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Volumn 98, Issue 390, 1999, Pages 101-118

Cameroon: A country united by ethnic ambition and difference

(1)  Nyamnjoh, Francis B a  

a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ETHNICITY; NATIONAL POLITICS;

EID: 0033052789     PISSN: 00019909     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a007989     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (102)

References (74)
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    • See Libération of 14 and 15 November 1998, p. 18 for Karl Laske's articles on 'Koagne, Phomme qui multipliait les dollars' and 'Ce Camerounais qui exeroquait des chefs d'Etat est detenu au Yemen'.
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    • This was the period between April 1991 and January 1992, when the radical opposition issued calls, ultimatums, tracts, etc., asking the public to immobilize economic activity by staying indoors, blocking streets, refusing to pay taxes and bills, and boycotting markets and offices. The intention was to force the government to agree to hold a 'sovereign national conference'. These protests were to be intensified after President Biya, in what many observers have termed his firmest and most provocative speech ever, declared on 27 June 1991 that 'the national conference is pointless in Cameroon', and that he would maintain order at all costs.
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    • 20-27 June and 71, 27-30 May 1991, p. 1
    • The four parties included Louis Tobie Mbida's Parti des Démocrates Camerounais (PDC), the Parti Socialiste Camerounais (PSC) of Nseth Nseth Appolinaire-Guillaume, the Parti de l'Alliance Liberale (PAL) of Bedzigui Célestin, and Ngouo Woungly Massaga's Parti de la Solidarité du Peuple (PSP). They viewed the Yaoundé Plan of Action as a call for war and violence, and claimed they were ready for dialogue with the government and to respect constituted authority. Their move was interpreted as a stab in the back by the other members of the opposition, who rationalized that they had always suspected that the Beti among them were spying for their 'brother' in power (see Cameroon Post, 75, 20-27 June 1991, p. 1 and 71, 27-30 May 1991, p. 1).
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    • Conflicting narratives of anglophone protest and the politics of identity in Cameroon
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    • See D. Eyoh, 'Conflicting narratives of anglophone protest and the politics of identity in Cameroon', Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 16, 2 (1998), pp. 268-71; D. Eyoh, 'Through the prism', pp. 354-5.
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    • Introduction: The urban-rural connection. Changing issues of belonging and identification
    • in Cameroon there is no policy discouraging the practice for the benefit of national integration
    • Although a 'moral necessity of being buried in the home' has been noted in many parts of Africa among elites who see burial in the city as 'the ultimate sign of social failure' (cf. P. Geschiere and J. Gugler, 'Introduction: The urban-rural connection: changing issues of belonging and identification', Africa, 68, 3 (1998), p. 311), in Cameroon there is no policy discouraging the practice for the benefit of national integration.
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    • See excerpts of Professor Beltus I. Bejanga's interview with The Herald, Geschiere and Gugler, 'Introduction', pp. 313-14; see also Collectif Changer le Cameroun (C3) and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (eds), Ethnies et Développement, pp. 121-7.
    • Introduction , pp. 313-314
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    • See excerpts of Professor Beltus I. Bejanga's interview with The Herald, Geschiere and Gugler, 'Introduction', pp. 313-14; see also Collectif Changer le Cameroun (C3) and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (eds), Ethnies et Développement, pp. 121-7.
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    • Macmillan, London, written by President Biya himself and parroted by many
    • Hence books such as Communal Liberalism (Macmillan, London, 1987), written by President Biya himself and parroted by many.
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    • The politics of development: Modernity, power elities and popular disillusionment in Africa
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    • Cf. Mbembe, 'Provisional notes', pp. 24-5; Bayart, The State in Africa, pp. 218-27.
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    • Cf. Mbembe, 'Provisional notes', pp. 24-5; Bayart, The State in Africa, pp. 218-27.
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    • Introduction: L'Etat-historien
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    • Monga, 'Civil society', p. 371. According to The Herald (No. 279, 1996, p. 7) a disillusioned illiterate 'Takumbeng' woman who had seen leaders come and go, voted in and out, had this to say of the 1996 local elections: 'Candidates who stand for elections are like birds without feathers. We the voters give a candidate his feathers - each vote being another feather. When he has enough feathers off he flies and we never see him again.'
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    • Monga, 'Civil society', p. 371. According to The Herald (No. 279, 1996, p. 7) a disillusioned illiterate 'Takumbeng' woman who had seen leaders come and go, voted in and out, had this to say of the 1996 local elections: 'Candidates who stand for elections are like birds without feathers. We the voters give a candidate his feathers - each vote being another feather. When he has enough feathers off he flies and we never see him again.'
    • (1996) The Herald , vol.279 , pp. 7
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    • Ngwane, 'Cameroon', pp. 1678-80.
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    • Havel, Living, pp. 36-122.
    • Living , pp. 36-122
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    • 14 and 15 November
    • Cf. Libération, 14 and 15 November 1998, p. 18.
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    • L'Harmattan, Paris
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    • Sorcery, power and the modern state in Cameron
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    • Karthala, Paris
    • See M. Rowlands and J.-P. Warnier, 'Sorcery, power and the modern state in Cameron', Man, 23, 1 (1988), pp. 121-5; P. Geschiere, Sorcellerie et Politique en Afrique (Karthala, Paris, 1995); C. Fisiy and P. Geschiere, 'Witchcraft, violence and identity: different trajectories in postcolonial Cameroon', in Richard Werbner and Terence Ranger (eds) Postcolonial Identities in Africa (Zed Books, London, 1996), pp. 193-7.
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    • Witchcraft, violence and identity: Different trajectories in postcolonial Cameroon
    • Richard Werbner and Terence Ranger (eds) Zed Books, London
    • See M. Rowlands and J.-P. Warnier, 'Sorcery, power and the modern state in Cameron', Man, 23, 1 (1988), pp. 121-5; P. Geschiere, Sorcellerie et Politique en Afrique (Karthala, Paris, 1995); C. Fisiy and P. Geschiere, 'Witchcraft, violence and identity: different trajectories in postcolonial Cameroon', in Richard Werbner and Terence Ranger (eds) Postcolonial Identities in Africa (Zed Books, London, 1996), pp. 193-7.
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    • See Geschiere, Sorcellerie, pp. 7-35; Fisiy and Geschiere, 'Witchcraft, violence', p. 197.
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    • Editions Intermedia, Douala
    • See G. Owona, Un Bateau dans la Tourmente? Cameroun: Des raisons d'espérer (Editions Intermedia, Douala, 1995), pp. 67-87, for such a judgement of John Fru Ndi and the summary dismissal of the major opposition leaders by the author, a CPDM baron.
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    • Popular line from one of the songs of Jacky Ndoumbe, Cameroonian pop musician
    • Popular line from one of the songs of Jacky Ndoumbe, Cameroonian pop musician.


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