Women against Versailles: Maternalism and nationalism of female bourgeois politicians in the early Weimar republic

German Studies Review

Volumn 22, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 21-42

  Scheck, Raffael ^a  

^a NONE

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[No Author keywords available]

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EID: 0033068170     PISSN: 01497952     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.2307/1431580     Document Type: Article

References (163)

1. Kempf to Weber, 23 June 1921, in Helene-Lange-Archiv (at the Landesarchiv Berlin), Bestand BDF (henceforth: HLA, BDF), Film 42-185.
2. Kommissionssitzung der Kommission zur Aufklärung der Schuldfrage, Berlin, 1 July 1921, in Archiv des Katholischen Deutschen Frauenbundes, Köln (AKFD), folder "3.13.2 Friedensund Abrüstungsfrage: Deutscher Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge 1-18-5." Burgfrieden (peace of the fortress) meant the domestic truce proclaimed by the Kaiser at the start of the First World War.
3. As the major bourgeois parties I define the left liberal DDP, the mostly Catholic Center Party and Bavarian People's Party (BVP), the right-wing liberal German People's Party (DVP), and the conservative, antidemocratic German National People's Party (DNVP). This equation of "bourgeois parties" with the nonsocialist parties was common in the early Weimar Republic, although it should be stressed that, except maybe for the DVP, all had a substantial working-class membership.
4. For a succint overview, see Ute Frevert, Frauen-Geschichte: Zwischen Bürgerlicher Verbesserung und Neuer Weiblichkeit. Neue Historische Bibliothek (Frankfurt [M]1986), 166.
5. Doris Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes und die Ehre der Frauen oder der Kampfan der äusseren und inneren Front. Der Deutsch-Evangelische Frauenbund im Übergang vom Kaiserreich zur Weimarer Republik." Evangelische Theologie 46 (1986): 277-92. See also Kaufmann, Frauen zwischen Aufbruch und Reaktion. Protestantische Frauenbewegung in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1988).
6. Doris Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes und die Ehre der Frauen oder der Kampfan der äusseren und inneren Front. Der Deutsch-Evangelische Frauenbund im Übergang vom Kaiserreich zur Weimarer Republik." Evangelische Theologie 46 (1986): 277-92. See also Kaufmann, Frauen zwischen Aufbruch und Reaktion. Protestantische Frauenbewegung in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1988).
7. Peter Fritzsche, Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany (New York, 1990), and Fritzsche, "Breakdown or Breakthrough? Conservatives and the November Revolution." In Between Reform, Reaction, and Resistance: Studies in the History of German Conservatism from 1789 to 1945, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack. (Providence and Oxford, 1993), 299-328.
8. Peter Fritzsche, Rehearsals for Fascism: Populism and Political Mobilization in Weimar Germany (New York, 1990), and Fritzsche, "Breakdown or Breakthrough? Conservatives and the November Revolution." In Between Reform, Reaction, and Resistance: Studies in the History of German Conservatism from 1789 to 1945, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack. (Providence and Oxford, 1993), 299-328.
9. For a discussion of feminism based on equal and different gender roles, see Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1988): 119-57. See also: Gisela Bock and Susan James, ed. Beyond Equality and Difference: Citizenship, Feminist Politics, and Female Subjectivity (London and New York, 1992), and Gisela Bock and Pat Thane, ed. Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and the Rise of the European Welfare States, 1880-1950s (London and New York, 1991).
10. For a discussion of feminism based on equal and different gender roles, see Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1988): 119-57. See also: Gisela Bock and Susan James, ed. Beyond Equality and Difference: Citizenship, Feminist Politics, and Female Subjectivity (London and New York, 1992), and Gisela Bock and Pat Thane, ed. Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and the Rise of the European Welfare States, 1880-1950s (London and New York, 1991).
11. For a discussion of feminism based on equal and different gender roles, see Karen Offen, "Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1988): 119-57. See also: Gisela Bock and Susan James, ed. Beyond Equality and Difference: Citizenship, Feminist Politics, and Female Subjectivity (London and New York, 1992), and Gisela Bock and Pat Thane, ed. Maternity and Gender Policies: Women and the Rise of the European Welfare States, 1880-1950s (London and New York, 1991).
12. It should be stressed that a radical minority broke off from the mainstream movement during World War I and took independent, pacifist positions. Frevert, 158-59.
13. Richard J. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany 1894-1933 (London and Beverly Hills 1976), 151-201. More recently, Evans has defended his arguments with reference to, among other things, women's protests against Versailles. See Comrades and Sisters: Feminism, Socialism and Pacifism in Europe 1870-1945 (New York, 1987), 169-73. For support of Evans's thesis, see also Christine Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen: Das Frauenbild im Faschismus und seine Vorläufer in der Frauenbewegung der 20er Jahre (Frankfurt [M], 1983).
14. Richard J. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany 1894-1933 (London and Beverly Hills 1976), 151-201. More recently, Evans has defended his arguments with reference to, among other things, women's protests against Versailles. See Comrades and Sisters: Feminism, Socialism and Pacifism in Europe 1870-1945 (New York, 1987), 169-73. For support of Evans's thesis, see also Christine Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen: Das Frauenbild im Faschismus und seine Vorläufer in der Frauenbewegung der 20er Jahre (Frankfurt [M], 1983).
15. Richard J. Evans, The Feminist Movement in Germany 1894-1933 (London and Beverly Hills 1976), 151-201. More recently, Evans has defended his arguments with reference to, among other things, women's protests against Versailles. See Comrades and Sisters: Feminism, Socialism and Pacifism in Europe 1870-1945 (New York, 1987), 169-73. For support of Evans's thesis, see also Christine Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen: Das Frauenbild im Faschismus und seine Vorläufer in der Frauenbewegung der 20er Jahre (Frankfurt [M], 1983).
16. Nancy Reagin, A German Women's Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 (Chapel Hill and London, 1995), ch. 8; Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1894-1933. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 46 (Göttingen, 1981), 154; Klaus Hönig, Der Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine in der Weimar Republik 1919-1933 (Egelsbach, 1995).
17. Nancy Reagin, A German Women's Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 (Chapel Hill and London, 1995), ch. 8; Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1894-1933. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 46 (Göttingen, 1981), 154; Klaus Hönig, Der Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine in der Weimar Republik 1919-1933 (Egelsbach, 1995).
18. Nancy Reagin, A German Women's Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 (Chapel Hill and London, 1995), ch. 8; Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1894-1933. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 46 (Göttingen, 1981), 154; Klaus Hönig, Der Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine in der Weimar Republik 1919-1933 (Egelsbach, 1995).
19. Nancy Reagin, A German Women's Movement: Class and Gender in Hanover, 1880-1933 (Chapel Hill and London, 1995), ch. 8; Barbara Greven-Aschoff, Die bürgerliche Frauenbewegung in Deutschland 1894-1933. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 46 (Göttingen, 1981), 154; Klaus Hönig, Der Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine in der Weimar Republik 1919-1933 (Egelsbach, 1995).
20. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
21. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
22. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
23. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
24. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
25. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
26. Critique of maternalism is important, for example, in Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family, and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987). But see also Gisela Bock's critique of Koonz's work: "Literaturbericht: Die Frauen und der Nationalsozialismus. Bemerkungen zu einem Buch von Claudia Koonz." In Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 563-79. For a reassessment of women's role in the Nazis' rise to power, see Helen Boak, "'Our Last Hope:' Women's Votes for Hitler: A Reappraisal." German Studies Review 12 (1989): 289-310, and Evans, Comrades and Sisters, ch.6 (in particular 179-85). Both agree that women voted not solely on specific women's questions but mostly on issues that concerned women and men. For a discussion of maternalist ideology before 1914, see Ann Taylor Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany, 1800-1914 (New Brunswick, 1991). See also Christoph Sachße, Mütterlichkeit als Beruf: Sozialarbeit, Sozialreform und Frauenbewegung 1871-1929 (Frankfurt [M], 1986), particularly ch. 4, and Irene Stoehr, "'Organisierte Mütterlichkeit' Zur Politik der deutschen Frauenbewegung um 1900" (Munich, 1983).
27. Ulrike Prokop, "Die Sehnsucht nach Volkseinheit. Zum Konservatismus der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung vor 1933." In Die Überwindung der Sprachlosigkeit, ed. Gabriele Dietze. (Darmstadt/Neuwied, 1979), 176-78.
28. Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Society (London, 1975), and Stephenson, The Nazi Organization of Women (New York, 1980).
29. Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Society (London, 1975), and Stephenson, The Nazi Organization of Women (New York, 1980).
30. Angelika Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen auf dem Weg in die linksliberalen Parteien (1908-1933)". Historische Zeitschrift 263 (1996): 642-80; Claudia Koonz, "Conflicting Allegiances: Political Ideology and Women Legislators in Weimar Germany." Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society I (1976): 663-83; Helen Boak, "Women in Weimar Politics." European History Quarterly 20 (1990): 369-99; and Boak, "Women in Weimar Germany: The 'Frauenfrage' and the Female Vote." In Social Change and Political Development in Weimar Germany, ed. Richard Bessel and E. J. Feuchtwanger (London, 1981), 155-73.
31. Angelika Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen auf dem Weg in die linksliberalen Parteien (1908-1933)". Historische Zeitschrift 263 (1996): 642-80; Claudia Koonz, "Conflicting Allegiances: Political Ideology and Women Legislators in Weimar Germany." Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society I (1976): 663-83; Helen Boak, "Women in Weimar Politics." European History Quarterly 20 (1990): 369-99; and Boak, "Women in Weimar Germany: The 'Frauenfrage' and the Female Vote." In Social Change and Political Development in Weimar Germany, ed. Richard Bessel and E. J. Feuchtwanger (London, 1981), 155-73.
32. Angelika Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen auf dem Weg in die linksliberalen Parteien (1908-1933)". Historische Zeitschrift 263 (1996): 642-80; Claudia Koonz, "Conflicting Allegiances: Political Ideology and Women Legislators in Weimar Germany." Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society I (1976): 663-83; Helen Boak, "Women in Weimar Politics." European History Quarterly 20 (1990): 369-99; and Boak, "Women in Weimar Germany: The 'Frauenfrage' and the Female Vote." In Social Change and Political Development in Weimar Germany, ed. Richard Bessel and E. J. Feuchtwanger (London, 1981), 155-73.
33. Angelika Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen auf dem Weg in die linksliberalen Parteien (1908-1933)". Historische Zeitschrift 263 (1996): 642-80; Claudia Koonz, "Conflicting Allegiances: Political Ideology and Women Legislators in Weimar Germany." Signs Journal of Women in Culture and Society I (1976): 663-83; Helen Boak, "Women in Weimar Politics." European History Quarterly 20 (1990): 369-99; and Boak, "Women in Weimar Germany: The 'Frauenfrage' and the Female Vote." In Social Change and Political Development in Weimar Germany, ed. Richard Bessel and E. J. Feuchtwanger (London, 1981), 155-73.
34. See Elisabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, Weibliche Kultur und soziale Arbeit. Eine Geschichte der Frauenbewegung am Beispiel Bremens 1810-1927 (Cologne, 1989), and Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen, 1-2. For a critique of this approach, see Hiltraud Schmidt-Waldherr, Emanzipation durch Professionalisierung? Politische Strategien und Konflikte innerhalb der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung während der Weimarer Republik und die Reaktion des bürgerlichen Antifeminismus und des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, 1987), 1-20, and Eve Rosenhaft, "Women, Gender, and the Limits of Political History in the Age of 'Mass' Politics." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack (Cambridge, 1992).
35. See Elisabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, Weibliche Kultur und soziale Arbeit. Eine Geschichte der Frauenbewegung am Beispiel Bremens 1810-1927 (Cologne, 1989), and Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen, 1-2. For a critique of this approach, see Hiltraud Schmidt-Waldherr, Emanzipation durch Professionalisierung? Politische Strategien und Konflikte innerhalb der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung während der Weimarer Republik und die Reaktion des bürgerlichen Antifeminismus und des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, 1987), 1-20, and Eve Rosenhaft, "Women, Gender, and the Limits of Political History in the Age of 'Mass' Politics." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack (Cambridge, 1992).
36. See Elisabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, Weibliche Kultur und soziale Arbeit. Eine Geschichte der Frauenbewegung am Beispiel Bremens 1810-1927 (Cologne, 1989), and Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen, 1-2. For a critique of this approach, see Hiltraud Schmidt-Waldherr, Emanzipation durch Professionalisierung? Politische Strategien und Konflikte innerhalb der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung während der Weimarer Republik und die Reaktion des bürgerlichen Antifeminismus und des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, 1987), 1-20, and Eve Rosenhaft, "Women, Gender, and the Limits of Political History in the Age of 'Mass' Politics." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack (Cambridge, 1992).
37. See Elisabeth Meyer-Renschhausen, Weibliche Kultur und soziale Arbeit. Eine Geschichte der Frauenbewegung am Beispiel Bremens 1810-1927 (Cologne, 1989), and Wittrock, Weiblichkeitsmythen, 1-2. For a critique of this approach, see Hiltraud Schmidt-Waldherr, Emanzipation durch Professionalisierung? Politische Strategien und Konflikte innerhalb der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung während der Weimarer Republik und die Reaktion des bürgerlichen Antifeminismus und des Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt, 1987), 1-20, and Eve Rosenhaft, "Women, Gender, and the Limits of Political History in the Age of 'Mass' Politics." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack (Cambridge, 1992).
38. See Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany. Nancy Reagin claims, however, that maternalism turned into a politically conservative ideology between 1900 and 1914 (A German Women's Movement, 1-2 and 264).
39. See Allen, Feminism and Motherhood in Germany. Nancy Reagin claims, however, that maternalism turned into a politically conservative ideology between 1900 and 1914 (A German Women's Movement, 1-2 and 264).
40. Stoehr, "Spiritual Motherhood," and Stoehr, Emanzipation zum Staat? Der Allgemeine Deutsche Frauenverein - Deutscher Staatsbürgerinnenverband (1893-1933). Forum Frauengeschichte 5 (Pfaffenweiler, 1990). See also Bärbel Clemens, Menschenrechte haben kein Geschlecht. Zum Politikverständnis der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung. Frauen in Geschichte und Gesellschaft 2 (Pfaffenweiler, 1988), ch. 4.
41. Stoehr, "Spiritual Motherhood," and Stoehr, Emanzipation zum Staat? Der Allgemeine Deutsche Frauenverein - Deutscher Staatsbürgerinnenverband (1893-1933). Forum Frauengeschichte 5 (Pfaffenweiler, 1990). See also Bärbel Clemens, Menschenrechte haben kein Geschlecht. Zum Politikverständnis der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung. Frauen in Geschichte und Gesellschaft 2 (Pfaffenweiler, 1988), ch. 4.
42. Stoehr, "Spiritual Motherhood," and Stoehr, Emanzipation zum Staat? Der Allgemeine Deutsche Frauenverein - Deutscher Staatsbürgerinnenverband (1893-1933). Forum Frauengeschichte 5 (Pfaffenweiler, 1990). See also Bärbel Clemens, Menschenrechte haben kein Geschlecht. Zum Politikverständnis der bürgerlichen Frauenbewegung. Frauen in Geschichte und Gesellschaft 2 (Pfaffenweiler, 1988), ch. 4.
43. Schmidt-Waldherr, 90-94 and 104-6.
44. Angelika Schaser, "Gertrud Bäumer-'eine der wildesten Demokratinnen' oder verhinderte Nationalsozialistin?"In Zwischen Karierre und Verfolgung: Handlungsräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, ed. Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel. (Frankfurt [M] and New York, 1997), 24-43 and Schaser, "'Corpus Mysticum'. Die Nation bei Gertrud Bäumer." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Württemberg. (Tübingen, 1996).
45. Angelika Schaser, "Gertrud Bäumer-'eine der wildesten Demokratinnen' oder verhinderte Nationalsozialistin?"In Zwischen Karierre und Verfolgung: Handlungsräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, ed. Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel. (Frankfurt [M] and New York, 1997), 24-43 and Schaser, "'Corpus Mysticum'. Die Nation bei Gertrud Bäumer." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Württemberg. (Tübingen, 1996).
46. The notion that almost all female deputies in the National Assembly rejected the treaty, however, is an often repeated myth, which, as Schaser notes, is stereotypically stressed in the memoirs of liberal women politicians: Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen", 674 (particularly note 111).
47. See also Heide-Marie Lauterer, "Ein 'ruhiges Nationalbewußtsein'? Vorstellungen von der Nation und Elemente eines demokratischen Nationalbewußtseins bei Parlamentarierinnen der Weimarer Republik." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden Württemberg. (Tübingen, 1996), 145-49.
48. For the JFB's connections to the BDF, see Marion Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany: The Campaigns of the Jüdischer Frauenbund, 1904-1938 (Westport and London, 1979), 82-83. The JFB later adopted a more pacifist attitude (Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement, 87).
49. For the JFB's connections to the BDF, see Marion Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany: The Campaigns of the Jüdischer Frauenbund, 1904-1938 (Westport and London, 1979), 82-83. The JFB later adopted a more pacifist attitude (Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement, 87).
50. Greven-Aschoff, 111-12; Jochen-Christoph Kaiser, ed., Frauen in der Kirche: Evangelische Frauenverbände im Spannungsfeld von Kirche und Gesellschaft 1890-1945. Quellen und Materialien. Geschichtsdidaktik 27 (Düsseldorf, 1985), 73-74 and 89-91.
51. Greven-Aschoff, 111-12; Jochen-Christoph Kaiser, ed., Frauen in der Kirche: Evangelische Frauenverbände im Spannungsfeld von Kirche und Gesellschaft 1890-1945. Quellen und Materialien. Geschichtsdidaktik 27 (Düsseldorf, 1985), 73-74 and 89-91.
52. "An den Gesamtvorstand des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine!", HLA, BDF, 9 October 1917. Film 42-187. A similar note was prepared by a woman associated with the Evangelical League and the Conservative Party. Although the authors of both notes failed to consent to a single text they agreed to send their documents to the press together. That two separate notes were sent had to do with communication problems and urgency. It also played a role that the BDF leadership found the other note too emotional and too much influenced by party politics. See also Hönig, 114-15.
53. "An die Mitglieder des Gesamtvorstandes des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine," 3 October 1918 (with enclosed note), "An den Vorstandsrat, den Verwaltungsausschuss und die Vereine des Verbandes deutscher Hausfrauenvereine," 4 October 1918, and "Die Frauenfrage," 1 November 1918, all in HLA, BDF, Film 42-187. The BDF note auspiciously omitted reference to the Kaiser and the government, which changed on 3 October, when Wilhelm II appointed the reform-minded Prince Max von Baden chancellor. The Catholic League hastened to declare its loyalty to the monarchy, however. See Deutsche Tageszeitung 25, no. 559, 2 November 1918 (evening).
54. See "Die Frauenfrage," 1 November 1918, in HLA, BDF, Film 42-187, and Bäumer's memorandum of 8 October 1918, in Archiv des Deutschen Evangelischen Frauenbundes, Hannover (henceforth: ADEF), vol. A 14e.
55. Lauterer, 142-44.
56. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die erste Phase des Frauenstimmrechts in Deutschland - eine Wertung," in Die Frau 27, Mai 1920, 227; see also Helene Lange's articles "Die schwerste Stunde," in Die Frau 26, June 1919, 260-61, and "Das Versagen," in Die Frau 26, July 1919, 293-94.
57. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die erste Phase des Frauenstimmrechts in Deutschland - eine Wertung," in Die Frau 27, Mai 1920, 227; see also Helene Lange's articles "Die schwerste Stunde," in Die Frau 26, June 1919, 260-61, and "Das Versagen," in Die Frau 26, July 1919, 293-94.
58. Gertrud Bäumer, "Die erste Phase des Frauenstimmrechts in Deutschland - eine Wertung," in Die Frau 27, Mai 1920, 227; see also Helene Lange's articles "Die schwerste Stunde," in Die Frau 26, June 1919, 260-61, and "Das Versagen," in Die Frau 26, July 1919, 293-94.
59. Lauterer, 145-49, Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau. Aus der Nationalversammlung (Gotha, 1920), 14-15, and Verhandlungen des Reichstages, vol. 327 (Berlin, 1920), 1136-38.
60. Lauterer, 145-49, Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau. Aus der Nationalversammlung (Gotha, 1920), 14-15, and Verhandlungen des Reichstages, vol. 327 (Berlin, 1920), 1136-38.
61. Lauterer, 145-49, Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau. Aus der Nationalversammlung (Gotha, 1920), 14-15, and Verhandlungen des Reichstages, vol. 327 (Berlin, 1920), 1136-38.
62. For common protests against the Treaty as a whole, see "An den Gesamtvorstand des Bundes deutscher Frauenvereine," 12 May 1919, HLA, BDF, Film 23-105.
63. The authoritative study is Walter Schwengler, Völkerrecht, Versailler Vertrag und Auslieferungsfrage. Die Strafverfolgung wegen Kriegsverbrechen als Problem des Friedensschlusses 1919/1920. Schriftenreihe des Militärgeschichtlichen Forschungsamtes 34 (Stuttgart, 1982).
64. See memorandum of 27 June 1919, in ADEF, vol. Q 12.
65. "An den Vorstand des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine," 6 February 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and memorandum of 14 February 1920 and further correspondence in ADEF, vol. 012. For the BDF note of September 1919, see meeting of the Engerer Vorstand des BDF in Hamburg on 14 September 1919, in HLA, BDF, Film 74-305. Despite the participation of the Women's League of the Colonial Society in this campaign, I did not find common protests against the loss of the German colonies, although this was a shared concern. See the comments by a woman from the DVP and the DDP: Else Frobenius, "Koloniale Frauenarbeit," in Die Frau 25 (1917-18): 295-98, and Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Frage der 'Schuld am Kriege,'" in Die Frau 28 (1920-21): 257-59.
66. "An den Vorstand des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine," 6 February 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and memorandum of 14 February 1920 and further correspondence in ADEF, vol. 012. For the BDF note of September 1919, see meeting of the Engerer Vorstand des BDF in Hamburg on 14 September 1919, in HLA, BDF, Film 74-305. Despite the participation of the Women's League of the Colonial Society in this campaign, I did not find common protests against the loss of the German colonies, although this was a shared concern. See the comments by a woman from the DVP and the DDP: Else Frobenius, "Koloniale Frauenarbeit," in Die Frau 25 (1917-18): 295-98, and Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Frage der 'Schuld am Kriege,'" in Die Frau 28 (1920-21): 257-59.
67. "An den Vorstand des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine," 6 February 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and memorandum of 14 February 1920 and further correspondence in ADEF, vol. 012. For the BDF note of September 1919, see meeting of the Engerer Vorstand des BDF in Hamburg on 14 September 1919, in HLA, BDF, Film 74-305. Despite the participation of the Women's League of the Colonial Society in this campaign, I did not find common protests against the loss of the German colonies, although this was a shared concern. See the comments by a woman from the DVP and the DDP: Else Frobenius, "Koloniale Frauenarbeit," in Die Frau 25 (1917-18): 295-98, and Gertrud Bäumer, "Die Frage der 'Schuld am Kriege,'" in Die Frau 28 (1920-21): 257-59.
68. Voigtländer to Dransfeld, 9 February 1922, and Dransfeld to Voigtländer, 16 February 1922, both in AKFD, folder "3.13.2 Friedens-und Abrüstungsfrage: Deutscher Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge, 1-18-5." For the text of the outraged BDF declaration, see Die Frauenfrage, 1 March 1920, in HLA, BDF, Film 42-187.
69. AKFD, Zentral Vorstandsprotokolle, 17-19 July 1919, point 11; Countess Westarp to Mueller, 18 July 1919, and Mueller to Westarp, 19 July 1919, both in ADEF, vol. Q 12.
70. Regine Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit 2 ed. (Gotha and Stuttgart, 1924), 4-7;
71. Meurer to Weber, 22 October 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 42-185. See "3. Ausbildungskursus des Nationalverbandes deutscher Männer und Frauen," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, #44, 4 November 1920: "gegen Deutschlands Mütter und Kinder gerichteter Mordanschlag der Entente."
72. "Richard Bessel, Germany After the First World War (Oxford, 1993), 73. A few prisoners charged with criminal acts were kept in France much longer (the "Avignongefangenen"). The Frauenkorrespondenz der DNVP repeatedly demanded their release (see issues of 9 August and 15 November 1922 and of 29 March 1924).
73. Text of the protest note in HLA, BDF, Film 42-187.
74. Deutsche Tageszeitung 26, no. 26, 15 January 1919 (morning); "An den Gesamtvorstand des Bundes Deutscher Frauenvereine," 12 May 1919, HLA, BDF, Film 23-105. This circular stressed engagement for the imprisoned soldiers as a special duty of women's leagues.
75. AKFD, Zentralvorstandsprot's okolle, 12 April 1919; see also correspondence from September 1921 and May 1922, in AKFD, folder "Auslandskommission 1914-1928, 1-122-3."
76. See correspondence leading to the formation of the committee in AKFD, folder "3.13.2 Friedens-und Abrüstungsfrage: Deutscher Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge 1-18-5," and Dransfeld to Montgelas, 12 November 1921, AKFD, folder "Auslandskommission 1920-1928 1-122-2." The BDF left the committee in 1925. Hönig, 126.
77. See, for example, Ina Le Mang-Pfaff, "Die deutschen Frauen in Genf," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, #39, 30 September 1920, and Beda Prilipp, "Die großen Vier am Werk," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #24, 16 June 1922.
78. See, for example, Ina Le Mang-Pfaff, "Die deutschen Frauen in Genf," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, #39, 30 September 1920, and Beda Prilipp, "Die großen Vier am Werk," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #24, 16 June 1922.
79. Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine. Nachrichtenblatt, 20 February 1923, in HLA, BDF, Film 42-187,3. For the text of a call to boycott French and Belgian goods, see Frauenkorrespondenz der DNVP 4, #4, 28 March 1923. On the cooperation of Foreign Office and BDF, see also Honig, 120-22.
80. Deutsche Tageszeitung 26, no. 3, 2 January 1919 (evening).
81. See Gisela Lebzelter, "Die 'Schwarze Schmach.'" Cornelia Essner has analyzed some of the issues relevant to the "Schwarze Schmach" in "Zwischen Vernunft und Gefühl: Die Reichstagsdebatte von 1912 um koloniale 'Rassenmischehe' und 'Sexualität.'" Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft 45 (1997): 503-19. See also Lauterer, 150-51.
82. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" to BDF, 21 May 1920; Paula Mueller (DEF) to BDF, 29 April 1920, both in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185,1; "An den Internationalen Frauenweltbund" (May 1920) HLA, BDF, Film 42-187,3; Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920; Bensheimer an Weber, 30.8.1921, both in HLA, BDF, Film 125-113; Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau, 38-39; Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 4 and 94. See also Lebzelter, "Die 'Schwarze Schmach,'" and Marks, "Black Watch on the Rhine."
83. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" to BDF, 21 May 1920; Paula Mueller (DEF) to BDF, 29 April 1920, both in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185,1; "An den Internationalen Frauenweltbund" (May 1920) HLA, BDF, Film 42-187,3; Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920; Bensheimer an Weber, 30.8.1921, both in HLA, BDF, Film 125-113; Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau, 38-39; Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 4 and 94. See also Lebzelter, "Die 'Schwarze Schmach,'" and Marks, "Black Watch on the Rhine."
84. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" to BDF, 21 May 1920; Paula Mueller (DEF) to BDF, 29 April 1920, both in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185,1; "An den Internationalen Frauenweltbund" (May 1920) HLA, BDF, Film 42-187,3; Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920; Bensheimer an Weber, 30.8.1921, both in HLA, BDF, Film 125-113; Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau, 38-39; Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 4 and 94. See also Lebzelter, "Die 'Schwarze Schmach,'" and Marks, "Black Watch on the Rhine."
85. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" to BDF, 21 May 1920; Paula Mueller (DEF) to BDF, 29 April 1920, both in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185,1; "An den Internationalen Frauenweltbund" (May 1920) HLA, BDF, Film 42-187,3; Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920; Bensheimer an Weber, 30.8.1921, both in HLA, BDF, Film 125-113; Deutsch, Die politische Tat der Frau, 38-39; Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 4 and 94. See also Lebzelter, "Die 'Schwarze Schmach,'" and Marks, "Black Watch on the Rhine."
86. AKFD, Zentralvorstandsprotokolle, 8 July 1920; Paula Mueller's speech at the DNVP's second national party meeting in Hannover, October 1920, in Bundesarchiv Potsdam, 60 Vo 2, DNVP, vol. 53, 46-48; ADEF, vol. V 34; Reagin, 224. See also Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes."
87. AKFD, Zentralvorstandsprotokolle, 8 July 1920; Paula Mueller's speech at the DNVP's second national party meeting in Hannover, October 1920, in Bundesarchiv Potsdam, 60 Vo 2, DNVP, vol. 53, 46-48; ADEF, vol. V 34; Reagin, 224. See also Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes."
88. AKFD, Zentralvorstandsprotokolle, 8 July 1920; Paula Mueller's speech at the DNVP's second national party meeting in Hannover, October 1920, in Bundesarchiv Potsdam, 60 Vo 2, DNVP, vol. 53, 46-48; ADEF, vol. V 34; Reagin, 224. See also Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes."
89. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" (Bremen [1920?]), 4. Copies in AKFD and in ADEF, vol. V 34. See also the correspondence in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 25-113.
90. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" (Bremen [1920?]), 4. Copies in AKFD and in ADEF, vol. V 34. See also the correspondence in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 25-113.
91. Volksbund "Rettet die Ehre" (Bremen [1920?]), 4. Copies in AKFD and in ADEF, vol. V 34. See also the correspondence in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185, and Bäumer to Weber, 8 May 1920, HLA, BDF, Film 25-113.
92. See, for example, the declaration of the Dillingen section of the KFD: "Die sittliche Verwilderung durch die Franzosen im besetzten Gebiet droht das ganze deutsche Volk zu verseuchen." AKDF, folder "Kriegsakten - Verschiedenes."
93. On the home guards, see, for example, the telegram by the BDF's Bavarian section asking for support against the dissolution of the home guards (12 May 1920), in HLA, BDF, Film 42-185. On Upper Silesia, see "Kundgebung gegen die Teilung Oberschlesiens," in AKFD, folder "Auslandskommission 1914-1928 1-122-3," and "Gerechtigkeit für Oberschlesien," in ADEF, vol. Q12.
94. Hauptgeschäftsstelle der DNVP, Rundschreiben 19, 19 February 1923, in Niedersächsisches Staatsarchiv Osnabrück, Erw. C 1, DNVP, vol. 17, part 1; AKFD, folder "3.14.15 Ruhrkinder 1-21-5." This volume also contains complaints by Catholic priests that some of the Ruhr children had been placed with families in Protestant areas, where no Catholic church service was available.
95. For the colonial issue, see "Programm der Reichsfrauentagung der DDP in Erfurt, 25.-27. Juni 1926," in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin (henceforth: GStAPK), XII Hauptabteilung, IV: Flugblätter und Plakate, volume 141 (DDP 1926-27); Else Lüders, Frauengedanken zum Weltgeschehen. Bekenntnisschrift einer demokratischen Frau (Gotha, 1920), 29; Else Frobenius, "Das Deutschtum in Posen," in Die Frau, 26 (1918-19): 113-16, and summary of a speech by Gertraud Wolff in Nürnberg, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #11, 17 March 1921.
96. For the colonial issue, see "Programm der Reichsfrauentagung der DDP in Erfurt, 25.-27. Juni 1926," in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin (henceforth: GStAPK), XII Hauptabteilung, IV: Flugblätter und Plakate, volume 141 (DDP 1926-27); Else Lüders, Frauengedanken zum Weltgeschehen. Bekenntnisschrift einer demokratischen Frau (Gotha, 1920), 29; Else Frobenius, "Das Deutschtum in Posen," in Die Frau, 26 (1918-19): 113-16, and summary of a speech by Gertraud Wolff in Nürnberg, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #11, 17 March 1921.
97. For the colonial issue, see "Programm der Reichsfrauentagung der DDP in Erfurt, 25.-27. Juni 1926," in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin (henceforth: GStAPK), XII Hauptabteilung, IV: Flugblätter und Plakate, volume 141 (DDP 1926-27); Else Lüders, Frauengedanken zum Weltgeschehen. Bekenntnisschrift einer demokratischen Frau (Gotha, 1920), 29; Else Frobenius, "Das Deutschtum in Posen," in Die Frau, 26 (1918-19): 113-16, and summary of a speech by Gertraud Wolff in Nürnberg, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #11, 17 March 1921.
98. For the colonial issue, see "Programm der Reichsfrauentagung der DDP in Erfurt, 25.-27. Juni 1926," in Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin (henceforth: GStAPK), XII Hauptabteilung, IV: Flugblätter und Plakate, volume 141 (DDP 1926-27); Else Lüders, Frauengedanken zum Weltgeschehen. Bekenntnisschrift einer demokratischen Frau (Gotha, 1920), 29; Else Frobenius, "Das Deutschtum in Posen," in Die Frau, 26 (1918-19): 113-16, and summary of a speech by Gertraud Wolff in Nürnberg, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #11, 17 March 1921.
99. See, in particular, Cornelie Usbome, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany (Ann Arbor, 1992), 76-81, and Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York, 1995).
100. See, in particular, Cornelie Usbome, The Politics of the Body in Weimar Germany (Ann Arbor, 1992), 76-81, and Atina Grossmann, Reforming Sex: The German Movement for Birth Control and Abortion Reform, 1920-1950 (New York, 1995).
101. Resolution adopted at the conference in San Antonio, Texas, 14 September 1920. ADEF, vol. V 34. For Nitti's involvement, see HLA, BDF, Film 42-187.
102. For a broader discussion of this idea, see Kaufmann, "Die Ehre des Vaterlandes und die Ehre der Frauen," but consider also the critique of Kaufmann for overlooking rightist stab-in-the-back mythology in Scheck, "German Conservatism and Female Political Activism in the Early Weimar Republic," German History 15 (1997), 52.
103. Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen," 641-44; Sachße, 115-16. For a thoughtful discussion of how maternalist policies could serve right-wing political practice, see Reagin, 296 (n. 6).
104. Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen," 641-44; Sachße, 115-16. For a thoughtful discussion of how maternalist policies could serve right-wing political practice, see Reagin, 296 (n. 6).
105. See the very helpful overview in Clemens, 79-101, and the literature quoted above.
106. For a good analysis of these problems, see Usbome, chapter 1.
107. Kaufmann, "Ehre des Vaterlandes," Ilka Riemann, "'Er mit der Waffe, sie mit Herz und Hand' Die Rolle der Fauenvereine in der Sozialpolitik, insbesondere der Vaterländischen Frauenvereine." In Frauenmacht in der Geschichte, ed. Jutta Dalhoff, Uschi Frey, and Ingrid Scholl. (Düsseldorf, 1986); Ute Daniel, Arbeiterfrauen in der Kriegsgesellschaft. Beruf, Familie und Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 84 (Göttingen, 1989); Barbara Guttmann, "'... in nie erlebter Leibhaftigkeit zum >Volke< vereint'. Frauenbewegung und Nationalismus im Ersten Weltkrieg." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Würrtemberg. (Tübingen, 1996), 204-13.
108. Kaufmann, "Ehre des Vaterlandes," Ilka Riemann, "'Er mit der Waffe, sie mit Herz und Hand' Die Rolle der Fauenvereine in der Sozialpolitik, insbesondere der Vaterländischen Frauenvereine." In Frauenmacht in der Geschichte, ed. Jutta Dalhoff, Uschi Frey, and Ingrid Scholl. (Düsseldorf, 1986); Ute Daniel, Arbeiterfrauen in der Kriegsgesellschaft. Beruf, Familie und Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 84 (Göttingen, 1989); Barbara Guttmann, "'... in nie erlebter Leibhaftigkeit zum >Volke< vereint'. Frauenbewegung und Nationalismus im Ersten Weltkrieg." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Würrtemberg. (Tübingen, 1996), 204-13.
109. Kaufmann, "Ehre des Vaterlandes," Ilka Riemann, "'Er mit der Waffe, sie mit Herz und Hand' Die Rolle der Fauenvereine in der Sozialpolitik, insbesondere der Vaterländischen Frauenvereine." In Frauenmacht in der Geschichte, ed. Jutta Dalhoff, Uschi Frey, and Ingrid Scholl. (Düsseldorf, 1986); Ute Daniel, Arbeiterfrauen in der Kriegsgesellschaft. Beruf, Familie und Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 84 (Göttingen, 1989); Barbara Guttmann, "'... in nie erlebter Leibhaftigkeit zum >Volke< vereint'. Frauenbewegung und Nationalismus im Ersten Weltkrieg." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Würrtemberg. (Tübingen, 1996), 204-13.
110. Kaufmann, "Ehre des Vaterlandes," Ilka Riemann, "'Er mit der Waffe, sie mit Herz und Hand' Die Rolle der Fauenvereine in der Sozialpolitik, insbesondere der Vaterländischen Frauenvereine." In Frauenmacht in der Geschichte, ed. Jutta Dalhoff, Uschi Frey, and Ingrid Scholl. (Düsseldorf, 1986); Ute Daniel, Arbeiterfrauen in der Kriegsgesellschaft. Beruf, Familie und Politik im Ersten Weltkrieg. Kritische Studien zur Geschichtswissenschaft 84 (Göttingen, 1989); Barbara Guttmann, "'... in nie erlebter Leibhaftigkeit zum >Volke< vereint'. Frauenbewegung und Nationalismus im Ersten Weltkrieg." In Frauen und Nation, ed. Frauen & Geschichte Baden-Würrtemberg. (Tübingen, 1996), 204-13.
111. Kardorff-von Oheimb, Brauchen wir eine Frauenpartei? (Berlin-Frohnau, 1931), 6; see also speech manuscript [probably June 1919], Bundesarchiv Koblenz (henceforth: BAK), Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb (N 39), vol. 25.
112. Kardorff-von Oheimb, Brauchen wir eine Frauenpartei? (Berlin-Frohnau, 1931), 6; see also speech manuscript [probably June 1919], Bundesarchiv Koblenz (henceforth: BAK), Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb (N 39), vol. 25.
113. See also the pamphlets: "Was will der Nationalbund Deutscher Frauen und Mädchen?" and "Ziele und Aufgaben des Nationalbundes Deutscher Frauen," both in ADEF, vol. O 12, and the materials in BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, volumes 19a, 25, and 37. Oheimb's longing for a great leader may have reflected her nostalgic monarchism, but my impression is that she longed for a "great statesman" in the mystified Prussian tradition, such as a "new" Bismarck. See Katharina Kardorff-von Oheimb, Politik und Lebensbeichte (Tübingen, 1965).
114. See also the pamphlets: "Was will der Nationalbund Deutscher Frauen und Mädchen?" and "Ziele und Aufgaben des Nationalbundes Deutscher Frauen," both in ADEF, vol. O 12, and the materials in BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, volumes 19a, 25, and 37. Oheimb's longing for a great leader may have reflected her nostalgic monarchism, but my impression is that she longed for a "great statesman" in the mystified Prussian tradition, such as a "new" Bismarck. See Katharina Kardorff-von Oheimb, Politik und Lebensbeichte (Tübingen, 1965).
115. Deutsch, Politische Tat, 41-42. See also Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 77.
116. Deutsch, Politische Tat, 41-42. See also Deutsch, Parlamentarische Frauenarbeit, 77.
117. See Statements by Poehlmann and Weber in "Generalversammlung 1919," in HLA, BDF, Film 65-277; Bensheimer to Weber, 29 January 1920, in HLA, BDF, Film 25-113; Dransfeld to Montgelas, 2 November 1921, in AKFD, folder "Auslandskommission 1920-1928 1-122-2"; Hedwig Dransfeld, "Der Eintritt der katholischen Frauen in die Politik," in Christliche Frau 16 (1918): 179. Several statements show, however, that women in the parliaments did not cooperate very much. See, for example, AKFD, Zentralvorstandsprotokolle, 17-19 July 1919, point 1.
118. Westarp to Mueller, 18 July 1919, and enclosed text of a telegram to Auguste Viktoria, in ADEF, vol. Q 12. See also Mueller's response (ADEF, vol. Q 12).
119. Westarp to Mueller, 18 July 1919, and enclosed text of a telegram to Auguste Viktoria, in ADEF, vol. Q 12. See also Mueller's response (ADEF, vol. Q 12).
120. See Kardorff-von Oheimb, Politik und Lebensbeichte. For another
121. See Kardorff-von Oheimb, Politik und Lebensbeichte. For another "case" of longing for a powerful male leader, see Clara Mende, "Deutschlands Hoffnung," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, #52, 30 December 1920, and Mende, "1871-1921," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #3, 20 January 1921.
122. See Kardorff-von Oheimb, Politik und Lebensbeichte. For another "case" of longing for a powerful male leader, see Clara Mende, "Deutschlands Hoffnung," DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, #52, 30 December 1920, and Mende, "1871-1921," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, #3, 20 January 1921.
123. Margarete Altmann-Naumburg: "Frauenpflicht," in Deutscher Frauenbund 11, no. 1, January 1919. For another example, see Scheck, "German Conservatism," 52.
124. Margarete Altmann-Naumburg: "Frauenpflicht," in Deutscher Frauenbund 11, no. 1, January 1919. For another example, see Scheck, "German Conservatism," 52.
125. See Emma Stropp, "Der neue Reichstag," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, no. 26, 1 July 1920: "Man darf nicht den gröβeren Teil der Besatzung zurückstellen, ihnen nicht sagen: 'Scheuert das Deck ', wenn es gilt, Fugen zu dichten, Zerbrechendes zu halten, in Sturm und Not wieder aufzurichten, was zermürbt, veraltet, oder willkürlich zerstört, zusammensank." For the importance of morale and psychological factors in the planning for the war of the future, see Wilhelm Deist, "Die Reichswehr und der Krieg der Zukunft." Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 44 (1989): 81-92. For the idea of a people's war in right-wing circles, see Raffael Scheck, "Politics of Illusion: Alfred von Tirpitz and Right-Wing Putschism, 1922-1924." German Studies Review 18 (1995): 29-49.
126. See Emma Stropp, "Der neue Reichstag," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, no. 26, 1 July 1920: "Man darf nicht den gröβeren Teil der Besatzung zurückstellen, ihnen nicht sagen: 'Scheuert das Deck ', wenn es gilt, Fugen zu dichten, Zerbrechendes zu halten, in Sturm und Not wieder aufzurichten, was zermürbt, veraltet, oder willkürlich zerstört, zusammensank." For the importance of morale and psychological factors in the planning for the war of the future, see Wilhelm Deist, "Die Reichswehr und der Krieg der Zukunft." Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 44 (1989): 81-92. For the idea of a people's war in right-wing circles, see Raffael Scheck, "Politics of Illusion: Alfred von Tirpitz and Right-Wing Putschism, 1922-1924." German Studies Review 18 (1995): 29-49.
127. See Emma Stropp, "Der neue Reichstag," in DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 2, no. 26, 1 July 1920: "Man darf nicht den gröβeren Teil der Besatzung zurückstellen, ihnen nicht sagen: 'Scheuert das Deck ', wenn es gilt, Fugen zu dichten, Zerbrechendes zu halten, in Sturm und Not wieder aufzurichten, was zermürbt, veraltet, oder willkürlich zerstört, zusammensank." For the importance of morale and psychological factors in the planning for the war of the future, see Wilhelm Deist, "Die Reichswehr und der Krieg der Zukunft." Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 44 (1989): 81-92. For the idea of a people's war in right-wing circles, see Raffael Scheck, "Politics of Illusion: Alfred von Tirpitz and Right-Wing Putschism, 1922-1924." German Studies Review 18 (1995): 29-49.
128. See summary of Mayor's speech, in report on the political course of the three DVP district organizations of Greater Berlin, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 1, no. 4, 26 October 1919 (Frauenrundschau); and Beda Prilipp, "Sieben Jahre Frauenwahlrecht," in Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 8, no. 2, 8 January 1926.
129. See summary of Mayer's speech, in report on the political course of the three DVP district organizations of Greater Berlin, DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 1, no. 4, 26 October 1919 (Frauenrundschau); and Beda Prilipp, "Sieben Jahre Frauenwahlrecht," in Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 8, no. 2, 8 January 1926.
130. Elizabeth Harvey, "Serving the Volk, Saving the Nation: Women in the Youth Movement and the Public Sphere in Weimar Germany." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack. (Cambridge, 1992); Prokop, "Die Sehnsucht nach Volkseinheit."
131. Elizabeth Harvey, "Serving the Volk, Saving the Nation: Women in the Youth Movement and the Public Sphere in Weimar Germany." In Elections, Mass Politics, and Social Change in Modern Germany: New Perspectives, ed. Larry E. Jones and James Retallack. (Cambridge, 1992); Prokop, "Die Sehnsucht nach Volkseinheit."
132. Fritzsche, "Breakthrough," 305 and 311, and Fritzsche, Rehearsals, 23. Heide-Marie Lauterer acknowledges this aspect in "Ein 'ruhiges Nationalbewußtsein'?," 134 and 138.
133. Fritzsche, "Breakthrough," 305 and 311, and Fritzsche, Rehearsals, 23. Heide-Marie Lauterer acknowledges this aspect in "Ein 'ruhiges Nationalbewußtsein'?," 134 and 138.
134. Fritzsche, "Breakthrough," 305 and 311, and Fritzsche, Rehearsals, 23. Heide-Marie Lauterer acknowledges this aspect in "Ein 'ruhiges Nationalbewußtsein'?," 134 and 138.
135. Frevert, 166. See also Greven-Aschoff, 160.
136. See the note by Alice Salomon and related correspondence in HLA, BDF, Film 25-112, and Hönig, 122-24.
137. The BDF ultimately decided not to attend the conference. See Bensheimer and Weber to Gesamtvorstand, 1 April 1920, and related correspondence in HLA, BDF, Film 24-108; Bensheimer to Weber, 17 August and 6 October 1920, both in HLA, BDF, Film 25-113. For the bitter tone of the debate, see also Schaper to Reichsfrauenausschuß der DNVP, 11 February 1920, in ADEF, vol. O 12.
138. Anna Schaper, a DEF member, polemicized against Bäumer (who she deemed responsible for Salomon's trip) by reminding her of Goethe's phrase "Das Weib lerne diene" (The woman ought to learn how to serve) See also Hönig, 116-19.
139. Schmidt-Waldherr, 135-36; Evans, 151-52; Hönig, ch. 5.1. For the alternative rightist organization (Ring nationaler Frauen), see the correspondence and meeting protocols in ADEF, vols. O 12 and A 6c.
140. Dransfeld to Montgelas, 12 November 1921, in AKFD, folder "Auslandskommission 1920-1928 1-122-2," and Dransfeld to Voigtländer, 11 November 1921, AKFD, folder "3.13.2 Friedens-und Abrüstungsfrage: Deutscher Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge 1-18-5."
141. The DNVP representatives were Käthe Schirmacher and Annagrete Lehmann. See Scheck, "German Conservatism," 51.
142. Die Frauenfrage, 1 January 1919, in HLA, Film 52-238. For Kardorff-von Oheimb's Stands, see BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, vol. 37. For anti-Semitism in the BDF, see Marlies Dürkop, "Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus im Bund deutscher Frauenvereine," Feministische Studien (1984), 140-49, but see also Gertrud Bäumer's critique of anti-Semitism in her article "Der erste Wahlkampf," Die Frau 26, no. 5 (February 1919), 136. See also Marion Kaplan, "Schwesterlichkeit auf dem Prüfstand: Feminismus und Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1904-1938." Feministische Studien 3 (1984), 133-34, and Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany, 83-84.
143. Die Frauenfrage, 1 January 1919, in HLA, Film 52-238. For Kardorff-von Oheimb's Stands, see BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, vol. 37. For anti-Semitism in the BDF, see Marlies Dürkop, "Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus im Bund deutscher Frauenvereine," Feministische Studien (1984), 140-49, but see also Gertrud Bäumer's critique of anti-Semitism in her article "Der erste Wahlkampf," Die Frau 26, no. 5 (February 1919), 136. See also Marion Kaplan, "Schwesterlichkeit auf dem Prüfstand: Feminismus und Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1904-1938." Feministische Studien 3 (1984), 133-34, and Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany, 83-84.
144. Die Frauenfrage, 1 January 1919, in HLA, Film 52-238. For Kardorff-von Oheimb's Stands, see BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, vol. 37. For anti-Semitism in the BDF, see Marlies Dürkop, "Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus im Bund deutscher Frauenvereine," Feministische Studien (1984), 140-49, but see also Gertrud Bäumer's critique of anti-Semitism in her article "Der erste Wahlkampf," Die Frau 26, no. 5 (February 1919), 136. See also Marion Kaplan, "Schwesterlichkeit auf dem Prüfstand: Feminismus und Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1904-1938." Feministische Studien 3 (1984), 133-34, and Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany, 83-84.
145. Die Frauenfrage, 1 January 1919, in HLA, Film 52-238. For Kardorff-von Oheimb's Stands, see BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, vol. 37. For anti-Semitism in the BDF, see Marlies Dürkop, "Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus im Bund deutscher Frauenvereine," Feministische Studien (1984), 140-49, but see also Gertrud Bäumer's critique of anti-Semitism in her article "Der erste Wahlkampf," Die Frau 26, no. 5 (February 1919), 136. See also Marion Kaplan, "Schwesterlichkeit auf dem Prüfstand: Feminismus und Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1904-1938." Feministische Studien 3 (1984), 133-34, and Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany, 83-84.
146. Die Frauenfrage, 1 January 1919, in HLA, Film 52-238. For Kardorff-von Oheimb's Stands, see BAK, Nachlaß Kardorff-von Oheimb, vol. 37. For anti-Semitism in the BDF, see Marlies Dürkop, "Erscheinungsformen des Antisemitismus im Bund deutscher Frauenvereine," Feministische Studien (1984), 140-49, but see also Gertrud Bäumer's critique of anti-Semitism in her article "Der erste Wahlkampf," Die Frau 26, no. 5 (February 1919), 136. See also Marion Kaplan, "Schwesterlichkeit auf dem Prüfstand: Feminismus und Antisemitismus in Deutschland, 1904-1938." Feministische Studien 3 (1984), 133-34, and Kaplan, The Jewish Feminist Movement in Germany, 83-84.
147. See, for example, BAK, ZSg. 1-121 (Kampf gegen Versailles), "10 Vortäge gehalten auf der Schulungswoche in Darmstadt vom 'Deutschen Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge'" (1925), 41, and Else Hasse, "Frauen in der Politik," in Christliche Frau 17, no. 1-3 (January/February/March 1919), 3.
148. See, for example, BAK, ZSg. 1-121 (Kampf gegen Versailles), "10 Vortäge gehalten auf der Schulungswoche in Darmstadt vom 'Deutschen Frauenausschuß zur Bekämpfung der Schuldlüge'" (1925), 41, and Else Hasse, "Frauen in der Politik," in Christliche Frau 17, no. 1-3 (January/February/March 1919), 3.
149. See, for example, Ilse Hamel, "Völkisch als Rassebegriff," Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 5, no. 26, 2 July 1924. Similar articles frequently appeared in this official publication of the DNVP's National Women's Committee.
150. "Deutschnationale Frauentagung in Köln," Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 8, no. 37, 9 September 1926.
151. See Schirmacher, "Mehr Licht, deutscher Prinz!" (book review) Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 7, no. 72, 24 September 1925, as well as various issues of the same paper from August 1925.
152. It should be stressed that there were also other themes dividing women along party lines: religious concerns, ideas about the character of the schools, practical measures concerning female work, and more.
153. Reagin, 255; Evans, Comrades and Sisters, 169-71 and 174-75.
154. Reagin, 255; Evans, Comrades and Sisters, 169-71 and 174-75.
155. Christiane Streubel at the University of Münster is working on a dissertation on women mostly from the DNVP who combined demands for women's emancipation with Nazi racism. See also Eva-Maria Ziege, "Sophie Rogge-Börner - Wegbereiterin der Nazidiktatur und völkische Sektiererin im Abseits." In Zwischen Karierre und Verfolgung: Handlungsräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, ed. Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel, 44-78, and Liliane Crips, "'National-feministische' Utopien: Pia Sophie Rogge-Börner und 'Die Deutsche Kämpferin' 1933-1937." Feministische Studien 8 (1990): 128-37.
156. Christiane Streubel at the University of Münster is working on a dissertation on women mostly from the DNVP who combined demands for women's emancipation with Nazi racism. See also Eva-Maria Ziege, "Sophie Rogge-Börner - Wegbereiterin der Nazidiktatur und völkische Sektiererin im Abseits." In Zwischen Karierre und Verfolgung: Handlungsräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, ed. Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel, 44-78, and Liliane Crips, "'National-feministische' Utopien: Pia Sophie Rogge-Börner und 'Die Deutsche Kämpferin' 1933-1937." Feministische Studien 8 (1990): 128-37.
157. Christiane Streubel at the University of Münster is working on a dissertation on women mostly from the DNVP who combined demands for women's emancipation with Nazi racism. See also Eva-Maria Ziege, "Sophie Rogge-Börner - Wegbereiterin der Nazidiktatur und völkische Sektiererin im Abseits." In Zwischen Karierre und Verfolgung: Handlungsräume von Frauen im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland, ed. Kirsten Heinsohn, Barbara Vogel, and Ulrike Weckel, 44-78, and Liliane Crips, "'National-feministische' Utopien: Pia Sophie Rogge-Börner und 'Die Deutsche Kämpferin' 1933-1937." Feministische Studien 8 (1990): 128-37.
158. See various issues of the Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen in February and June 1924 and in early 1925.
159. Again, this seems typical also for the newly enfranchised young (age 20-25). See also Kempf's statements, as quoted by Schaser, "Bürgerliche Frauen," 642.
160. The percentage of women in the Reichstag did decline, but this had to do with the proliferation of splinter parties after 1924 and the growing strength of the NSDAP after 1930: the splinter parties rarely nominated women in leading positions, and the Nazis excluded them altogether. In the bourgeois parties discussed in this article, however, the percentage of women in the Reichstag groups remained rather stable from 1920 to 1933, although it did not usually reach the high mark of 1919. The picture is more complex in the state diets, but here, too, the notion of steady decline is wrong. The DNVP (after 1924), the DVP (1921-24), and the Center Party (particularly after 1928) for a while had a strong women's representation in the Prussian diet, and the DNVP had many women in the Danziger Volkstag. See Gabriele Bremme, Die politische Rolle der Frau in Deutschland: Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluß der Frauen bei Wahlen und ihre Teilnahme in Partei und Parlament (Göttingen, 1956), 124; DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, no. 8, 24 February 1921; Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 5, no. 49, 10 December 1924, and vol. 10, no. 23, 7 June 1928.
161. The percentage of women in the Reichstag did decline, but this had to do with the proliferation of splinter parties after 1924 and the growing strength of the NSDAP after 1930: the splinter parties rarely nominated women in leading positions, and the Nazis excluded them altogether. In the bourgeois parties discussed in this article, however, the percentage of women in the Reichstag groups remained rather stable from 1920 to 1933, although it did not usually reach the high mark of 1919. The picture is more complex in the state diets, but here, too, the notion of steady decline is wrong. The DNVP (after 1924), the DVP (1921-24), and the Center Party (particularly after 1928) for a while had a strong women's representation in the Prussian diet, and the DNVP had many women in the Danziger Volkstag. See Gabriele Bremme, Die politische Rolle der Frau in Deutschland: Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluß der Frauen bei Wahlen und ihre Teilnahme in Partei und Parlament (Göttingen, 1956), 124; DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, no. 8, 24 February 1921; Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 5, no. 49, 10 December 1924, and vol. 10, no. 23, 7 June 1928.
162. The percentage of women in the Reichstag did decline, but this had to do with the proliferation of splinter parties after 1924 and the growing strength of the NSDAP after 1930: the splinter parties rarely nominated women in leading positions, and the Nazis excluded them altogether. In the bourgeois parties discussed in this article, however, the percentage of women in the Reichstag groups remained rather stable from 1920 to 1933, although it did not usually reach the high mark of 1919. The picture is more complex in the state diets, but here, too, the notion of steady decline is wrong. The DNVP (after 1924), the DVP (1921-24), and the Center Party (particularly after 1928) for a while had a strong women's representation in the Prussian diet, and the DNVP had many women in the Danziger Volkstag. See Gabriele Bremme, Die politische Rolle der Frau in Deutschland: Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluß der Frauen bei Wahlen und ihre Teilnahme in Partei und Parlament (Göttingen, 1956), 124; DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, no. 8, 24 February 1921; Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 5, no. 49, 10 December 1924, and vol. 10, no. 23, 7 June 1928.
163. The percentage of women in the Reichstag did decline, but this had to do with the proliferation of splinter parties after 1924 and the growing strength of the NSDAP after 1930: the splinter parties rarely nominated women in leading positions, and the Nazis excluded them altogether. In the bourgeois parties discussed in this article, however, the percentage of women in the Reichstag groups remained rather stable from 1920 to 1933, although it did not usually reach the high mark of 1919. The picture is more complex in the state diets, but here, too, the notion of steady decline is wrong. The DNVP (after 1924), the DVP (1921-24), and the Center Party (particularly after 1928) for a while had a strong women's representation in the Prussian diet, and the DNVP had many women in the Danziger Volkstag. See Gabriele Bremme, Die politische Rolle der Frau in Deutschland: Eine Untersuchung über den Einfluß der Frauen bei Wahlen und ihre Teilnahme in Partei und Parlament (Göttingen, 1956), 124; DVP-Nachrichtenblatt 3, no. 8, 24 February 1921; Frauenkorrespondenz für nationale Zeitungen 5, no. 49, 10 December 1924, and vol. 10, no. 23, 7 June 1928.