Other centres of calculation, or, where the royal society didn't count: Commerce, coffee-houses and natural philosophy in early modern London

British Journal for the History of Science

Volumn 32, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 133-153

  Stewart, Larry ^a  

^a UNIVERSITY OF SASKATCHEWAN   (Canada)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ARTICLE; COMMERCIAL PHENOMENA; HEALTH CARE ORGANIZATION; HISTORY; UNITED KINGDOM;

COMMERCE; GREAT BRITAIN; HISTORY, 17TH CENTURY; HISTORY, 18TH CENTURY; SOCIETIES, SCIENTIFIC;

EID: 0033143144     PISSN: 00070874     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0007087499003556     Document Type: Article

References (165)

1. Cambridge University Library, Additional MSS 3965 (13), f. 479r. I owe this reference to Alan Gabbey who brought it to my attention. See Gabbey, 'Innovation and continuity in the history of astronomy: the case of the rotating Moon', in Revolution and Continuity: Essays in the History and Philosophy of Early Modern Science (ed. Peter Barker and Roger Ariew), Washington, D.C., 1991, 95-129, esp. 95-6.
2. The Correspondence of Isaac Newton. Volume I (ed. H. W. Turnbull), Cambridge, 1959, 9-13, esp. 10. Newton to Aston, 18 May 1669.
3. Correspondence of Isaac Newton, I, esp. 10. Newton to Aston, 18 May 1669. I wish to thank James MacLachlan for drawing this to my attention and for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper. See also Richard S. Westfall, Never at Rest. A Biography of Isaac Newton, Cambridge, 1980, 193. As Henry Oldenburg's request to Edward Browne in the previous year reveals, such advice was becoming commonplace. See A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall (eds.), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, 1965-86, v, 261-3, no. 1046; Oldenburg to Browne, M.D., F.R.S., 18 December 1668.
4. Correspondence of Isaac Newton, I, esp. 10. Newton to Aston, 18 May 1669. I wish to thank James MacLachlan for drawing this to my attention and for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper. See also Richard S. Westfall, Never at Rest. A Biography of Isaac Newton, Cambridge, 1980, 193. As Henry Oldenburg's request to Edward Browne in the previous year reveals, such advice was becoming commonplace. See A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall (eds.), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, 1965-86, v, 261-3, no. 1046; Oldenburg to Browne, M.D., F.R.S., 18 December 1668.
5. Correspondence of Isaac Newton, I, esp. 10. Newton to Aston, 18 May 1669. I wish to thank James MacLachlan for drawing this to my attention and for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper. See also Richard S. Westfall, Never at Rest. A Biography of Isaac Newton, Cambridge, 1980, 193. As Henry Oldenburg's request to Edward Browne in the previous year reveals, such advice was becoming commonplace. See A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall (eds.), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, 1965-86, v, 261-3, no. 1046; Oldenburg to Browne, M.D., F.R.S., 18 December 1668.
6. Correspondence of Isaac Newton, I, esp. 10. Newton to Aston, 18 May 1669. I wish to thank James MacLachlan for drawing this to my attention and for his comments on an earlier draft of this paper. See also Richard S. Westfall, Never at Rest. A Biography of Isaac Newton, Cambridge, 1980, 193. As Henry Oldenburg's request to Edward Browne in the previous year reveals, such advice was becoming commonplace. See A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall (eds.), The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, 13 vols, Madison, Milwaukee, and London, 1965-86, v, 261-3, no. 1046; Oldenburg to Browne, M.D., F.R.S., 18 December 1668.
7. Cf. Walter E. Houghton, Jr., 'The history of trades: its relation to seventeenth-century thought as seen in Bacon, Petty, Evelyn, and Boyle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1941), 2, 33-60; Kathleen H. Ochs, 'The Royal Society of London's History of Trades Programme: An early episode in applied science', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1985), 39, 129-58; and Michael Hunter, 'Science, technology and patrosage: Robert Hooke and the Cutlerian Lecturship', in Establishing the New Science. The Experience of the Early Royal Society (ed. M. Hunter), Woodbridge, 1989, 279-338.
8. Cf. Walter E. Houghton, Jr., 'The history of trades: its relation to seventeenth-century thought as seen in Bacon, Petty, Evelyn, and Boyle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1941), 2, 33-60; Kathleen H. Ochs, 'The Royal Society of London's History of Trades Programme: An early episode in applied science', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1985), 39, 129-58; and Michael Hunter, 'Science, technology and patrosage: Robert Hooke and the Cutlerian Lecturship', in Establishing the New Science. The Experience of the Early Royal Society (ed. M. Hunter), Woodbridge, 1989, 279-338.
9. Cf. Walter E. Houghton, Jr., 'The history of trades: its relation to seventeenth-century thought as seen in Bacon, Petty, Evelyn, and Boyle', Journal of the History of Ideas (1941), 2, 33-60; Kathleen H. Ochs, 'The Royal Society of London's History of Trades Programme: An early episode in applied science', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1985), 39, 129-58; and Michael Hunter, 'Science, technology and patrosage: Robert Hooke and the Cutlerian Lecturship', in Establishing the New Science. The Experience of the Early Royal Society (ed. M. Hunter), Woodbridge, 1989, 279-338.
10. See Paul Wood and Michael Hunter, 'Towards Solomon's House: rival strategies for reforming the early Royal Society', in Hunter, op. cit. (4), esp. 216-18.
11. Steven Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 19, 373-404, esp. 396, 400-2; and Shapin, A Social History of Truth. Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England, Chicago, 1994, esp. Chapter 8.
12. Steven Shapin, 'The house of experiment in seventeenth-century England', Isis (1988), 19, 373-404, esp. 396, 400-2; and Shapin, A Social History of Truth. Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England, Chicago, 1994, esp. Chapter 8.
13. Larry Stewart, The Rise of Public Science. Rhetoric, Technology, and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660-1750, Cambridge, 1992, esp. Part III.
14. On relations between the Royal Society and chartered companies see Larry Stewart, 'The edge of utility: slaves and smallpox in the early eighteenth century', Medical History (1985), 29, 54-70. Cf. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power. War, Money and the English State, 1688-1783, Cambridge, MA, 1990, esp. part IV.
15. On relations between the Royal Society and chartered companies see Larry Stewart, 'The edge of utility: slaves and smallpox in the early eighteenth century', Medical History (1985), 29, 54-70. Cf. John Brewer, The Sinews of Power. War, Money and the English State, 1688-1783, Cambridge, MA, 1990, esp. part IV.
16. Daniel Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman in Familiar Letters, 2nd ed., London, 1727, reprint, New York, 1969, 306. Letter XXII, 'Of the Dignity of Trade in England more than any other Countries'. My italics. On Defoe and trade see also J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History. Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge, 1985, esp. 111-13.
17. Daniel Defoe, The Complete English Tradesman in Familiar Letters, 2nd ed., London, 1727, reprint, New York, 1969, 306. Letter XXII, 'Of the Dignity of Trade in England more than any other Countries'. My italics. On Defoe and trade see also J. G. A. Pocock, Virtue, Commerce, and History. Essays on Political Thought and History, Chiefly in the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge, 1985, esp. 111-13.
18. On Defoe's view of the importance of science and reason see Simon Schaffer, 'Defoe's natural philosophy and the worlds of credit', in Nature Transfigured. Science and Literature, 1700-1900 (ed. John Christie and Sally Shuttleworth), Manchester and New York, 13-44, esp. 26.
19. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 161-2, 164, 262, 264-5; Schaffer, op. cit. (10), 13-44; and Schaffer, 'A social history of plausibility: country, city and calculation in Augustan Britain', in Rethinking Social History. English Society 1750-1920 and its Interpretation (ed. Adrian Wilson), Manchester and New York, 1993, 128-57.
20. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 161-2, 164, 262, 264-5; Schaffer, op. cit. (10), 13-44; and Schaffer, 'A social history of plausibility: country, city and calculation in Augustan Britain', in Rethinking Social History. English Society 1750-1920 and its Interpretation (ed. Adrian Wilson), Manchester and New York, 1993, 128-57.
21. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 161-2, 164, 262, 264-5; Schaffer, op. cit. (10), 13-44; and Schaffer, 'A social history of plausibility: country, city and calculation in Augustan Britain', in Rethinking Social History. English Society 1750-1920 and its Interpretation (ed. Adrian Wilson), Manchester and New York, 1993, 128-57.
22. See Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods, New York, 1979, 80. For a recent attempt to address the theoretical convergence of trade and rational mechanics see Richard W. Hadden, On the Shoulders of Merchants: Exchange and the Mathematical Conception of Nature in Early Modern Europe, Albany, NY, 1994, esp. Chapter 5.
23. See Mary Douglas and Baron Isherwood, The World of Goods, New York, 1979, 80. For a recent attempt to address the theoretical convergence of trade and rational mechanics see Richard W. Hadden, On the Shoulders of Merchants: Exchange and the Mathematical Conception of Nature in Early Modern Europe, Albany, NY, 1994, esp. Chapter 5.
24. See Richard Sorrenson, 'Towards a history of the Royal Society in the eighteenth century', Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1996), 50, 29-46, esp. 38.
25. G. D. Ramsay, The Queen's Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands. The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II, Manchester, 1986, 79-80; Fernand Braudel, The Perspective of the World. (Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Volume 3), trans. Siân Reynolds, New York and London, 1979, 153, 355; Ann Saunders, The Royal Exchange, London, 1991, 7-12.
26. G. D. Ramsay, The Queen's Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands. The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II, Manchester, 1986, 79-80; Fernand Braudel, The Perspective of the World. (Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Volume 3), trans. Siân Reynolds, New York and London, 1979, 153, 355; Ann Saunders, The Royal Exchange, London, 1991, 7-12.
27. G. D. Ramsay, The Queen's Merchants and the Revolt of the Netherlands. The End of the Antwerp Mart, Part II, Manchester, 1986, 79-80; Fernand Braudel, The Perspective of the World. (Civilization and Capitalism, 15th-18th Century, Volume 3), trans. Siân Reynolds, New York and London, 1979, 153, 355; Ann Saunders, The Royal Exchange, London, 1991, 7-12.
28. See Christopher Hill, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution, London, 1965, 34ff. ; and I. R. Adamson, 'The administration of Gresham College and its fluctuating fortunes as a scientific institution in the seventeenth century', History of Education (1980), 9, 13-25.
29. See Christopher Hill, Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution, London, 1965, 34ff. ; and I. R. Adamson, 'The administration of Gresham College and its fluctuating fortunes as a scientific institution in the seventeenth century', History of Education (1980), 9, 13-25.
30. Of course, Gresham's proposition had not been altogether unique. Conflict with the Spanish Empire magnified the importance of proper military training. Although there had been efforts by Richard Hakluyt, and even promises of support from Drake, it took the Armada to induce the approval of lectures for captains of the trained bands. Thus in 1588 Thomas Smith, the first Governor of the East India Company, provided support for Thomas Hood (himself the son of a merchant tailor) for a series of lectures. The content soon shifted from fortification to the difficult problems of navigation, thereby laying the foundation for the Gresham professors and their increasingly strong ties with the Navy and merchant seamen in the seventeenth century. See Hill, op. cit. (15), 33-4; Francis R. Johnson, 'Gresham College: precursor of the Royal Society', Journal of the History of Ideas (1940), 1, 413-38, esp. 422-9.
31. Of course, Gresham's proposition had not been altogether unique. Conflict with the Spanish Empire magnified the importance of proper military training. Although there had been efforts by Richard Hakluyt, and even promises of support from Drake, it took the Armada to induce the approval of lectures for captains of the trained bands. Thus in 1588 Thomas Smith, the first Governor of the East India Company, provided support for Thomas Hood (himself the son of a merchant tailor) for a series of lectures. The content soon shifted from fortification to the difficult problems of navigation, thereby laying the foundation for the Gresham professors and their increasingly strong ties with the Navy and merchant seamen in the seventeenth century. See Hill, op. cit. (15), 33-4; Francis R. Johnson, 'Gresham College: precursor of the Royal Society', Journal of the History of Ideas (1940), 1, 413-38, esp. 422-9.
32. Quoted in William Eamon, Science and the Secrets of Nature. Books of Secrets in Medieval and Early Modern Culture, Princeton, 1994, 312.
33. Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 319-44, esp. 332ff.; 324-5, on the space of the practitioner; Hunter, op. cit. (4), Chapter 9; esp. 305, on Hooke and the 'necessity of the conjunction of Physical and Philosophical with Mechanical and Experimental Knowledge...'. See also Ian Adamson, 'The Royal Society and Gresham College 1660-1711', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1978), 33, 1-21, esp. 6.
34. Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 319-44, esp. 332ff.; 324-5, on the space of the practitioner; Hunter, op. cit. (4), Chapter 9; esp. 305, on Hooke and the 'necessity of the conjunction of Physical and Philosophical with Mechanical and Experimental Knowledge...'. See also Ian Adamson, 'The Royal Society and Gresham College 1660-1711', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1978), 33, 1-21, esp. 6.
35. Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematical practitioners and instruments in Elizabethan England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 319-44, esp. 332ff.; 324-5, on the space of the practitioner; Hunter, op. cit. (4), Chapter 9; esp. 305, on Hooke and the 'necessity of the conjunction of Physical and Philosophical with Mechanical and Experimental Knowledge...'. See also Ian Adamson, 'The Royal Society and Gresham College 1660-1711', Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London (1978), 33, 1-21, esp. 6.
36. See Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society, London, 1667, 76; Margaret 'Espinasse, 'The decline and fall of Restoration science', Past & Present (1958), 14, 71-89, esp. 85-7; and Wood and Hunter, op. cit. (5), 218.
37. See Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society, London, 1667, 76; Margaret 'Espinasse, 'The decline and fall of Restoration science', Past & Present (1958), 14, 71-89, esp. 85-7; and Wood and Hunter, op. cit. (5), 218.
38. See Thomas Sprat, History of the Royal Society, London, 1667, 76; Margaret 'Espinasse, 'The decline and fall of Restoration science', Past & Present (1958), 14, 71-89, esp. 85-7; and Wood and Hunter, op. cit. (5), 218.
39. Shapin, op. cit. (6), 393, 400. On Hooke and his haunts among the coffee-houses, see Robert Iliffe, 'Material doubts: Hooke, artisan culture and the exchange of information in 1670s London', BJHS (1995), 28, 285-318, 310-18. Original emphasis.
40. Shapin, op. cit. (6), 393, 400. On Hooke and his haunts among the coffee-houses, see Robert Iliffe, 'Material doubts: Hooke, artisan culture and the exchange of information in 1670s London', BJHS (1995), 28, 285-318, 310-18. Original emphasis.
41. See, for example, Hunter, op. cit. (4), esp. Chapter 9; and M. Hunter and S. Schaffer (eds), Robert Hooke. New Studies, Woodbridge, 1989.
42. See, for example, Hunter, op. cit. (4), esp. Chapter 9; and M. Hunter and S. Schaffer (eds), Robert Hooke. New Studies, Woodbridge, 1989.
43. Frances Willmoth, '"The genius of all arts" and the use of instruments: Jonas Moore (1617-1679) as a mathematician, surveyor, and astronomer', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 355-65, 362; and Sir Jonas Moore. Practical Mathematics and Restoration Science, Woodbridge, 1993, 175ff. On the complexities of the relations between the Royal Society and the Observatory see, for example, Adrian Johns, Wisdom in the Concourse. Natural Philosophy and the History of the Book in Early Modern England, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1992, 193-200.
44. Frances Willmoth, '"The genius of all arts" and the use of instruments: Jonas Moore (1617-1679) as a mathematician, surveyor, and astronomer', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 355-65, 362; and Sir Jonas Moore. Practical Mathematics and Restoration Science, Woodbridge, 1993, 175ff. On the complexities of the relations between the Royal Society and the Observatory see, for example, Adrian Johns, Wisdom in the Concourse. Natural Philosophy and the History of the Book in Early Modern England, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1992, 193-200.
45. Frances Willmoth, '"The genius of all arts" and the use of instruments: Jonas Moore (1617-1679) as a mathematician, surveyor, and astronomer', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 355-65, 362; and Sir Jonas Moore. Practical Mathematics and Restoration Science, Woodbridge, 1993, 175ff. On the complexities of the relations between the Royal Society and the Observatory see, for example, Adrian Johns, Wisdom in the Concourse. Natural Philosophy and the History of the Book in Early Modern England, Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge University, 1992, 193-200.
46. Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 363-4; Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 195ff.; J. A. Bennett, 'The Mathematicians' Apprenticeship', BJHS (1985), 18, 212-17, 217.
47. Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 363-4; Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 195ff.; J. A. Bennett, 'The Mathematicians' Apprenticeship', BJHS (1985), 18, 212-17, 217.
48. Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 363-4; Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 195ff.; J. A. Bennett, 'The Mathematicians' Apprenticeship', BJHS (1985), 18, 212-17, 217.
49. Cf. Douglas, op. cit. (12), 90.
50. Cambridge University Library, Add. MSS 3972, f. 38. Newton to ?, n.d.
51. As detailed in Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematics, paper and place in early modern dockyard learning'; Michael Berlin, 'The pathway to knowledge: navigational instruction in early modern London, circa 1550-1640'; Robert Iliffe, '"A Relish of Mathematicks": mathematics instruction in early modern London.' Papers presented to the Achievement Project Meeting, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, September-October 1993; and Johnston, op. cit. (18), esp. 343.
52. As detailed in Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematics, paper and place in early modern dockyard learning'; Michael Berlin, 'The pathway to knowledge: navigational instruction in early modern London, circa 1550-1640'; Robert Iliffe, '"A Relish of Mathematicks": mathematics instruction in early modern London.' Papers presented to the Achievement Project Meeting, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, September-October 1993; and Johnston, op. cit. (18), esp. 343.
53. As detailed in Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematics, paper and place in early modern dockyard learning'; Michael Berlin, 'The pathway to knowledge: navigational instruction in early modern London, circa 1550-1640'; Robert Iliffe, '"A Relish of Mathematicks": mathematics instruction in early modern London.' Papers presented to the Achievement Project Meeting, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, September-October 1993; and Johnston, op. cit. (18), esp. 343.
54. As detailed in Stephen Johnston, 'Mathematics, paper and place in early modern dockyard learning'; Michael Berlin, 'The pathway to knowledge: navigational instruction in early modern London, circa 1550-1640'; Robert Iliffe, '"A Relish of Mathematicks": mathematics instruction in early modern London.' Papers presented to the Achievement Project Meeting, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, September-October 1993; and Johnston, op. cit. (18), esp. 343.
55. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
56. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
57. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
58. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
59. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
60. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
61. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
62. In the last decade the literature on the world of mathematicians and mechanics has become voluminous. See, for example, Mordechai Feingold, The Mathematician's Apprenticeship. Science, Universities and Society in England, 1560-1640, Cambridge, 1984; Bennett, op. cit. (23), 212-17; Bennett, 'The mechanics' philosophy and the mechanical philosophy', History of Science (1986), 24, 1-28; Bennett, 'The longitude and the new science', Vistas in Astronomy (1985), 28, 219-25; Bennett, 'Geometry and surveying in early seventeenth-century England', Annals of Science (1991), 48, 345-54; Johnston, op. cit. (26), 319-44; Willmoth, 'Genius', op. cit. (22), 355-65, and Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), passim.
63. Nicholas Hans, New Trends in Education in the Eighteenth Century, London, 1966, 213-14; Ralph Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry, Newton Abbot, 1972, 124-6; and A. G. Howson, A History of Mathematics Education in England, Cambridge, 1982, 35-8.
64. Nicholas Hans, New Trends in Education in the Eighteenth Century, London, 1966, 213-14; Ralph Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry, Newton Abbot, 1972, 124-6; and A. G. Howson, A History of Mathematics Education in England, Cambridge, 1982, 35-8.
65. Nicholas Hans, New Trends in Education in the Eighteenth Century, London, 1966, 213-14; Ralph Davis, The Rise of the English Shipping Industry, Newton Abbot, 1972, 124-6; and A. G. Howson, A History of Mathematics Education in England, Cambridge, 1982, 35-8.
66. Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 196-200.
67. [Arbuthnot], An Essay on the Usefulness of Mathematical Learning, in A Letter from a Gentleman in the City to his Friend at Oxford, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1721, 31.
68. Cf. Sorrenson, op. cit. (13), 32-3; David P. Miller, '"Into the Valley of Darkness": reflections on the Royal Society in the eighteenth century', History of Science (1989), 27, 155-66, esp. 156-8; Marie Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning. Experiment and the Royal Society 1660-1727, Cambridge, 1991, 95-7, 120ff., 139; and Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows 1660-1700: The Morphology of an Early Scientific Institution. BSHS Monographs no. 4. 2nd ed., Oxford, 1994, 50-4.
69. Cf. Sorrenson, op. cit. (13), 32-3; David P. Miller, '"Into the Valley of Darkness": reflections on the Royal Society in the eighteenth century', History of Science (1989), 27, 155-66, esp. 156-8; Marie Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning. Experiment and the Royal Society 1660-1727, Cambridge, 1991, 95-7, 120ff., 139; and Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows 1660-1700: The Morphology of an Early Scientific Institution. BSHS Monographs no. 4. 2nd ed., Oxford, 1994, 50-4.
70. Cf. Sorrenson, op. cit. (13), 32-3; David P. Miller, '"Into the Valley of Darkness": reflections on the Royal Society in the eighteenth century', History of Science (1989), 27, 155-66, esp. 156-8; Marie Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning. Experiment and the Royal Society 1660-1727, Cambridge, 1991, 95-7, 120ff., 139; and Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows 1660-1700: The Morphology of an Early Scientific Institution. BSHS Monographs no. 4. 2nd ed., Oxford, 1994, 50-4.
71. Cf. Sorrenson, op. cit. (13), 32-3; David P. Miller, '"Into the Valley of Darkness": reflections on the Royal Society in the eighteenth century', History of Science (1989), 27, 155-66, esp. 156-8; Marie Boas Hall, Promoting Experimental Learning. Experiment and the Royal Society 1660-1727, Cambridge, 1991, 95-7, 120ff., 139; and Michael Hunter, The Royal Society and Its Fellows 1660-1700: The Morphology of an Early Scientific Institution. BSHS Monographs no. 4. 2nd ed., Oxford, 1994, 50-4.
72. Margaret E. Rowbottom, 'The teaching of experimental philosophy in England, 1700-1730', XIe Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences (1965). Actes (1968), 4, 48-9; Cambridge University Library, Flamsteed correspondence, RGO 1/34, f. 33, Sharp to Flamsteed, 25 September 1704; also William Cudworth, Life and Correspondence of Abraham Sharp, London, 1889, 81.
73. Margaret E. Rowbottom, 'The teaching of experimental philosophy in England, 1700-1730', XIe Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences (1965). Actes (1968), 4, 48-9; Cambridge University Library, Flamsteed correspondence, RGO 1/34, f. 33, Sharp to Flamsteed, 25 September 1704; also William Cudworth, Life and Correspondence of Abraham Sharp, London, 1889, 81.
74. Margaret E. Rowbottom, 'The teaching of experimental philosophy in England, 1700-1730', XIe Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences (1965). Actes (1968), 4, 48-9; Cambridge University Library, Flamsteed correspondence, RGO 1/34, f. 33, Sharp to Flamsteed, 25 September 1704; also William Cudworth, Life and Correspondence of Abraham Sharp, London, 1889, 81.
75. Margaret E. Rowbottom, 'The teaching of experimental philosophy in England, 1700-1730', XIe Congrès International d'Histoire des Sciences (1965). Actes (1968), 4, 48-9; Cambridge University Library, Flamsteed correspondence, RGO 1/34, f. 33, Sharp to Flamsteed, 25 September 1704; also William Cudworth, Life and Correspondence of Abraham Sharp, London, 1889, 81.
76. Royal Society of London, Library and Archives, MS 798, 'A Collection of Original Letters to Mr. Abraham Sharp of Little Norton by the celebrated Astronomer Royal Mr. John Flamsteed...', no. 18, Flamsteed to Sharp, 21 October 1704.
77. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 19, Flamsteed to Sharp, 5 December 1704.
78. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/33, ff. 172-4. Flamsteed to Wallis, 24 June 1701.1 wish to thank Dr Frances Willmoth for this reference. This account of Hodgson's career is the result of her assistance. See her forthcoming article on Hodgson in the New Dictionary of National Biography. See also Royal Society, MS 798, no. 9, Flamsteed to Sharp, 8 April 1703.
79. Daily Courant, Friday, 12 March 1703; Friday, 21 April 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704. For information on Sir Charles Cox (1660-1729), I wish to thank the History of Parliament Trust.
80. Hunter, op. cit. (4), Chapter 9.
81. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 19, Flamsteed to Sharp, 5 December 1704.
82. R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Index of British Mathematicians. Part III (1701-1800), Newcastle upon Tyne, 1993, 6.
83. Alan Morton, 'Public science in mid-18th century London: the King George III Collection at the Science Museum' (typescript, 1990), 5; Alan Q. Morton and Jane A. Wess, Public & Private Science. The King George III Collection, Oxford, 1993, Chapter 2; Daily Courant Tuesday, 5 December 1704.
84. Alan Morton, 'Public science in mid-18th century London: the King George III Collection at the Science Museum' (typescript, 1990), 5; Alan Q. Morton and Jane A. Wess, Public & Private Science. The King George III Collection, Oxford, 1993, Chapter 2; Daily Courant Tuesday, 5 December 1704.
85. Alan Morton, 'Public science in mid-18th century London: the King George III Collection at the Science Museum' (typescript, 1990), 5; Alan Q. Morton and Jane A. Wess, Public & Private Science. The King George III Collection, Oxford, 1993, Chapter 2; Daily Courant Tuesday, 5 December 1704.
86. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 12, Flamsteed to Sharp, 5 August 1703; Willmoth, op. cit. (35).
87. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 12, Flamsteed to Sharp, 5 August 1703; Willmoth, op. cit. (35).
88. Daily Courant Thursday, 11 January 1705. On the significance of some of these experiments within the natural philosophical community at the time, see Henry Guerlac, 'Francis Hauksbee: experimentateur au profit de Newton', in Essays and Papers in the History of Modern Science (ed. H. Guerlac), Baltimore and London, 1977, 107-19; W. D. Hackmann, 'Scientific instruments: models of brass and aids to discovery' and Simon Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment. Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, Simon Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989, 49-52, 94ff.
89. Daily Courant Thursday, 11 January 1705. On the significance of some of these experiments within the natural philosophical community at the time, see Henry Guerlac, 'Francis Hauksbee: experimentateur au profit de Newton', in Essays and Papers in the History of Modern Science (ed. H. Guerlac), Baltimore and London, 1977, 107-19; W. D. Hackmann, 'Scientific instruments: models of brass and aids to discovery' and Simon Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment. Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, Simon Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989, 49-52, 94ff.
90. Daily Courant Thursday, 11 January 1705. On the significance of some of these experiments within the natural philosophical community at the time, see Henry Guerlac, 'Francis Hauksbee: experimentateur au profit de Newton', in Essays and Papers in the History of Modern Science (ed. H. Guerlac), Baltimore and London, 1977, 107-19; W. D. Hackmann, 'Scientific instruments: models of brass and aids to discovery' and Simon Schaffer, 'Glass works: Newton's prisms and the uses of experiment', in The Uses of Experiment. Studies in the Natural Sciences (ed. David Gooding, Trevor Pinch, Simon Schaffer), Cambridge, 1989, 49-52, 94ff.
91. Willmoth, op. cit. (35). On John Rowley (1668-1728), see M. A. Crawforth, 'Instrument makers in the London Guilds', Annals of Science, (1987), 44, 319-77, esp. 340-1; Gloria Clifton, Directory of British Scientific Instrument Makers 1550-1851, London, 1995, 238-9; John H. Appleby, 'A new perspective on John Rowley, virtuoso master of mechanics and hydraulic engineer', Annals of Science, (1996), 53, 1-27.
92. Willmoth, op. cit. (35). On John Rowley (1668-1728), see M. A. Crawforth, 'Instrument makers in the London Guilds', Annals of Science, (1987), 44, 319-77, esp. 340-1; Gloria Clifton, Directory of British Scientific Instrument Makers 1550-1851, London, 1995, 238-9; John H. Appleby, 'A new perspective on John Rowley, virtuoso master of mechanics and hydraulic engineer', Annals of Science, (1996), 53, 1-27.
93. Willmoth, op. cit. (35). On John Rowley (1668-1728), see M. A. Crawforth, 'Instrument makers in the London Guilds', Annals of Science, (1987), 44, 319-77, esp. 340-1; Gloria Clifton, Directory of British Scientific Instrument Makers 1550-1851, London, 1995, 238-9; John H. Appleby, 'A new perspective on John Rowley, virtuoso master of mechanics and hydraulic engineer', Annals of Science, (1996), 53, 1-27.
94. Willmoth, op. cit. (35). On John Rowley (1668-1728), see M. A. Crawforth, 'Instrument makers in the London Guilds', Annals of Science, (1987), 44, 319-77, esp. 340-1; Gloria Clifton, Directory of British Scientific Instrument Makers 1550-1851, London, 1995, 238-9; John H. Appleby, 'A new perspective on John Rowley, virtuoso master of mechanics and hydraulic engineer', Annals of Science, (1996), 53, 1-27.
95. Quoting Glanvill, in Shapin, '"A scholar and a gentleman": the problematic identity of the scientific practitioner in early modern England', History of Science (1991), 29, 297; see also Shapin, op. cit. (6), passim.
96. Quoting Glanvill, in Shapin, '"A scholar and a gentleman": the problematic identity of the scientific practitioner in early modern England', History of Science (1991), 29, 297; see also Shapin, op. cit. (6), passim.
97. Quoted in Bennett, op. cit. (23), 214.
98. Cf. Bennett, op. cit. (23), 217; and cf. Shapin, op. cit. (44), 311-12.
99. Cf. Bennett, op. cit. (23), 217; and cf. Shapin, op. cit. (44), 311-12.
100. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/34/33, Sharp to Flamsteed, 25 September 1704; Royal Society, MS 798, no. 18, Flamsteed to Sharp, 21 October 1704.
101. Daily Courant, Monday, 29 July 1706. Arnold apparently ran a bookshop called the Hand and Pen in the Barbican, ibid., Wednesday, 3 April 1706. See E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Tudor & Stuart England, Cambridge, 1954, 291; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 4.
102. Daily Courant, Monday, 29 July 1706. Arnold apparently ran a bookshop called the Hand and Pen in the Barbican, ibid., Wednesday, 3 April 1706. See E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Tudor & Stuart England, Cambridge, 1954, 291; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 4.
103. Daily Courant, Monday, 29 July 1706. Arnold apparently ran a bookshop called the Hand and Pen in the Barbican, ibid., Wednesday, 3 April 1706. See E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Tudor & Stuart England, Cambridge, 1954, 291; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 4.
104. Daily Courant, Monday, 29 July 1706. Arnold apparently ran a bookshop called the Hand and Pen in the Barbican, ibid., Wednesday, 3 April 1706. See E. G. R. Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Tudor & Stuart England, Cambridge, 1954, 291; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 4.
105. Ayres was a renowned teacher whose son, Thomas Ayres, was nominated to the Royal Society by Hodgson in 1707. John Ayres was also one of the nine unsuccessful candidates for the position at Christ's Hospital in 1710, and Thomas later went on to play a prominent role in the formation of a joint stock to exploit the Newcomen engine in 1715. See Alan Smith, 'Steam and the city: the Committee of Proprietors of the Invention for Raising Water by Fire, 1715-1735', Transactions of the Newcomen Society, (1977-8), 49, 8-9; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 276. On a possible Ayres family connection to the Amsterdam instrument trade, see J. H. Leopold, 'Some notes on Benjamin Ayres', in Making Instruments Count. Essays on Historical Scientific Instruments presented to Gerard L'Estrange Turner (ed. R. G. W. Anderson, J. A. Bennett, W. F. Ryan), Aldershot, 1993, 395-402.
106. Ayres was a renowned teacher whose son, Thomas Ayres, was nominated to the Royal Society by Hodgson in 1707. John Ayres was also one of the nine unsuccessful candidates for the position at Christ's Hospital in 1710, and Thomas later went on to play a prominent role in the formation of a joint stock to exploit the Newcomen engine in 1715. See Alan Smith, 'Steam and the city: the Committee of Proprietors of the Invention for Raising Water by Fire, 1715-1735', Transactions of the Newcomen Society, (1977-8), 49, 8-9; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 276. On a possible Ayres family connection to the Amsterdam instrument trade, see J. H. Leopold, 'Some notes on Benjamin Ayres', in Making Instruments Count. Essays on Historical Scientific Instruments presented to Gerard L'Estrange Turner (ed. R. G. W. Anderson, J. A. Bennett, W. F. Ryan), Aldershot, 1993, 395-402.
107. Ayres was a renowned teacher whose son, Thomas Ayres, was nominated to the Royal Society by Hodgson in 1707. John Ayres was also one of the nine unsuccessful candidates for the position at Christ's Hospital in 1710, and Thomas later went on to play a prominent role in the formation of a joint stock to exploit the Newcomen engine in 1715. See Alan Smith, 'Steam and the city: the Committee of Proprietors of the Invention for Raising Water by Fire, 1715-1735', Transactions of the Newcomen Society, (1977-8), 49, 8-9; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 276. On a possible Ayres family connection to the Amsterdam instrument trade, see J. H. Leopold, 'Some notes on Benjamin Ayres', in Making Instruments Count. Essays on Historical Scientific Instruments presented to Gerard L'Estrange Turner (ed. R. G. W. Anderson, J. A. Bennett, W. F. Ryan), Aldershot, 1993, 395-402.
108. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 112.
109. Daily Courant, Wednesday, 18 August 1703, and Tuesday, 31 August 1703; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 127.
110. Daily Courant, Wednesday, 18 August 1703, and Tuesday, 31 August 1703; Wallis, op. cit. (39), 127.
111. More, likewise, continued to publish new editions of Ayres's Writing Master's Assistant, while Ayres himself brought forth editions of his New A-la-Mode Secretary, or, Practical Pen-Man and Arithmetick 'for the Use and Benefit of Tradesmen'. Daily Courant, Monday, 22 May 1704; Monday, 12 June 1704; and Tuesday, 22 August 1704.
112. More, likewise, continued to publish new editions of Ayres's Writing Master's Assistant, while Ayres himself brought forth editions of his New A-la-Mode Secretary, or, Practical Pen-Man and Arithmetick 'for the Use and Benefit of Tradesmen'. Daily Courant, Monday, 22 May 1704; Monday, 12 June 1704; and Tuesday, 22 August 1704.
113. More, likewise, continued to publish new editions of Ayres's Writing Master's Assistant, while Ayres himself brought forth editions of his New A-la-Mode Secretary, or, Practical Pen-Man and Arithmetick 'for the Use and Benefit of Tradesmen'. Daily Courant, Monday, 22 May 1704; Monday, 12 June 1704; and Tuesday, 22 August 1704.
114. Daily Courant, Tuesday, 5 November 1704; Friday, 28 September 1705.
115. Daily Courant, Friday, 4 January 1706.
116. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 27, Flamsteed to Sharp, 6 July 1705.
117. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 40, Flamsteed to Sharp, 12 December 1705.
118. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 250, 260, 266. This coincides with advertisements by Hodgson and Hauksbee in the Daily Courant. See Stephen Snobelen, Selling Experiment. Public Experimental Lecturing in London, 1705-1728, M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 1995, Chapter 3; and Snobelen, 'Archive of early eighteenth-century science advertisements. Volume 1. Experimental lecture course advertisements in the Daily Courant, 1704-1728', unpublished MS, November 1995, 5-7. 1 wish to thank Stephen Snobelen for allowing me to examine his work. While this lecture was undoubtedly conducted with Hauksbee, draft astronomical calculations by Hodgson in the Flamsteed papers and letters by him in the British Library confirm Hodgson's distinctive hand. See Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/62B; 1/69; and British Library, Sloane MSS 4038, f. 153, Hodgson to Sloane, 5 April 1701; Sloane MSS 4050, f. 192, Hodgson to Sloane, 10 September 1729. We know that during February 1706 Hodgson was at the Observatory to visit his wife, who was Flamsteed's niece, and hence this may account for the presence of this draft among Flamsteed's papers. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 43, Flamsteed to Sharp, 2 Febraury 1705/6.
119. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 250, 260, 266. This coincides with advertisements by Hodgson and Hauksbee in the Daily Courant. See Stephen Snobelen, Selling Experiment. Public Experimental Lecturing in London, 1705-1728, M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 1995, Chapter 3; and Snobelen, 'Archive of early eighteenth-century science advertisements. Volume 1. Experimental lecture course advertisements in the Daily Courant, 1704-1728', unpublished MS, November 1995, 5-7. 1 wish to thank Stephen Snobelen for allowing me to examine his work. While this lecture was undoubtedly conducted with Hauksbee, draft astronomical calculations by Hodgson in the Flamsteed papers and letters by him in the British Library confirm Hodgson's distinctive hand. See Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/62B; 1/69; and British Library, Sloane MSS 4038, f. 153, Hodgson to Sloane, 5 April 1701; Sloane MSS 4050, f. 192, Hodgson to Sloane, 10 September 1729. We know that during February 1706 Hodgson was at the Observatory to visit his wife, who was Flamsteed's niece, and hence this may account for the presence of this draft among Flamsteed's papers. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 43, Flamsteed to Sharp, 2 Febraury 1705/6.
120. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 250, 260, 266. This coincides with advertisements by Hodgson and Hauksbee in the Daily Courant. See Stephen Snobelen, Selling Experiment. Public Experimental Lecturing in London, 1705-1728, M.A. thesis, University of Victoria, 1995, Chapter 3; and Snobelen, 'Archive of early eighteenth-century science advertisements. Volume 1. Experimental lecture course advertisements in the Daily Courant, 1704-1728', unpublished MS, November 1995, 5-7. 1 wish to thank Stephen Snobelen for allowing me to examine his work. While this lecture was undoubtedly conducted with Hauksbee, draft astronomical calculations by Hodgson in the Flamsteed papers and letters by him in the British Library confirm Hodgson's distinctive hand. See Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/62B; 1/69; and British Library, Sloane MSS 4038, f. 153, Hodgson to Sloane, 5 April 1701; Sloane MSS 4050, f. 192, Hodgson to Sloane, 10 September 1729. We know that during February 1706 Hodgson was at the Observatory to visit his wife, who was Flamsteed's niece, and hence this may account for the presence of this draft among Flamsteed's papers. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 43, Flamsteed to Sharp, 2 Febraury 1705/6.
121. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 261-2. This is particularly striking because such a notion was promoted by William Whiston, but not until 1713, and then in conjunction with the establishment by the Crown of a substantial reward for determining the longitude at sea. Whiston's inspiration, depending on what account can be believed, had been the sound of the French guns off Beachy Head in 1690, or perhaps the flash of the fireworks in the celebrations in 1713 over the Treaty of Utrecht. See Stewart, op. cit. (7), Chapter 6; A. J. Turner, 'In the wake of the Act, but mainly before', in The Quest for Longitude (ed. William J. H. Andrewes), Cambridge, MA, 1996, 116-32; and Owen Gingerich, 'Cranks and opportunists: "nutty" solutions to the longitude problem', ibid., 134-48, esp. 142-4.
122. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 261-2. This is particularly striking because such a notion was promoted by William Whiston, but not until 1713, and then in conjunction with the establishment by the Crown of a substantial reward for determining the longitude at sea. Whiston's inspiration, depending on what account can be believed, had been the sound of the French guns off Beachy Head in 1690, or perhaps the flash of the fireworks in the celebrations in 1713 over the Treaty of Utrecht. See Stewart, op. cit. (7), Chapter 6; A. J. Turner, 'In the wake of the Act, but mainly before', in The Quest for Longitude (ed. William J. H. Andrewes), Cambridge, MA, 1996, 116-32; and Owen Gingerich, 'Cranks and opportunists: "nutty" solutions to the longitude problem', ibid., 134-48, esp. 142-4.
123. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 261-2. This is particularly striking because such a notion was promoted by William Whiston, but not until 1713, and then in conjunction with the establishment by the Crown of a substantial reward for determining the longitude at sea. Whiston's inspiration, depending on what account can be believed, had been the sound of the French guns off Beachy Head in 1690, or perhaps the flash of the fireworks in the celebrations in 1713 over the Treaty of Utrecht. See Stewart, op. cit. (7), Chapter 6; A. J. Turner, 'In the wake of the Act, but mainly before', in The Quest for Longitude (ed. William J. H. Andrewes), Cambridge, MA, 1996, 116-32; and Owen Gingerich, 'Cranks and opportunists: "nutty" solutions to the longitude problem', ibid., 134-48, esp. 142-4.
124. Cambridge University Library, RGO 1/68G, ff. 255, 265-6.
125. King's College, Cambridge, Keynes MS 130(4). I owe this reference to Robert Iliffe.
126. Adamson, op. cit. (18), 10-12; Royal Society, Dom. MSS V, f. 45, Newton to Queen Anne, a draft, n.d. The issue of persons of proper reputation was central to the image of the Fellows of the Royal Society in the early eighteenth century. Public attacks on the Society in the press were met with a defence based on an account of Royal patronage and 'meetings [that] are ever allmost constantly graced & honoured by the presence of personages of the first Rank & Character'. Dom. MSS V, f. 23, Roger Gale to the Daily Post, a draft, [1731].
127. W. H. Quarrell and Margaret Mare (eds.), London in 1710. From the Travels of Zacharias Conrad Von Uffenbach, London, 1934, 98-9.
128. Royal Society, MS 798, f. 69, Flamsteed to Sharp, 13 June 1709.
129. Royal Society, MS 798, f. 73, Flamsteed to Sharp, 14 July 1710.
130. House of Lords Record Office, Petitions, Box 195B, n.s. X, 3123.
131. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson, at the very least, was one connection between More's school and John Harris and Humphrey Ditton. Thus the Hand and Pen became the focus for some teachers who were to expand the public activities of experimental learning. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 116, 123, 127, 146; Daily Courant, Thursday, 24 December 1704; Friday, 2 November 1705; R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Biobibliography of British Mathematics and its Applications. Part II (1701-1760), Newcastle, 1989, 18. See also Daily Courant, Saturday, 9 May 1702; Tuesday, 19 September 1702; Monday, 23 November 1702; Friday, 7 January 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704; Monday, 28 January 1706. Childs figures frequently in the meetings of Fellows of the Royal Society; see Stewart, op. cit. (7), 116, 145, 188; Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses, London, 1963, 157.
132. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson,
133. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson, at the very least, was one connection between More's school and John Harris and Humphrey Ditton. Thus the Hand and Pen became the focus for some teachers who were to expand the public activities of experimental learning. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 116, 123, 127, 146; Daily Courant, Thursday, 24 December 1704; Friday, 2 November 1705; R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Biobibliography of British Mathematics and its Applications. Part II (1701-1760), Newcastle, 1989, 18. See also Daily Courant, Saturday, 9 May 1702; Tuesday, 19 September 1702; Monday, 23 November 1702; Friday, 7 January 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704; Monday, 28 January 1706. Childs figures frequently in the meetings of Fellows of the Royal Society; see Stewart, op. cit. (7), 116, 145, 188; Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses, London, 1963, 157.
134. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson, at the very least, was one connection between More's school and John Harris and Humphrey Ditton. Thus the Hand and Pen became the focus for some teachers who were to expand the public activities of experimental learning. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 116, 123, 127, 146; Daily Courant, Thursday, 24 December 1704; Friday, 2 November 1705; R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Biobibliography of British Mathematics and its Applications. Part II (1701-1760), Newcastle, 1989, 18. See also Daily Courant, Saturday, 9 May 1702; Tuesday, 19 September 1702; Monday, 23 November 1702; Friday, 7 January 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704; Monday, 28 January 1706. Childs figures frequently in the meetings of Fellows of the Royal Society; see Stewart, op. cit. (7), 116, 145, 188; Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses, London, 1963, 157.
135. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson, at the very least, was one connection between More's school and John Harris and Humphrey Ditton. Thus the Hand and Pen became the focus for some teachers who were to expand the public activities of experimental learning. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 116, 123, 127, 146; Daily Courant, Thursday, 24 December 1704; Friday, 2 November 1705; R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Biobibliography of British Mathematics and its Applications. Part II (1701-1760), Newcastle, 1989, 18. See also Daily Courant, Saturday, 9 May 1702; Tuesday, 19 September 1702; Monday, 23 November 1702; Friday, 7 January 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704; Monday, 28 January 1706. Childs figures frequently in the meetings of Fellows of the Royal Society; see Stewart, op. cit. (7), 116, 145, 188; Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses, London, 1963, 157.
136. The Hand and Pen was remarkable in its function at the focus of these networks. Some difficulty arises, however, as the name was sufficiently common that we cannot be certain that its use always refers to the same school even allowing for changes in location. For example, among the petitioners in 1714 was William Robinson, a writing master whose school of the same name had been in Angel Court, Bishopsgate around the turn of the century ; and James Weston, a stenographer and master of shorthand, who later taught at the Hand & Pen, Wood Street, during the 1720s and 1730s. Ralph Snow was a renowned writing master and mathematics teacher who had a school variously near St Paul's in Leather Lane and in Little Moorfields. The John Clark among the petitioners was undoubtedly the writing master and accountant who was apprenticed to Snow at the Hand & Pen in Cheapside and who later moved among the shops of the instrument-makers in Fleet Street. The name Hand and Pen was ubiquitous, although that centred amidst the booksellers of St Paul's Churchyard was more significant than most, which may have something to do with its proximity to the house of the influential John Harris in Amen Corner. Likewise, in 1706, Humphrey Ditton was living nearby at Child's Coffee-House in London House Yard. Hodgson, at the very least, was one connection between More's school and John Harris and Humphrey Ditton. Thus the Hand and Pen became the focus for some teachers who were to expand the public activities of experimental learning. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 116, 123, 127, 146; Daily Courant, Thursday, 24 December 1704; Friday, 2 November 1705; R. V. and P. J. Wallis, Biobibliography of British Mathematics and its Applications. Part II (1701-1760), Newcastle, 1989, 18. See also Daily Courant, Saturday, 9 May 1702; Tuesday, 19 September 1702; Monday, 23 November 1702; Friday, 7 January 1704; Thursday, 27 April 1704; Monday, 28 January 1706. Childs figures frequently in the meetings of Fellows of the Royal Society; see Stewart, op. cit. (7), 116, 145, 188; Bryant Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses, London, 1963, 157.
137. Public Record Office (hereafter PRO), Prob. 3/35/98.
138. Wallis, op. cit. (39), 2.
139. Williams had once failed in an attempt to secure a mastership at Christ's Hospital in 1682 because of his lack of Latin. See Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 198; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 278. His son (fl. 1740) possibly kept an academy in Bishopsgate. Ambrose Heal, The English Writing-Masters and their Copy-Books, 1570-1800, London, 1951, repr. 1962, 87.
140. Williams had once failed in an attempt to secure a mastership at Christ's Hospital in 1682 because of his lack of Latin. See Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 198; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 278. His son (fl. 1740) possibly kept an academy in Bishopsgate. Ambrose Heal, The English Writing-Masters and their Copy-Books, 1570-1800, London, 1951, repr. 1962, 87.
141. Williams had once failed in an attempt to secure a mastership at Christ's Hospital in 1682 because of his lack of Latin. See Willmoth, Sir Jonas Moore, op. cit. (22), 198; Taylor, op. cit. (48), 278. His son (fl. 1740) possibly kept an academy in Bishopsgate. Ambrose Heal, The English Writing-Masters and their Copy-Books, 1570-1800, London, 1951, repr. 1962, 87.
142. Royal Society, MS 798, no. 12, Flamsteed to Sharp, 5 August 1703; and William Derham to Flamsteed, 3 November 1714. Reference kindly supplied by Frances Willmoth.
143. Daily Courant, Tuesday, 16 January 1705; Monday, 21 January 1706. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 117, 137. Advertisements mention as well a Mr Hodgson against Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn, although it is not known whether this is a reference to James Hodgson or, possibly, to Marmaduke Hodgson who also kept a shop on Little Tower Hill. Taylor, op. cit. (48), 286, 294-5; and Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Hanoverian England, Cambridge, 1966, 143, 140-1.
144. Daily Courant, Tuesday, 16 January 1705; Monday, 21 January 1706. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 117, 137. Advertisements mention as well a Mr Hodgson against Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn, although it is not known whether this is a reference to James Hodgson or, possibly, to Marmaduke Hodgson who also kept a shop on Little Tower Hill. Taylor, op. cit. (48), 286, 294-5; and Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Hanoverian England, Cambridge, 1966, 143, 140-1.
145. Daily Courant, Tuesday, 16 January 1705; Monday, 21 January 1706. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 117, 137. Advertisements mention as well a Mr Hodgson against Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn, although it is not known whether this is a reference to James Hodgson or, possibly, to Marmaduke Hodgson who also kept a shop on Little Tower Hill. Taylor, op. cit. (48), 286, 294-5; and Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Hanoverian England, Cambridge, 1966, 143, 140-1.
146. Daily Courant, Tuesday, 16 January 1705; Monday, 21 January 1706. Stewart, op. cit. (7), 117, 137. Advertisements mention as well a Mr Hodgson against Grays-Inn-Gate in Holborn, although it is not known whether this is a reference to James Hodgson or, possibly, to Marmaduke Hodgson who also kept a shop on Little Tower Hill. Taylor, op. cit. (48), 286, 294-5; and Taylor, Mathematical Practitioners of Hanoverian England, Cambridge, 1966, 143, 140-1.
147. Cecil T. Carr (ed.), Select Charters of Trading Companies, A.D. 1530-1707. Selden Society, (1913), 28, 249-50; Daily Courant, Wednesday, 17 October 1716.
148. Cecil T. Carr (ed.), Select Charters of Trading Companies, A.D. 1530-1707. Selden Society, (1913), 28, 249-50; Daily Courant, Wednesday, 17 October 1716.
149. PRO, Prob. 5/3774.
150. See Daily Courant, Friday, 1 October 1703; Wednesday, 17 January 1705; for Harris, Friday, 19 January 1705; Monday, 30 July 1705; Wednesday, 17 April 1706; Monday, 23 September 1706; Tuesday, 24 September 1706; Wednesday, 6 November 1706; Monday, 16 December 1706.
151. See Daily Courant, Friday, 1 October 1703; Wednesday, 17 January 1705; for Harris, Friday, 19 January 1705; Monday, 30 July 1705; Wednesday, 17 April 1706; Monday, 23 September 1706; Tuesday, 24 September 1706; Wednesday, 6 November 1706; Monday, 16 December 1706.
152. Iliffe, op. cit. (20), 317.
153. Lawrence E. Klein, 'Property and politeness in the early eighteenth-century Whig moralists. The case of the Spectator', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property (ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves), London and New York, 1995, 221-33, esp. 227-8; and Alice N. Walters, 'Conversation pieces: science and politeness in eighteenth-century England', History of Science (1997), 35, 121-54.
154. Lawrence E. Klein, 'Property and politeness in the early eighteenth-century Whig moralists. The case of the Spectator', in Early Modern Conceptions of Property (ed. John Brewer and Susan Staves), London and New York, 1995, 221-33, esp. 227-8; and Alice N. Walters, 'Conversation pieces: science and politeness in eighteenth-century England', History of Science (1997), 35, 121-54.
155. Lawrence E. Klein, 'Politeness for plebs. Consumption and social identity in early eighteenth-century England', in The Consumption of Culture 1600-1800. Image, Object, Text (ed. Ann Bermingham and John Brewer), London and New York, 1995, 362-82, esp. 366, 372-3.
156. F. M. A. de Voltaire, Letters on England (ed. Leonard Tancock), Harmondsworth, 1980, 41.
157. John Houghton, A Collection For Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, no. 2 (Wednesday, 6 April 1692); Lillywhite, op. cit. (66), 219, 360; Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, London, 1967, 154.
158. John Houghton, A Collection For Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, no. 2 (Wednesday, 6 April 1692); Lillywhite, op. cit. (66), 219, 360; Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, London, 1967, 154.
159. John Houghton, A Collection For Improvement of Husbandry and Trade, no. 2 (Wednesday, 6 April 1692); Lillywhite, op. cit. (66), 219, 360; Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, London, 1967, 154.
160. British Library, Add. MSS 32548, Works of Roger North, no. 2, ff. 51-2.
161. For one such version see Allan Chapman, 'Edmond Halley's use of historical evidence in the advancement of science', Notes and Records of the Royal Society, (1994), 48, 167-91. For a sophisticated reading of creation of identity in the work of Newton see Robert Iliffe, '"Is he like other men?" The meaning of the Principia Mathematica, and the author as idol', in Culture and Society in the Stuart Restoration. Literature, Drama, History (ed. Gerald Maclean), Cambridge and New York, 1995, 159-76.
162. For one such version see Allan Chapman, 'Edmond Halley's use of historical evidence in the advancement of science', Notes and Records of the Royal Society, (1994), 48, 167-91. For a sophisticated reading of creation of identity in the work of Newton see Robert Iliffe, '"Is he like other men?" The meaning of the Principia Mathematica, and the author as idol', in Culture and Society in the Stuart Restoration. Literature, Drama, History (ed. Gerald Maclean), Cambridge and New York, 1995, 159-76.
163. Cambridge University Library, RGO.1/34/119, Sharp to Flamsteed, 18 October 1714; Trinity College Library, Cambridge, MS R.4.42, no. 8, Whiston to Roger Cotes, 26 November 1714; no. 9, Cotes to Whiston, 2 December 1714; no. 11, Whiston to Cotes, 7 April 1715; Stewart, op. cit. (7), 190-1; A. J. Turner, op. cit. (58), 116-27; Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence Networks and the Royal Society 1700-1750', BJHS (1999), 32, 155-169. On observations made from Greenwich of Whiston's experiments, in notes in Flamsteed's hand on one of Whiston's printed circulars, see RGO 1/37, f. 150r, n.d. (probably May-June, 1717).
164. Cambridge University Library, RGO.1/34/119, Sharp to Flamsteed, 18 October 1714; Trinity College Library, Cambridge, MS R.4.42, no. 8, Whiston to Roger Cotes, 26 November 1714; no. 9, Cotes to Whiston, 2 December 1714; no. 11, Whiston to Cotes, 7 April 1715; Stewart, op. cit. (7), 190-1; A. J. Turner, op. cit. (58), 116-27; Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence Networks and the Royal Society 1700-1750', BJHS (1999), 32, 155-169. On observations made from Greenwich of Whiston's experiments, in notes in Flamsteed's hand on one of Whiston's printed circulars, see RGO 1/37, f. 150r, n.d. (probably May-June, 1717).
165. Cambridge University Library, RGO.1/34/119, Sharp to Flamsteed, 18 October 1714; Trinity College Library, Cambridge, MS R.4.42, no. 8, Whiston to Roger Cotes, 26 November 1714; no. 9, Cotes to Whiston, 2 December 1714; no. 11, Whiston to Cotes, 7 April 1715; Stewart, op. cit. (7), 190-1; A. J. Turner, op. cit. (58), 116-27; Andrea Rusnock, 'Correspondence Networks and the Royal Society 1700-1750', BJHS (1999), 32, 155-169. On observations made from Greenwich of Whiston's experiments, in notes in Flamsteed's hand on one of Whiston's printed circulars, see RGO 1/37, f. 150r, n.d. (probably May-June, 1717).