodor Meyer-Steineg and Karl Sudhoff, Geschichte der Medizin im Überblick mit Abbildungen (Jena: Fischer, 1928, 1: 173). When Hermann Fischer synthesized previous research in his still-useful book of 1927, he compared her remedies to those in a wide range of herbal texts and proposed that all derived from a common, hypothesized "Indo-Germanic" source. ["Wenn manche Volksrezepte des frühen Mittelalters mit denen antiker Autoren zusammengehen, so möchte ich eher blauben, dass beide auf die indogermanische Vorzeit zurückgehen"] (p. 41 [417]) (Hermann Fischer, Die Heilige Hildegard von Bingen: Die Erste deutsche Naturforscherin und Ärztin, ihr Leben und Werk [Munich: Münchner Drucke, 1927]).
33. Paul Diepgen explained Nazi interest in folk medicine in an address in 1935: "It is false to create an opposition between science and the folk. . . . If the historian sees that today in the Third Reich the desire for a compromise between the two has become quite strong, then he perceives it with particular joy, as the realization of one of his goals" [Es ist falsch, einen Gegensatz zwischen Wissenschaft und Volkstum aufzurichten. . . . Wenn der Historiker heute sieht, das im Dritten Reich der Wunsch nach diesem Ausgleich stark geworden ist, so empfindet er das als Verwirklichung eines seiner Ziele mit besonderer Freude] (p. 61): see Paul Diepgen, "Die volkstümlichen und die wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen der Therapie in der Geschichte der Medizin," in Medizin und Kultur: Gesammelte Aufsätze, eds. Walter Artelt, Edith Heischkel, and Johann Schuster (Stuttgart: F. Enke, 1938).
34. This point of view has been embraced by Heinrich Schipperges: "Hildegard's [medical] worldview . . . was elaborated within the sacramental ordering of the life of primitive Christianity" [Esta imagen del mundo . . . está aún totalmente elaborada sobre la ordenación sacramental de la vida del primitivo Occidente] (p. 220) (Heinrich Schipperges, "Mundo y hombre en hildegarde de Bingen," in "La medicina en la edad media latina," in Historia universal de la medicina, 7 vols., ed. Pedro Lain Entralgo [Barcelona: Salat, 1972], 3: 220). Indeed, Schipperges glosses Causae et curae with Hildegard's later theology and visions. See also Heinrich Schipperges, Heilkunde: Das Buch von dem Grund und Wesen und der Heilung der Krankheiten (Salzburg: Otto Müller, 1957).
35. This point of view has been embraced by Heinrich Schipperges: "Hildegard's [medical] worldview . . . was elaborated within the sacramental ordering of the life of primitive Christianity" [Esta imagen del mundo . . . está aún totalmente elaborada sobre la ordenación sacramental de la vida del primitivo Occidente] (p. 220) (Heinrich Schipperges, "Mundo y hombre en hildegarde de Bingen," in "La medicina en la edad media latina," in Historia universal de la medicina, 7 vols., ed. Pedro Lain Entralgo [Barcelona: Salat, 1972], 3: 220). Indeed, Schipperges glosses Causae et curae with Hildegard's later theology and visions. See also Heinrich Schipperges, Heilkunde: Das Buch von dem Grund und Wesen und der Heilung der Krankheiten (Salzburg: Otto Müller, 1957).
36. For example, she is described by Mélanie Lipinska as "cette sainte qui maintint si glorieusement au Moyen Age la tradition de la femme médecin" (Mélanie Lipinska, Histoire des femmes médecins depuis l'antiquitéjusqu'à nos jours [Paris: Librairie G. Jacques et Cie, 1900], p. 143); or, for another example, see Gertrude Engbring, "Saint Hildegard, Twelfth-Century Physician," Bull. Hist. Med., 1940, 8: 770-84. Such sources are unfortunately still being used uncritically by many researchers; for example, see Timothy Daaleman, "The Medical World of Hildegard of Bingen," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1993, 44: 280-89.
37. For example, she is described by Mélanie Lipinska as "cette sainte qui maintint si glorieusement au Moyen Age la tradition de la femme médecin" (Mélanie Lipinska, Histoire des femmes médecins depuis l'antiquitéjusqu'à nos jours [Paris: Librairie G. Jacques et Cie, 1900], p. 143); or, for another example, see Gertrude Engbring, "Saint Hildegard, Twelfth-Century Physician," Bull. Hist. Med., 1940, 8: 770-84. Such sources are unfortunately still being used uncritically by many researchers; for example, see Timothy Daaleman, "The Medical World of Hildegard of Bingen," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1993, 44: 280-89.
38. For example, she is described by Mélanie Lipinska as "cette sainte qui maintint si glorieusement au Moyen Age la tradition de la femme médecin" (Mélanie Lipinska, Histoire des femmes médecins depuis l'antiquitéjusqu'à nos jours [Paris: Librairie G. Jacques et Cie, 1900], p. 143); or, for another example, see Gertrude Engbring, "Saint Hildegard, Twelfth-Century Physician," Bull. Hist. Med., 1940, 8: 770-84. Such sources are unfortunately still being used uncritically by many researchers; for example, see Timothy Daaleman, "The Medical World of Hildegard of Bingen," Amer. Benedictine Rev., 1993, 44: 280-89.
39. For instance, Ruth Marie Walker-Moskop, "Health and Cosmic Continuity in Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1985); Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6); Kent Kraft, "The Eye Sees More Than the Heart Knows: The Visionary Cosmology of Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1977); Matthew Fox, Illuminations of Hildegard of Bingen (Santa Fe: Bear, 1985).
40. For instance, Ruth Marie Walker-Moskop, "Health and Cosmic Continuity in Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1985); Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6); Kent Kraft, "The Eye Sees More Than the Heart Knows: The Visionary Cosmology of Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1977); Matthew Fox, Illuminations of Hildegard of Bingen (Santa Fe: Bear, 1985).
41. For instance, Ruth Marie Walker-Moskop, "Health and Cosmic Continuity in Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1985); Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6); Kent Kraft, "The Eye Sees More Than the Heart Knows: The Visionary Cosmology of Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1977); Matthew Fox, Illuminations of Hildegard of Bingen (Santa Fe: Bear, 1985).
42. For instance, Ruth Marie Walker-Moskop, "Health and Cosmic Continuity in Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Texas, 1985); Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6); Kent Kraft, "The Eye Sees More Than the Heart Knows: The Visionary Cosmology of Hildegard of Bingen" (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1977); Matthew Fox, Illuminations of Hildegard of Bingen (Santa Fe: Bear, 1985).
43. Sabina Flanagan, Secrets of God: Writings of Hildegard of Bingen (Boston: Shambhala, 1996).
44. Change is taking place, however. For example, in a recent article on medical botany, Hildegard is one of the "principal medieval Latin authors" [les principaux auteurs médiévaux Latins] (Françoise Fery-Hue, "Le Romarin et ses propriétés, un traité anonyme faussement attribué à Aldebrandin de Sienne," Romania, 1997, 115: 138-92; quotation on p. 138).
45. Donald Bates, ed., Knowledge and the Scholarly Medical Traditions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 7.
46. For an elegant rebuttal to this view, see Linda E. Voigts, "Anglo-Saxon Plant Remedies and the Anglo-Saxons," Isis, 1979, 70: 250-68.
47. Erwin Ackerknecht, A Short History of Medicine (New York: Ronald Press, 1955), p. 76.
48. See Arthur Kleinman, Patients and Healers in the Context of Culture: An Exploration of the Borderland between Anthropology, Medicine, and Psychiatry (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), for a vivid portrayal of medical pluralism in action.
49. "Greening power" for viriditas is Matthew Fox's translation: Fox, Illuminations (n. 11), p. 30.
50. It is difficult to know the right term to use here: medieval agriculture was far closer to what we think of today as gardening than to what we think of as agriculture. Farming was intensive, done by hand with a minimum of tools, and demanded a personal relationship between human beings and the earth they cultivated. As Mauro Ambrosoli points out in The Wild and The Sown: Botany and Agriculture in Western Europe, 1350-1850, trans. Mary McCann Savatorelli (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 96, "Gardens tilled for pleasure or food presented the same problems as those that faced the farmer using highly intensive labour."
51. The relationship between body and land, agriculture and medicine is explicit in the cognate traditions of Indian and Chinese medicine. See Francis Zimmermann, La Jungle et le fumet des viandes: Un thème écologique dans la médecine hindoue (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1982). He proposes that the Ayurvedic concept of the body "comes from images common to all ancient physiologies, the circulation of fluid within organic material" [quelques images communes à toutes les physiologies antiques: la circulation des fluides au sein des matières organiques] (p. 180), and that "the drainage of the human body (medicine) and the cultivation of the dry lands (the jungle) make up one and the same theme or group of basic images" [le Drainage du corps humain (la médecine) et la mise en culture des terres sèches (la jungle) forment un seul et même thème ou faisceau d'images fondatrices] (p. 9). Paul Unschuld likewise argues for a relationship between Chinese medicine and its socioagricultural context in Paul Ulrich Unschuld, Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). I will explore the repercussions of this relationship more fully in my dissertation.
52. The relationship between body and land, agriculture and medicine is explicit in the cognate traditions of Indian and Chinese medicine. See Francis Zimmermann, La Jungle et le fumet des viandes: Un thème écologique dans la médecine hindoue (Paris: Éditions du Seuil, 1982). He proposes that the Ayurvedic concept of the body "comes from images common to all ancient physiologies, the circulation of fluid within organic material" [quelques images communes à toutes les physiologies antiques: la circulation des fluides au sein des matières organiques] (p. 180), and that "the drainage of the human body (medicine) and the cultivation of the dry lands (the jungle) make up one and the same theme or group of basic images" [le Drainage du corps humain (la médecine) et la mise en culture des terres sèches (la jungle) forment un seul et même thème ou faisceau d'images fondatrices] (p. 9). Paul Unschuld likewise argues for a relationship between Chinese medicine and its socioagricultural context in Paul Ulrich Unschuld, Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985). I will explore the repercussions of this relationship more fully in my dissertation.
53. For an argument that the two texts were originally one, see Schrader and Fürhkötter, Die Echtheit (n. 6), pp. 54-59.
54. Here she uses exactly the same organization as do two of her close contemporaries: Honorius Augustodunensis, "De Imagine Mundi," in Migne, Patrologia (n. 1), vol. 172, cols. 115-46; and William, of Conches, in his Philosophia mundi, ed. Gregor Maurach (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1974). Both have first chapters devoted to natural science and cosmology, organized implicitly by the concept of the four elements.
55. Here she uses exactly the same organization as do two of her close contemporaries: Honorius Augustodunensis, "De Imagine Mundi," in Migne, Patrologia (n. 1), vol. 172, cols. 115-46; and William, of Conches, in his Philosophia mundi, ed. Gregor Maurach (Pretoria: University of South Africa, 1974). Both have first chapters devoted to natural science and cosmology, organized implicitly by the concept of the four elements.
56. Much has been written on the traditional doctrine of the four humors; for a clear account of its history, see Raymond Klibansky, Erwin Panofsky, and Fritz Saxl, "The Doctrine of the Four Humors," in Saturn and Melancholy: Studies in the History of Natural Philosophy, Religion, and Art (London: Nelson, 1964), pp. 3-15. Hildegard's humors are similar to the traditional four described in academic texts, but idiosyncratic - as is much of her material. For a discussion of Hildegard's particular use of theory, see Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6), pp. 76-117.
57. Much has been written on the traditional doctrine of the four humors; for a clear account of its history, see Raymond Klibansky, Erwin Panofsky, and Fritz Saxl, "The Doctrine of the Four Humors," in Saturn and Melancholy: Studies in the History of Natural Philosophy, Religion, and Art (London: Nelson, 1964), pp. 3-15. Hildegard's humors are similar to the traditional four described in academic texts, but idiosyncratic - as is much of her material. For a discussion of Hildegard's particular use of theory, see Cannon, "Medicine" (n. 6), pp. 76-117.
58. The choice of veins was a complicated subject in the academic literature; see Linda E. Voigts and Michael R. McVaugh, A Latin Technical Phlebotomy and Its Middle English Translation, Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., 1984, 74, part 2. By contrast, Hildegard's technique was straightforward: the cephalic vein was to be opened for problems of the head, the median vein for problems of the "middle" part of the body (lungs, heart), and the hepatic vein for the lower regions.
59. What Hildegard meant by isca or medulla fusarii is unclear; tus (thus) meant incense or frankincense.
60. Cocturas ("cooking") thus seems to be a technique comparable to the topical moxibustion practiced to this day in Chinese medicine, in which moxa, a species of artemisia, is burned on the acupuncture points. Whether the topicality of bleeding, cautery, and "cocturas" as practiced in the West implies an understanding of the body similar to that of the East, is not yet clear. See Shigehisa Kuriyama, "Interpreting the History of Bloodletting," J. Hist. Med., 1995, 50: 11-46, in which he points out: "By a curious irony of history, many in the West today readily concede the possibility of an empirical basis for the exotic technique of acupuncture, while they dismiss offhand the phlebotomy practiced assiduously in Europe for over two millennia. Yet as we have just noted, acupuncture and topological bleeding were kindred techniques, positing similar, sometimes identical, connections between sites of treatment and distant ailing parts" (p. 25).
61. Six twelfth-century German medical manuscripts are known; they are all compendia of recipes, like the third and fourth chapters of Causae et curae. Often they recommend native plants instead of classical Mediterranean ones, suggesting an empiric, perhaps indigenous, source for their knowledge. How such empiric practice was understood by its practitioners is not clear, however, from the texts. See Bernhard Schnell, "Vorüberlegungen zu einer 'Geschichte der deutschen Medizinliteratur des Mittelalters' am Beispiel des 12. Jahrhunderts," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1994, 78 (1): 90-97; idem, "Das Prüller Kräuterbuch: Zum ersten Herbar in deutscher Sprache," Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 1991, 120: 184-202. The texts can be found in Friedrich Wilhelm, ed., Denkmäler deutscher Prosa des 11 und 12 Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Munich: G. D. Callwey, 1914-18).
62. Six twelfth-century German medical manuscripts are known; they are all compendia of recipes, like the third and fourth chapters of Causae et curae. Often they recommend native plants instead of classical Mediterranean ones, suggesting an empiric, perhaps indigenous, source for their knowledge. How such empiric practice was understood by its practitioners is not clear, however, from the texts. See Bernhard Schnell, "Vorüberlegungen zu einer 'Geschichte der deutschen Medizinliteratur des Mittelalters' am Beispiel des 12. Jahrhunderts," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1994, 78 (1): 90-97; idem, "Das Prüller Kräuterbuch: Zum ersten Herbar in deutscher Sprache," Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 1991, 120: 184-202. The texts can be found in Friedrich Wilhelm, ed., Denkmäler deutscher Prosa des 11 und 12 Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Munich: G. D. Callwey, 1914-18).
63. Six twelfth-century German medical manuscripts are known; they are all compendia of recipes, like the third and fourth chapters of Causae et curae. Often they recommend native plants instead of classical Mediterranean ones, suggesting an empiric, perhaps indigenous, source for their knowledge. How such empiric practice was understood by its practitioners is not clear, however, from the texts. See Bernhard Schnell, "Vorüberlegungen zu einer 'Geschichte der deutschen Medizinliteratur des Mittelalters' am Beispiel des 12. Jahrhunderts," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1994, 78 (1): 90-97; idem, "Das Prüller Kräuterbuch: Zum ersten Herbar in deutscher Sprache," Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur, 1991, 120: 184-202. The texts can be found in Friedrich Wilhelm, ed., Denkmäler deutscher Prosa des 11 und 12 Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Munich: G. D. Callwey, 1914-18).
64. See Laurel Means, Medieval Lunar Astrology: A Collection of Representative Middle English Texts (Lewiston, N.Y.: E. Meilen, 1993).
65. The evidence for this assertion is indirect. In the introduction to the Liber vitae meritorum, begun in 1158, Hildegard lists her previous works, among which was a book on medicine that, she says, she began after completing Scivias (c. 1150) and took eight years to write ("subtilitates diversarum naturarum creaturarum . . . multa infirmitate multoque labore . . . per octo annos duraveram") (Hildegardis liber vite meritorum, ed. Angela Carlevaris [Turnhout: Brepols, 1995], 8: 7-12). Whether this text was the Physica, or Causae et curas, or some combination of both, is the subject of much scholarly discussion; in any case, her comment suggests that she must have begun the text around 1150, just as she began the move to Rupertsberg.
66. Given the number of surviving prescriptions for "retention of menses" (i.e., missed periods), it must have been a common problem (185: 25). Although stress, malnutrition, and fatigue can cause women to miss periods, it seems just as likely that these recipes were methods for procuring abortion. See John Riddle, "Manuscript Sources for Birth Control," in Manuscript Sources of Medieval Medicine: A Book of Essays, ed. Margaret R. Schleissner (New York: Garland, 1995), pp. 145-58, see especially p. 151 ("she knew that when she recommended a menstrual stimulator, pregnancy also might be terminated").
67. See Dronke, Women Writers (n. 1), pp. 171-83, for a discussion of Hildegard's binary attitude toward the physical world. See also Jerome Kroll and Bernard Bachrach, "Sin and the Etiology of Disease in Pre-Crusade Europe," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1986, 41: 395-414, for an examination of how the two contradictory understandings of disease were used in practice. In their sources, the intention of the author and the purpose of the text were decisive for the type of etiology emphasized - in particular, "God's involvement in bringing on disease as a punishment for sin seems to occur only when the medieval author had a fundamental grievance against the person who becomes ill" (p. 396).
68. See Dronke, Women Writers (n. 1), pp. 171-83, for a discussion of Hildegard's binary attitude toward the physical world. See also Jerome Kroll and Bernard Bachrach, "Sin and the Etiology of Disease in Pre-Crusade Europe," J. Hist. Med. Allied Sci., 1986, 41: 395-414, for an examination of how the two contradictory understandings of disease were used in practice. In their sources, the intention of the author and the purpose of the text were decisive for the type of etiology emphasized - in particular, "God's involvement in bringing on disease as a punishment for sin seems to occur only when the medieval author had a fundamental grievance against the person who becomes ill" (p. 396).
69. Although the text seems to show some familiarity with Greco-Roman medical literature, nothing regarding its sources can be proved, for the contents of Disibodenberg's library are unknown. The holdings of a nearby library, however, included twenty-six volumes of contemporary medical texts: see Karl Sudhoff, "Die medizinischen Schriften, welche Bischof Bruno von Hildesheim 1161 in seiner Bibliothek besaß, und die Bedeutung des Konstantin von Afrika im 12. Jahrhundert," Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, 1916, 9: 348-56. As Peter Dronke has pointed out, the problem is complicated, because the similarity between a recipe used by Hildegard and one recommended by Soranus does not necessarily mean that "Hildegard read a Soranus MS which contained this recipe; on the contrary, the recipe is the chance survival, through an early written testimony, of a range of widespread popular lore to which Hildegard's insatiably inquiring mind will have been open" (Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana" [n. 1], 16: 97-131; quotation on p. 116). Eliza Glaze's forthcoming dissertation, "The Perforated Wall: An Inquiry into the Textual Traditions of Hildegard of Bingen's Medicine," may provide a definitive answer.
70. Although the text seems to show some familiarity with Greco-Roman medical literature, nothing regarding its sources can be proved, for the contents of Disibodenberg's library are unknown. The holdings of a nearby library, however, included twenty-six volumes of contemporary medical texts: see Karl Sudhoff, "Die medizinischen Schriften, welche Bischof Bruno von Hildesheim 1161 in seiner Bibliothek besaß, und die Bedeutung des Konstantin von Afrika im 12. Jahrhundert," Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, 1916, 9: 348-56. As Peter Dronke has pointed out, the problem is complicated, because the similarity between a recipe used by Hildegard and one recommended by Soranus does not necessarily mean that "Hildegard read a Soranus MS which contained this recipe; on the contrary, the recipe is the chance survival, through an early written testimony, of a range of widespread popular lore to which Hildegard's insatiably inquiring mind will have been open" (Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana" [n. 1], 16: 97-131; quotation on p. 116). Eliza Glaze's forthcoming dissertation, "The Perforated Wall: An Inquiry into the Textual Traditions of Hildegard of Bingen's Medicine," may provide a definitive answer.
71. Although the text seems to show some familiarity with Greco-Roman medical literature, nothing regarding its sources can be proved, for the contents of Disibodenberg's library are unknown. The holdings of a nearby library, however, included twenty-six volumes of contemporary medical texts: see Karl Sudhoff, "Die medizinischen Schriften, welche Bischof Bruno von Hildesheim 1161 in seiner Bibliothek besaß, und die Bedeutung des Konstantin von Afrika im 12. Jahrhundert," Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin, 1916, 9: 348-56. As Peter Dronke has pointed out, the problem is complicated, because the similarity between a recipe used by Hildegard and one recommended by Soranus does not necessarily mean that "Hildegard read a Soranus MS which contained this recipe; on the contrary, the recipe is the chance survival, through an early written testimony, of a range of widespread popular lore to which Hildegard's insatiably inquiring mind will have been open" (Peter Dronke, "Problemata Hildegardiana" [n. 1], 16: 97-131; quotation on p. 116). Eliza Glaze's forthcoming dissertation, "The Perforated Wall: An Inquiry into the Textual Traditions of Hildegard of Bingen's Medicine," may provide a definitive answer.
72. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
73. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
74. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
75. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
76. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
77. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
78. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
79. Perhaps the most informative primary source for early monastic medieval medical practice is the ninth-century plan for the monastery at St. Gall, which provided for a medical complex and included many gardens; see Walter Horn and Ernest Born, The Plan of St. Gall: A Study of the Architecture and Economy of, and Life in a Paradigmatic Carolingian Monastery, 3 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979). See also Robert L. Goodey, "The Development of the Medieval Infirmary in England" (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 1986); Dieter Jetter, "Klosterhospitäler; St. Gallen, Cluny, Escorial," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1978, 62 (4): 315-38; Heinrich Schipperges, Die Benediktiner in der Medizin des frühen Mittelalters (Leipzig: St. Benno-Verlag, 1964); Johannes Duft, Notker der Arzt: Klostermedizin und Monchsarzt im frühmittelalterlichen St. Gallen (St. Gall: Verlag der Buchdruckerei Ostschweiz AG, 1972); Percy Flemming, "The Medical Aspects of the Mediaeval Monastery in England," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1928-29, 22: 771-82; Gerhard Baader, "Mittelalterliche Medizin in bayerischen Klöstern," Sudhoffs Archiv, 1973, 57 (3): 275-96; and Josef Semmler, "Die Sorge um der Kranken Mitbruder im Benediktinerkloster des frühen und hohen Mittelalters," in Der Kranke Mensch in Mittelalter und Renaissance, ed. Peter Wunderli (Dusseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986), pp. 45-49.
80. According to Horn and Born, a typical Benedictine monastery would have had between 100 and 150 monks and an additional 100-200 men and women as lay workers, providing a reasonable patient base for the infirmarian: Horn and Born, Plan (n. 33), 1: 344.
81. There are many references to physicians who in later life became monks; Constantinus Africanus himself is probably an example. Many monks left their monasteries for prolonged periods of time in order to obtain medical training; see Darrel W. Amundsen, "Medieval Canon Law on Medical and Surgical Practice by the Clergy," Bull. Hist. Med., 1978, 52: 22-44. Clearly, techniques such as pulse and tongue diagnosis, uroscopy, and bleeding required hands-on training; in the monastery, they must have been taught by an experienced practitioner.
82. Even before the advent of the new translations, classical medical texts were available in monastic libraries. The most popular were Hippocrates' Aphorisms and Prognostics, Alexander of Tralles's On Pulses and Urines, and Isidore of Seville's Etymologies and his De natura rerum; see Pearl Kibre Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages, rev. ed. (New York: Fordliam University Press, 1985).
83. Even before the advent of the new translations, classical medical texts were available in monastic libraries. The most popular were Hippocrates' Aphorisms and Prognostics, Alexander of Tralles's On Pulses and Urines, and Isidore of Seville's Etymologies and his De natura rerum; see Pearl Kibre Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages, rev. ed. (New York: Fordliam University Press, 1985).
84. Even before the advent of the new translations, classical medical texts were available in monastic libraries. The most popular were Hippocrates' Aphorisms and Prognostics, Alexander of Tralles's On Pulses and Urines, and Isidore of Seville's Etymologies and his De natura rerum; see Pearl Kibre Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages, rev. ed. (New York: Fordliam University Press, 1985).
85. Even before the advent of the new translations, classical medical texts were available in monastic libraries. The most popular were Hippocrates' Aphorisms and Prognostics, Alexander of Tralles's On Pulses and Urines, and Isidore of Seville's Etymologies and his De natura rerum; see Pearl Kibre Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic Writings in the Latin Middle Ages, rev. ed. (New York: Fordliam University Press, 1985).
86. See Marjorie Jenkins, "Medicine and Spices, with Special Reference to Medieval Monastic Accounts," Garden Hist., 1976, 4: 47-49, for a list of purchased drugs. The variety of domesticated herbs available to the infirmarian can be seen in the labeled gardens in the plan of St. Gall (Horn and Born, Plan [n. 33]): they include opium (1:205), as well as lily, rose, climbing bean, pepperwort, iris, pennyroyal, watercress, cumin, lovage, fennel, sage, rue, rosemary, costmary, fenugreek, and mint. See also Carmélia Opsomer-Halleux, "The Medieval Garden and Its Role in Medicine," in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture, no. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), pp. 93-114; and Paul. Meyvaert, "The Medieval Monastic Garden," in the same volume, pp. 57-68.
87. See Marjorie Jenkins, "Medicine and Spices, with Special Reference to Medieval Monastic Accounts," Garden Hist., 1976, 4: 47-49, for a list of purchased drugs. The variety of domesticated herbs available to the infirmarian can be seen in the labeled gardens in the plan of St. Gall (Horn and Born, Plan [n. 33]): they include opium (1:205), as well as lily, rose, climbing bean, pepperwort, iris, pennyroyal, watercress, cumin, lovage, fennel, sage, rue, rosemary, costmary, fenugreek, and mint. See also Carmélia Opsomer-Halleux, "The Medieval Garden and Its Role in Medicine," in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture, no. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), pp. 93-114; and Paul. Meyvaert, "The Medieval Monastic Garden," in the same volume, pp. 57-68.
88. See Marjorie Jenkins, "Medicine and Spices, with Special Reference to Medieval Monastic Accounts," Garden Hist., 1976, 4: 47-49, for a list of purchased drugs. The variety of domesticated herbs available to the infirmarian can be seen in the labeled gardens in the plan of St. Gall (Horn and Born, Plan [n. 33]): they include opium (1:205), as well as lily, rose, climbing bean, pepperwort, iris, pennyroyal, watercress, cumin, lovage, fennel, sage, rue, rosemary, costmary, fenugreek, and mint. See also Carmélia Opsomer-Halleux, "The Medieval Garden and Its Role in Medicine," in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture, no. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), pp. 93-114; and Paul. Meyvaert, "The Medieval Monastic Garden," in the same volume, pp. 57-68.
89. See Marjorie Jenkins, "Medicine and Spices, with Special Reference to Medieval Monastic Accounts," Garden Hist., 1976, 4: 47-49, for a list of purchased drugs. The variety of domesticated herbs available to the infirmarian can be seen in the labeled gardens in the plan of St. Gall (Horn and Born, Plan [n. 33]): they include opium (1:205), as well as lily, rose, climbing bean, pepperwort, iris, pennyroyal, watercress, cumin, lovage, fennel, sage, rue, rosemary, costmary, fenugreek, and mint. See also Carmélia Opsomer-Halleux, "The Medieval Garden and Its Role in Medicine," in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall, Dumbarton Oaks Colloquium on the History of Landscape Architecture, no. 9 (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1986), pp. 93-114; and Paul. Meyvaert, "The Medieval Monastic Garden," in the same volume, pp. 57-68.
90. "By experiment, specialization, or just careful cultivation, they [the infirmarians] supplied their patients with medicines, purgatives, skin ointments, eye drops, cordials and infusions, sedatives, stimulants, cough medicines, air and floor fresheners, tasty tidbits for convalescents and pot herbs for the meat meals they were allowed to cook for those recovering their strength after letting blood" (Teresa McLean, Medieval English Gardens [New York: Viking Press, 1980], p. 29). For an excellent summary of the practical aspects of medieval pharmacy, see the introduction by Tony Hunt in his Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-Century England: Introduction and Texts (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990).
91. "By experiment, specialization, or just careful cultivation, they [the infirmarians] supplied their patients with medicines, purgatives, skin ointments, eye drops, cordials and infusions, sedatives, stimulants, cough medicines, air and floor fresheners, tasty tidbits for convalescents and pot herbs for the meat meals they were allowed to cook for those recovering their strength after letting blood" (Teresa McLean, Medieval English Gardens [New York: Viking Press, 1980], p. 29). For an excellent summary of the practical aspects of medieval pharmacy, see the introduction by Tony Hunt in his Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-Century England: Introduction and Texts (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990).
92. See "Annales" (n. 1), 26: 23-26.
93. ". . . nullus fere aegrotus ad earn acceserit, quin continuo sanitatem receperit" ([Theodoric], in Migne, Patrologia [n. 1], vol. 197, col. 117).
94. "Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis sanctae Hildegardis" (ibid., cols. 131-40).
95. Ibid., cols. 117-22.
96. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
97. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
98. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
99. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
100. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
101. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
102. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
103. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
104. In addition to the domestic practitioner, there were lay professionals: herbalists, who sold homemade preparations; barbers, who pulled teeth, bled patients, and lanced boils; bathhouse attendants, who set fractures and dislocations; and itinerants, who specialized in tooth-pulling, breaking the stone, or couching for cataracts. However, the potential for Hildegard's contact with such practitioners seems limited. See Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medicine in Illuminated Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1998); Heinrich Schipperges, Der Garten der Gesundheit: Medizin im Mittelalter (Munich: Artemis, 1985); Annette Niederhellmann, Arzt und Heilkund in den frühmittelalterliche Leges: Eine wort- und sachkundliche Untersuchung (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1983); Vern L. Bullough, "Training of the Nonuniversity-Educated Medical Practitioners in the Later Middle Ages," J. Hist. Med., 1959, 14: 446-58; Britta-Juliane Kruse, Verborgene Heilkunste Geschichte der Frauenmedizin im Spätmittelalter (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996); Lucille B. Pinto, "The Folk Practice of Gynecology and Obstetrics in the Middle Ages," Bull. Hist. Med., 1973, 47: 513-23. On professional women practitioners, see Monica Green, "Women's Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe," Signs, 1989, 14: 434-73; idem, "Documenting Medieval Women's Medical Practice," in Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death, ed. Luis García-Ballester, Roger French, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 323-52; Eileen Power, "Some Women Practitioners of Medicine in the Middle Ages," Proc. Roy. Soc. Med., 1922, 15 (6): 20-23.
105. See Max Höfler, "Altgermanische Heilkunde," in Handbuch der Geschichte der Medizin, 3 vols., ed. Max Neuburger and Julius Pagel (Jena: Fisher, 1902), 1: 456-80.
106. It is pertinent to note here that just across from Bingen were the lithium baths of Assmanhausen.
107. Bruce M. S. Campbell, James A. Galloway, and Margaret Murphy, "Rural Land-Use in the Metropolitan Hinterland, 1270-1339: The Evidence of Inquisitiones Post Mortem," Agric. Hist. Rev., 1992, 40: 1-22; quotation on p. 9.
108. William C. Crossgrove, "Medicine in the Twelve Books on Rural Practices of Petrus de Crescentiis," in Schleissner, Manuscript Sources (n. 30), pp. 81-103; quotation on p. 95.
109. P. G. W. Glare, ed., Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982), p. 2072, s.v. "viriditas."
110. Zimmermann, Jungle (n. 20), pp. 21 and 254. Not incidentally, the Greek chymoi - humors - also denoted sap in a plant or juice in a fruit (Vivian Nutton, "Medicine in the Greek World, 800-50 B.C.," in Lawrence I. Conrad, Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, Roy Porter, and Andrew Wear, The Western Medical Tradition: 800 B.C. to A.D. 1800 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995], quotation on p. 24).
111. Zimmermann, Jungle (n. 20), pp. 21 and 254. Not incidentally, the Greek chymoi - humors - also denoted sap in a plant or juice in a fruit (Vivian Nutton, "Medicine in the Greek World, 800-50 B.C.," in Lawrence I. Conrad, Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, Roy Porter, and Andrew Wear, The Western Medical Tradition: 800 B.C. to A.D. 1800 [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995], quotation on p. 24).
112. Indeed, an explicit connection between medicine and gardening is made in Chinese medicine: "While the classical texts of Chinese medicine use many metaphors to interpret the body, none is as pervasive as that of plant growth and development. . . . The physicians studied the face in much the same way that a gardener judges the conditions of plants" (Shigehisa Kuriyama, "Visual Knowledge in Classical Chinese Medicine," in Bates, Knowledge [n. 14], pp. 205-234, see especially p. 229).
113. The body/plant analogy in later medieval medical writing is discussed by Marie-Christine Pouchelle, "Le monde végétal," in Corps et chirurgie à l'apogée du Moyen Age (Paris: Flammarion, 1983), pp. 277-84.
114. "Exploitation of land lay at the core of the medieval economy and society. . . . The biological constraints of an organic agricultural technology, coupled with a reliance upon hand tools and human and animal muscle power, ensured that natural, environmental factors exercised an important general influence upon the overall pattern" (Campbell et al., "Rural Land-Use" [n. 46], p. 1).