The dynamics of minority vote dilution: The case of Augusta, Georgia, 1945-1986

Journal of Urban History

Volumn 25, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 199-225

  McCrary, Peyton ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

ELECTION; VOTING BEHAVIOR;

AUGUSTA; GEORGIA; UNITED STATES;

EID: 0032961824     PISSN: 00961442     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/009614429902500202     Document Type: Article

References (191)

1. Susan Welch and Timothy Bledsoe, Urban Reform and Its Consequences: A Study in Representation (Chicago, 1988), xiii-xv, 1-15; Dennis R. Judd, The Politics of American Cities: Private Power and Public Policy (Boston, 1979), 92-100, 110-3, 117-20; Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York, 1978), 268-74, 323.
2. Susan Welch and Timothy Bledsoe, Urban Reform and Its Consequences: A Study in Representation (Chicago, 1988), xiii-xv, 1-15; Dennis R. Judd, The Politics of American Cities: Private Power and Public Policy (Boston, 1979), 92-100, 110-3, 117-20; Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York, 1978), 268-74, 323.
3. Susan Welch and Timothy Bledsoe, Urban Reform and Its Consequences: A Study in Representation (Chicago, 1988), xiii-xv, 1-15; Dennis R. Judd, The Politics of American Cities: Private Power and Public Policy (Boston, 1979), 92-100, 110-3, 117-20; Howard N. Rabinowitz, Race Relations in the Urban South, 1865-1890 (New York, 1978), 268-74, 323.
4. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
5. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
6. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
7. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
8. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
9. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
10. H. D. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (New York, 1957), 79, 121; Edward C. Banfield and James Q. Wilson, City Politics (Cambridge, MA, 1963), 87-96, 307-9; Donald R. Matthews and James W. Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics (New York, 1966), 4-5, 143-4, 208, 220-1; Everett C. Ladd, Negro Political Leadership in the South (Ithaca, 1966), 29-30, 102-3, 307; Chandler Davidson, Biracial Politics: Conflict and Coalition in the Metropolitan South (Baton Rouge, 1972), 59-67; Chandler Davidson and George Korbel, "At-Large Elections and Minority Group Representation: A Re-Examination of Historical and Contemporary Evidence," Journal of Politics 43 (December 1981), 982-1004; James W. Button, Blacks and Social Change: Impact of the Civil Rights Movement in Southern Communities (Princeton, 1989), 10, 43, 47, 51, 63, 309.
11. James Weinstein, "Organized Business and the City Commission and Manager Movements," Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962), 166-82; Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 55 (1964), 157-69, reprinted in American Political History as Social Analysis: Essays by Samuel P. Hays (Knoxville, 1980), 205-32. Hays's ongoing influence in this field is reflected in Michael H. Ebner et al., "Samuel P. Hays and the Social Analysis of the City: A Symposium," Journal of Urban History 19 (August 1993), 85-109.
12. James Weinstein, "Organized Business and the City Commission and Manager Movements," Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962), 166-82; Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 55 (1964), 157-69, reprinted in American Political History as Social Analysis: Essays by Samuel P. Hays (Knoxville, 1980), 205-32. Hays's ongoing influence in this field is reflected in Michael H. Ebner et al., "Samuel P. Hays and the Social Analysis of the City: A Symposium," Journal of Urban History 19 (August 1993), 85-109.
13. James Weinstein, "Organized Business and the City Commission and Manager Movements," Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962), 166-82; Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 55 (1964), 157-69, reprinted in American Political History as Social Analysis: Essays by Samuel P. Hays (Knoxville, 1980), 205-32. Hays's ongoing influence in this field is reflected in Michael H. Ebner et al., "Samuel P. Hays and the Social Analysis of the City: A Symposium," Journal of Urban History 19 (August 1993), 85-109.
14. James Weinstein, "Organized Business and the City Commission and Manager Movements," Journal of Southern History 28 (May 1962), 166-82; Samuel P. Hays, "The Politics of Reform in Municipal Government in the Progressive Era," Pacific Northwest Quarterly 55 (1964), 157-69, reprinted in American Political History as Social Analysis: Essays by Samuel P. Hays (Knoxville, 1980), 205-32. Hays's ongoing influence in this field is reflected in Michael H. Ebner et al., "Samuel P. Hays and the Social Analysis of the City: A Symposium," Journal of Urban History 19 (August 1993), 85-109.
15. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
16. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
17. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
18. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
19. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
20. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
21. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
22. Case studies include John W. Graves, "Negro Disfranchisement in Arkansas," Arkansas Historical Quarterly 26 (1967), 199-225; Eugene J. Watts, "Black Political Progress in Atlanta, 1868-1895" Journal of Negro History 59 (July 1974), 268-86; Joseph H. Cartwright, The Triumph of Jim Crow: Tennessee Race Relations in the 1880s (Knoxville, 1976); Lester Lamon, Black Tennesseans, 1900-1930 (Knoxville, 1977), 37-41; Don H. Doyle, Nashville in the New South, 1880-1930 (Knoxville, 1985), 168-75, 260-2; Lynette B. Wrenn, "Commission Government in the Gilded Age: The Memphis Plan," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 47 (Winter 1988), 216-26; Nancy J. Potts, "Unfulfilled Expectations: The Erosion of Black Political Power in Chattanooga, 1865-1911," Tennesee Historical Quarterly 49 (Summer 1990), 112-28. More generally, see Blaine R. Brownell, "The Urban South Comes of Age, 1900-1940," in Brownell and David R. Goldfield, eds., The City in Southern History: The Growth of Urban Civilization in the South (Port Washington, NY, 1977), 151-3.
23. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
24. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
25. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
26. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
27. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
28. See, for example, Clinton B. Jones, "The Impact of Local Election Systems on Black Political Participation," Urban Affairs Quarterly 11 (March 1976), 345-56; Albert K. Karnig, "Black Representation on City Councils," Urban Affairs Quarterly 12 (December 1976), 223-42; Margaret B. Latimer, "Black Political Representation in Southern Cities: Election Systems and Other Causal Variables," Urban Affairs Quarterly 15 (September 1979), 65-86; Albert K. Karnig and Susan Welch, Black Representation and Urban Policy (Chicago, 1980), 68-107; Richard L. Engstrom and Michael D. McDonald, "The Election of Blacks to City Councils: Clarifying the Impact of Electoral Arrangements on the Seats/Population Relationship," American Political Science Review 75 (June 1981), 344-54; Peggy Heilig and Robert J. Mundt, Your Voice at City Hall: The Politics, Procedures, and Policies of District Representation (Albany, 1984), 1-56.
29. Peyton McCrary, "Racially Polarized Voting in the South: Quantitative Evidence from the Courtroom," Social Science History 14 (Winter 1990), 507-31; Bernard Grofman, "Expert Witness Testimony and the Evolution of Voting Rights Case Law," in Grofman and Chandler Davidson, eds., Controversies in Minority Voting: The Voting Rights Act in Perspective (Washington, DC, 1992), 197-229.
30. Peyton McCrary, "Racially Polarized Voting in the South: Quantitative Evidence from the Courtroom," Social Science History 14 (Winter 1990), 507-31; Bernard Grofman, "Expert Witness Testimony and the Evolution of Voting Rights Case Law," in Grofman and Chandler Davidson, eds., Controversies in Minority Voting: The Voting Rights Act in Perspective (Washington, DC, 1992), 197-229.
31. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
32. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
33. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
34. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
35. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
36. Peyton McCrary, "History in the Courts: The Significance of Bolden v. the City of Mobile," in Chandler Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution (Washington, DC, 1984), 47-64; J. Morgan Kousser, "The Undermining of the First Reconstruction: Lessons for the Second," in Davidson, Minority Vote Dilution, 27-46; McCrary, "Discriminatory Intent: The Continuing Relevance of 'Purpose' Evidence in Vote-Dilution Lawsuits," Howard Law Journal 28, no. 2 (1985), 463-93; McCrary and J. Gerald Hebert, "Keeping the Courts Honest: The Role of Historians as Expert Witnesses in Southern Voting Rights Cases," Southern University Law Review 16 (Spring 1989), 101-28; Kousser, "How to Determine Intent: Lessons from L.A.," Journal of Law and Politics VII (Summer 1991), 591-732. See generally, Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South: The Impact of the Voting Rights Act, 1965-1990 (Princeton, 1994).
37. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
38. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
39. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
40. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
41. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
42. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
43. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
44. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
45. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
46. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
47. David R. Goldfield, Black, White, and Southern: Race Relations and Southern Culture, 1940 to the Present (Baton Rouge, 1990), 184-7; Carl Abbott, The New Urban America: Growth and Politics in Sunbelt Cities, 2d ed. (Chapel Hill, 1987), 183, 215, 217, 228, 229-31; Robert Brischetto, Charles L. Cottrell, and R. Michael Stevens, "Conflict and Change in the Political Culture of San Antonio in the 1970s," in David R. Johnson, John A. Booth, and Richard J. Harris, eds., The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Press, and Power (Lincoln, 1983), 75-94, 225-8; Randall M. Miller, "The Development of the Modern Urban South: An Historical Overview," in Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Boca Raton, 1989), 11; Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 130, 135, 137; Raymond A. Mohl, "Ethnic Politics in Miami, 1960-1986," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 150; Bradley R. Rice, "If Dixie Were Atlanta," in Rice and Richard M. Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin, 1983), 46, 51; Martin V. Melosi, "Dallas-Fort Worth: Marketing the Metroplex," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 180; Barry J. Kaplan, "Houston: The Golden Buckle of the Sunbelt," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 206; Richard M. Bernard, "Oklahoma City: Booming Sooner," in Rice and Bernard, eds., Sunbelt Cities, 228; Christopher Silver and John V. Moeser, The Separate City: Black Communities in the Urban South, 1940-1968 (Lexington, 1995), 87-8, 151.
48. In United States v. City of Augusta, No. CV-187-004 (S.D. Ga.), the Department of Justice challenged the city's at-large election system on the grounds that it was adopted in 1953 with a racially discriminatory purpose and that it operated with a racially discriminatory effect. In 1987, the city settled the lawsuit by agreeing to return to a system of single-member district elections that provided black voters a fair opportunity to elect representatives of their choice.
49. Although sometimes vague on key details, James C. Cobb's unpublished thesis, "Politics in a New South City: Augusta, Georgia, 1946-1971" (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1975), 23-64, provides a balanced overview of the struggle between Crackers and Independents and of the perception by both sides that at-large elections offered an effective means of diluting black voting strength in the city. Edward J. Cashin, The Story of Augusta (Augusta, 1980), 246, 249-67, is based on exhaustive research in the files of the local newspaper, the Augusta Chronicle, but Cashin, who shares the paper's anti-Cracker editorial views, ignores the struggle over at-large elections.
50. Although sometimes vague on key details, James C. Cobb's unpublished thesis, "Politics in a New South City: Augusta, Georgia, 1946-1971" (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1975), 23-64, provides a balanced overview of the struggle between Crackers and Independents and of the perception by both sides that at-large elections offered an effective means of diluting black voting strength in the city. Edward J. Cashin, The Story of Augusta (Augusta, 1980), 246, 249-67, is based on exhaustive research in the files of the local newspaper, the Augusta Chronicle, but Cashin, who shares the paper's anti-Cracker editorial views, ignores the struggle over at-large elections.
51. On the initial phase of the conflict, see James S. Cobb, "Colonel Effingham Crushes the Crackers: Political Reform in Postwar Augusta," South Atlanta Quarterly 79 (Autumn 1979), 507-19. Abbott, The New Urban America, 141, mistakenly reports that the Independents "uprooted the Cracker machine" for good in 1946.
52. On the initial phase of the conflict, see James S. Cobb, "Colonel Effingham Crushes the Crackers: Political Reform in Postwar Augusta," South Atlanta Quarterly 79 (Autumn 1979), 507-19. Abbott, The New Urban America, 141, mistakenly reports that the Independents "uprooted the Cracker machine" for good in 1946.
53. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 24-7, 34; Cashin, Story of Augusta, 261. Both accounts rely primarily on the findings of Thomas H. and Dorris D. Reed, Report to the Citizens: A Survey of the Government of the City of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta Citizens Union, 1945). The Reeds, staff members of the National Municipal League, were hired as consultants by the Augusta Citizens Union, a local reform group out of which the Independent political organization evolved in 1946.
54. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 24-7, 34; Cashin, Story of Augusta, 261. Both accounts rely primarily on the findings of Thomas H. and Dorris D. Reed, Report to the Citizens: A Survey of the Government of the City of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta Citizens Union, 1945). The Reeds, staff members of the National Municipal League, were hired as consultants by the Augusta Citizens Union, a local reform group out of which the Independent political organization evolved in 1946.
55. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 24-7, 34; Cashin, Story of Augusta, 261. Both accounts rely primarily on the findings of Thomas H. and Dorris D. Reed, Report to the Citizens: A Survey of the Government of the City of Augusta, Georgia (Augusta Citizens Union, 1945). The Reeds, staff members of the National Municipal League, were hired as consultants by the Augusta Citizens Union, a local reform group out of which the Independent political organization evolved in 1946.
56. William Anderson, The Wild Man from Sugar Creek: The Political Career of Eugene Talmadge (Baton Rouge, 1975), 222, observes that "Harris had been the intractable boss of Richmond County politics for longer than anyone could remember" but cites as the basis for this claim only a story from an Atlanta newspaper covering the 1946 Augusta campaign. Even assuming Anderson's view is correct for the period before 1945, I found no evidence that during the period 1946-1953 Harris was involved in the decision making within the Cracker organization. Instead, he became increasingly preoccupied with state politics, serving as a key adviser to young Herman Talmadge as he assumed his father's mantle of leadership over the forces of white supremacy in Georgia. By the mid-1950s, Harris was a leader in the Citizens Council movement.
57. "Eyes of Georgia Turn to Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, April 9, 1946, 1, 2. For the decision outlawing the white primary in Georgia, see King v. Chapman, 62 F. Supp. 639 (M.D. Ga. 1945), aff'd, 154 F.2d 450 (5th Cir. 1946). V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), 123-5, provides a keen analysis of Harris's role in state politics, including the Talmadge campaign in 1946. Eugene Talmadge won a majority of the county unit votes, although not of the popular votes, in the July gubernatorial primary but failed to carry Richmond County, which went for his chief opponent James V. Carmichael. "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 11.
58. "Eyes of Georgia Turn to Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, April 9, 1946, 1, 2. For the decision outlawing the white primary in Georgia, see King v. Chapman, 62 F. Supp. 639 (M.D. Ga. 1945), aff'd, 154 F.2d 450 (5th Cir. 1946). V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), 123-5, provides a keen analysis of Harris's role in state politics, including the Talmadge campaign in 1946. Eugene Talmadge won a majority of the county unit votes, although not of the popular votes, in the July gubernatorial primary but failed to carry Richmond County, which went for his chief opponent James V. Carmichael. "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 11.
59. "Eyes of Georgia Turn to Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, April 9, 1946, 1, 2. For the decision outlawing the white primary in Georgia, see King v. Chapman, 62 F. Supp. 639 (M.D. Ga. 1945), aff'd, 154 F.2d 450 (5th Cir. 1946). V. O. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), 123-5, provides a keen analysis of Harris's role in state politics, including the Talmadge campaign in 1946. Eugene Talmadge won a majority of the county unit votes, although not of the popular votes, in the July gubernatorial primary but failed to carry Richmond County, which went for his chief opponent James V. Carmichael. "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 11.
60. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. For similar comments picturing the political situation in Augusta in 1946 as a throwback to the Reconstruction era, see "Harris Hits at Political Foes in Cracker Campaign Opening," Augusta Chronicle, April 3, 1946, 2, and the evidence from the weekly Harris published himself, the Augusta Courier, cited in Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 40-8. For my own view of this white supremacist propaganda, see Peyton McCrary, "Reconstruction Myth," in Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferns, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (Chapel Hill, 1989), 1120-1.
61. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. For similar comments picturing the political situation in Augusta in 1946 as a throwback to the Reconstruction era, see "Harris Hits at Political Foes in Cracker Campaign Opening," Augusta Chronicle, April 3, 1946, 2, and the evidence from the weekly Harris published himself, the Augusta Courier, cited in Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 40-8. For my own view of this white supremacist propaganda, see Peyton McCrary, "Reconstruction Myth," in Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferns, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (Chapel Hill, 1989), 1120-1.
62. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. For similar comments picturing the political
63. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. For similar comments picturing the political situation in Augusta in 1946 as a throwback to the Reconstruction era, see "Harris Hits at Political Foes in Cracker Campaign Opening," Augusta Chronicle, April 3, 1946, 2, and the evidence from the weekly Harris published himself, the Augusta Courier, cited in Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 40-8. For my own view of this white supremacist propaganda, see Peyton McCrary, "Reconstruction Myth," in Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferns, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (Chapel Hill, 1989), 1120-1.
64. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. For similar comments picturing the political situation in Augusta in 1946 as a throwback to the Reconstruction era, see "Harris Hits at Political Foes in Cracker Campaign Opening," Augusta Chronicle, April 3, 1946, 2, and the evidence from the weekly Harris published himself, the Augusta Courier, cited in Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 40-8. For my own view of this white supremacist propaganda, see Peyton McCrary, "Reconstruction Myth," in Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferns, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (Chapel Hill, 1989), 1120-1.
65. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. The black vote was, in fact, increasing in Augusta. See the data reported in "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2. Indeed, African Americans were a majority of those registered in one ward. "Negro Registrants Outnumber Whites in the Third Ward," Augusta Chronicle, April 28, 1946, 1, 2. On the last day of registration alone, 622 blacks added their names to the registration rolls. "Registration Ends for City Primary," Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1946, 4.
66. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. The black vote was, in fact, increasing in Augusta. See the data reported in "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2. Indeed, African Americans were a majority of those registered in one ward. "Negro Registrants Outnumber Whites in the Third Ward," Augusta Chronicle, April 28, 1946, 1, 2. On the last day of registration alone, 622 blacks added their names to the registration rolls. "Registration Ends for City Primary," Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1946, 4.
67. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. The black vote was, in fact, increasing in Augusta. See the data reported in "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2. Indeed, African Americans were a majority of those registered in one ward. "Negro Registrants Outnumber Whites in the Third Ward," Augusta Chronicle, April 28, 1946, 1, 2. On the last day of registration alone, 622 blacks added their names to the registration rolls. "Registration Ends for City Primary," Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1946, 4.
68. "Roy Harris Asks for Confidence at the Polls," Augusta Chronicle, April 10, 1946, 1, 2. The black vote was, in fact, increasing in Augusta. See the data reported in "Official Tabulation," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2. Indeed, African Americans were a majority of those registered in one ward. "Negro Registrants Outnumber Whites in the Third Ward," Augusta Chronicle, April 28, 1946, 1, 2. On the last day of registration alone, 622 blacks added their names to the registration rolls. "Registration Ends for City Primary," Augusta Chronicle, May 1, 1946, 4.
69. "Independents Blast Cracker Questions," Augusta Chronicle, April 13, 1946, 1, 2, and "Morris Terms Charges 'Lies,'" Augusta Chronicle, April 16, 1946, 1, 3.
70. "Independents Blast Cracker Questions," Augusta Chronicle, April 13, 1946, 1, 2, and "Morris Terms Charges 'Lies,'" Augusta Chronicle, April 16, 1946, 1, 3.
71. This observation is not based on statistical inference; in this period, blacks voted at separate polling places, and their ballots were separately recorded. "Voting Booths to be Enlarged," Augusta Chronicle, April 9, 1946, 3, and "Official Tabulation of Votes by Ward and District," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2.
72. This observation is not based on statistical inference; in this period, blacks voted at separate polling places, and their ballots were separately recorded. "Voting Booths to be Enlarged," Augusta Chronicle, April 9, 1946, 3, and "Official Tabulation of Votes by Ward and District," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 2.
73. Polling places remained racially segregated in Augusta until the Department of Justice threatened a lawsuit in June 1963. See "Vote Procedure Change Wanted by Government," Augusta Chronicle, June 25, 1963, 9. This was more than a year after a federal court ordered the desegregation of the polls in Albany, Georgia in Anderson v. Courson, 203 F. Supp. 806 (M.D. Ga., 1962).
74. "Independents Sweep Election; Record Breaking Vote Polled," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 1, 2, and "Independents Victor Without Negro Vote," Augusta Chronicle, April 19, 1946, 1, 2. In July 1946, Independent candidates won five of six contested seats on the Democratic county executive committee. "Independents Win Committee Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 18.
75. "Independents Sweep Election; Record Breaking Vote Polled," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 1, 2, and "Independents Victor Without Negro Vote," Augusta Chronicle, April 19, 1946, 1, 2. In July 1946, Independent candidates won five of six contested seats on the Democratic county executive committee. "Independents Win Committee Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 18.
76. "Independents Sweep Election; Record Breaking Vote Polled," Augusta Chronicle, April 18, 1946, 1, 2, and "Independents Victor Without Negro Vote," Augusta Chronicle, April 19, 1946, 1, 2. In July 1946, Independent candidates won five of six contested seats on the Democratic county executive committee. "Independents Win Committee Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 19, 1946, 18.
77. "Negroes Given Big Promises by Cracker Council Candidates," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1946, 1, 2. See also a letter to the editor, Augusta Chronicle, October 30, 1946, 4, by Sam P. Gay.
78. "Negroes Given Big Promises by Cracker Council Candidates," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1946, 1, 2. See also a letter to the editor, Augusta Chronicle, October 30, 1946, 4, by Sam P. Gay.
79. "Independents Sweep City Council Election Ousting Long-Entrenched Cracker Party," Augusta Chronicle, October 31, 1946, 1, 2.
80. "City Government Revision Planned by Independents," Augusta Chronicle, September 28, 1946, 1, 2; "New Charter Is Offered for Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, September 29, 1946, 1, 2; and "Proposed City Charter," Augusta Chronicle, October 1, 1946, 2.
81. "City Government Revision Planned by Independents," Augusta Chronicle, September 28, 1946, 1, 2; "New Charter Is Offered for Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, September 29, 1946, 1, 2; and "Proposed City Charter," Augusta Chronicle, October 1, 1946, 2.
82. "City Government Revision Planned by Independents," Augusta Chronicle, September 28, 1946, 1, 2; "New Charter Is Offered for Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, September 29, 1946, 1, 2; and "Proposed City Charter," Augusta Chronicle, October 1, 1946, 2.
83. "New City Charter Changes Approved by Independents," Augusta Chronicle, December 10, 1946, 1.
84. John Bell Towill, one of the Independent legislators, characterized the method of election in the bill as combining "the best features of ward representation with election at large." See letter to the editor, Augusta Chronicle, May 5, 1947, 4.
85. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics, 73-7; Ladd, Negro Political Leadership, 297-302, 309; Matthews and Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics, 214; and see note 88 below.
86. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics, 73-7; Ladd, Negro Political Leadership, 297-302, 309; Matthews and Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics, 214; and see note 88 below.
87. Price, The Negro and Southern Politics, 73-7; Ladd, Negro Political Leadership, 297-302, 309; Matthews and Prothro, Negroes and the New Southern Politics, 214; and see note 88 below.
88. Chandler Davidson, "The Evolution of Voting Rights Law," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 23-4, 394; Peyton McCrary, Jerome A. Gray, Edward Still, and Huey L. Perry, "Alabama," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 46, 402-3; Katherine I. Butler, "Constitutional and Statutory Challenges to Election Structures: Dilution and the Right to Vote," Louisiana Law Review 42 (1982), 864-7.
89. Chandler Davidson, "The Evolution of Voting Rights Law," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 23-4, 394; Peyton McCrary, Jerome A. Gray, Edward Still, and Huey L. Perry, "Alabama," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 46, 402-3; Katherine I. Butler, "Constitutional and Statutory Challenges to Election Structures: Dilution and the Right to Vote," Louisiana Law Review 42 (1982), 864-7.
90. Chandler Davidson, "The Evolution of Voting Rights Law," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 23-4, 394; Peyton McCrary, Jerome A. Gray, Edward Still, and Huey L. Perry, "Alabama," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 46, 402-3; Katherine I. Butler, "Constitutional and Statutory Challenges to Election Structures: Dilution and the Right to Vote," Louisiana Law Review 42 (1982), 864-7.
91. Virtually all states require that any change in the method of electing a local governing body be determined by legislative act. In shaping such local legislation, the usual practice is to observe a local courtesy rule under which the legislature as a whole rubber stamps whatever the county delegation decides (unanimously) to adopt. For the passage of the Augusta charter reform bill through the General Assembly, see "Legislative Committees Report Favorably on Local Measures," Augusta Chronicle, January 29, 1947, 1, 2, "Augusta Charter Bill is Given Approval in House," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2; "Senate Unanimously Passes Augusta City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, February 19, 1947, 1; "Richmond County School Bill Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 27, 1947, 9; and "Talmadge Signs City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, March 8, 1947, 1.
92. Virtually all states require that any change in the method of electing a local governing body be determined by legislative act. In shaping such local legislation, the usual practice is to observe a local courtesy rule under which the legislature as a whole rubber stamps whatever the county delegation decides (unanimously) to adopt. For the passage of the Augusta charter reform bill through the General Assembly, see "Legislative Committees Report Favorably on Local Measures," Augusta Chronicle, January 29, 1947, 1, 2, "Augusta Charter Bill is Given Approval in House," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2; "Senate Unanimously Passes Augusta City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, February 19, 1947, 1; "Richmond County School Bill Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 27, 1947, 9; and "Talmadge Signs City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, March 8, 1947, 1.
93. Virtually all states require that any change in the method of electing a local governing body be determined by legislative act. In shaping such local legislation, the usual practice is to observe a local courtesy rule under which the legislature as a whole rubber stamps whatever the county delegation decides (unanimously) to adopt. For the passage of the Augusta charter reform bill through the General Assembly, see "Legislative Committees Report Favorably on Local Measures," Augusta Chronicle, January 29, 1947, 1, 2, "Augusta Charter Bill is Given Approval in House," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2; "Senate Unanimously Passes Augusta City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, February 19, 1947, 1; "Richmond County School Bill Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 27, 1947, 9; and "Talmadge Signs City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, March 8, 1947, 1.
94. Virtually all states require that any change in the method of electing a local governing body be determined by legislative act. In shaping such local legislation, the usual practice is to observe a local courtesy rule under which the legislature as a whole rubber stamps whatever the county delegation decides (unanimously) to adopt. For the passage of the Augusta charter reform bill through the General Assembly, see "Legislative Committees Report Favorably on Local Measures," Augusta Chronicle, January 29, 1947, 1, 2, "Augusta Charter Bill is Given Approval in House," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2; "Senate Unanimously Passes Augusta City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, February 19, 1947, 1; "Richmond County School Bill Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 27, 1947, 9; and "Talmadge Signs City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, March 8, 1947, 1.
95. Virtually all states require that any change in the method of electing a local governing body be determined by legislative act. In shaping such local legislation, the usual practice is to observe a local courtesy rule under which the legislature as a whole rubber stamps whatever the county delegation decides (unanimously) to adopt. For the passage of the Augusta charter reform bill through the General Assembly, see "Legislative Committees Report Favorably on Local Measures," Augusta Chronicle, January 29, 1947, 1, 2, "Augusta Charter Bill is Given Approval in House," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2; "Senate Unanimously Passes Augusta City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, February 19, 1947, 1; "Richmond County School Bill Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 27, 1947, 9; and "Talmadge Signs City Charter Bill," Augusta Chronicle, March 8, 1947, 1.
96. "Charter Foes Fear Dictator, City Manager Plan Termed 'Decoy' for Council Control," Augusta Chronicle, May 3, 1947, 1, 2; and "Issues of City Charter Aired in Public Debate," Augusta Chronicle, May 6, 1947, 1, 2.
97. "Charter Foes Fear Dictator, City Manager Plan Termed 'Decoy' for Council Control," Augusta Chronicle, May 3, 1947, 1, 2; and "Issues of City Charter Aired in Public Debate," Augusta Chronicle, May 6, 1947, 1, 2.
98. Calculated from data reported in "31,622 Registered for Two Elections To Be Held May 7," Augusta Chronicle, April 2, 1947, 1; "City Charter Measure Wins; School Board Also Is Approved," Augusta Chronicle, May 8, 1947, 1, 2; Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 57.
99. Calculated from data reported in "31,622 Registered for Two Elections To Be Held May 7," Augusta Chronicle, April 2, 1947, 1; "City Charter Measure Wins; School Board Also Is Approved," Augusta Chronicle, May 8, 1947, 1, 2; Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 57.
100. Calculated from data reported in "31,622 Registered for Two Elections To Be Held May 7," Augusta Chronicle, April 2, 1947, 1; "City Charter Measure Wins; School Board Also Is Approved," Augusta Chronicle, May 8, 1947, 1, 2; Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 57.
101. "Poll Tax Will Return under Primary Law," Augusta Chronicle, February 4, 1947, 1-2: "Acknowledging that Negroes would be excluded by barring them from membership [in the Democratic party], Harris nevertheless insisted that no white person would or could be barred from voting [under the Talmadge bill]."
102. "Morris Warns White Primary Measure Would Create State-Wide Cracker Party," Augusta Chronicle, February 2, 1947, 1, 2.
103. "Talmadgeism Curse of State, Morris Tells Kiwanis Club," Augusta Chronicle, April 1, 1947, 5.
104. "House Approves White Primary Election Bill by 133-62 Vote after Day of Debate," Augusta Chronicle, January 30, 1947, 1, 2.
105. "Doubt as to City Charter Validity and Education Board Measure Raised by Supreme Court Action," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1947, 1, 2; "Injunction Move against Charter Appears Possible," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1947, 1, 2; " 'Evil and Chaos' Could Result if Augusta's Charter Is Voided, Georgia Supreme Court Is Told," Augusta Chronicle, March 14, 1948, 1; "Supreme Court's Invalidation of Charter Returns Page to Old Job as City Mayor and Gives Augusta 14-Man Council Again," Augusta Chronicle, April 14, 1948, 1, 2; and "Old School Board's Authority Restored by Ruling of Court," Augusta Chronicle, June 16, 1948, 1, 2. The technical flaw lay in the fact that the engrossed bills did not contain proof of local advertising, as required by the 1945 state constitution.
106. "Doubt as to City Charter Validity and Education Board Measure Raised by Supreme Court Action," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1947, 1, 2; "Injunction Move against Charter Appears Possible," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1947, 1, 2; " 'Evil and Chaos' Could Result if Augusta's Charter Is Voided, Georgia Supreme Court Is Told," Augusta Chronicle, March 14, 1948, 1; "Supreme Court's Invalidation of Charter Returns Page to Old Job as City Mayor and Gives Augusta 14-Man Council Again," Augusta Chronicle, April 14, 1948, 1, 2; and "Old School Board's Authority Restored by Ruling of Court," Augusta Chronicle, June 16, 1948, 1, 2. The technical flaw lay in the fact that the engrossed bills did not contain proof of local advertising, as required by the 1945 state constitution.
107. "Doubt as to City Charter Validity and Education Board Measure Raised by Supreme Court Action," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1947, 1, 2; "Injunction Move against Charter Appears Possible," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1947, 1, 2; " 'Evil and Chaos' Could Result if Augusta's Charter Is Voided, Georgia Supreme Court Is Told," Augusta Chronicle, March 14, 1948, 1; "Supreme Court's Invalidation of Charter Returns Page to Old Job as City Mayor and Gives Augusta 14-Man Council Again," Augusta Chronicle, April 14, 1948, 1, 2; and "Old School Board's Authority Restored by Ruling of Court," Augusta Chronicle, June 16, 1948, 1, 2. The technical flaw lay in the fact that the engrossed bills did not contain proof of local advertising, as required by the 1945 state constitution.
108. "Doubt as to City Charter Validity and Education Board Measure Raised by Supreme Court Action," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1947, 1, 2; "Injunction Move against Charter Appears Possible," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1947, 1, 2; " 'Evil and Chaos' Could Result if Augusta's Charter Is Voided, Georgia Supreme Court Is Told," Augusta Chronicle, March 14, 1948, 1; "Supreme Court's Invalidation of Charter Returns Page to Old Job as City Mayor and Gives Augusta 14-Man Council Again," Augusta Chronicle, April 14, 1948, 1, 2; and "Old School Board's Authority Restored by Ruling of Court," Augusta Chronicle, June 16, 1948, 1, 2. The technical flaw lay in the fact that the engrossed bills did not contain proof of local advertising, as required by the 1945 state constitution.
109. "Doubt as to City Charter Validity and Education Board Measure Raised by Supreme Court Action," Augusta Chronicle, October 25, 1947, 1, 2; "Injunction Move against Charter Appears Possible," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1947, 1, 2; " 'Evil and Chaos' Could Result if Augusta's Charter Is Voided, Georgia Supreme Court Is Told," Augusta Chronicle, March 14, 1948, 1; "Supreme Court's Invalidation of Charter Returns Page to Old Job as City Mayor and Gives Augusta 14-Man Council Again," Augusta Chronicle, April 14, 1948, 1, 2; and "Old School Board's Authority Restored by Ruling of Court," Augusta Chronicle, June 16, 1948, 1, 2. The technical flaw lay in the fact that the engrossed bills did not contain proof of local advertising, as required by the 1945 state constitution.
110. "ILGG Must Refill Its Seven Seats in City Council to Keep Majority," Augusta Chronicle, October 10, 1948, 3B.
111. According to Cashin, The Story of Augusta, 266, "the New Crackers accepted the two-party system as wholesome, they were pledged to good government and they accepted the reality of the return to politics of the black voter. Rather than rant and rave about white supremacy they would make political trade-offs with black leaders."
112. " 'New Cracker Party' Formed in Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, August 1, 1947, 1, 2; and "Officers Elected by 'New Crackers,' " Augusta Chronicle, August 8, 1947, 1, 2.
113. " 'New Cracker Party' Formed in Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, August 1, 1947, 1, 2; and "Officers Elected by 'New Crackers,' " Augusta Chronicle, August 8, 1947, 1, 2.
114. "New Crackers, Independents Iron Out Differences at Parley," Augusta Chronicle, July 9, 1948, 1; "Crackers, Independents Okeh [sic] 4 Candidates Each for State House Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948, 1; and "Battle Lines Are Prepared by 2 Groups," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948. The New Crackers also favored a plan to keep ward elections but reduce the size of the county school board: "Four New Cracker Candidates Approve Nine-Point Platform," Augusta Chronicle, August 17, 1948, 1, 2.
115. "New Crackers, Independents Iron Out Differences at Parley," Augusta Chronicle, July 9, 1948, 1; "Crackers, Independents Okeh [sic] 4 Candidates Each for State House Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948, 1; and "Battle Lines Are Prepared by 2 Groups," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948. The New Crackers also favored a plan to keep ward elections but reduce the size of the county school board: "Four New Cracker Candidates Approve Nine-Point Platform," Augusta Chronicle, August 17, 1948, 1, 2.
116. "New Crackers, Independents Iron Out Differences at Parley," Augusta Chronicle, July 9, 1948, 1; "Crackers, Independents Okeh [sic] 4 Candidates Each for State House Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948, 1; and "Battle Lines Are Prepared by 2 Groups," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948. The New Crackers also favored a plan to keep ward elections but reduce the size of the county school board: "Four New Cracker Candidates Approve Nine-Point Platform," Augusta Chronicle, August 17, 1948, 1, 2.
117. "New Crackers, Independents Iron Out Differences at Parley," Augusta Chronicle, July 9, 1948, 1; "Crackers, Independents Okeh [sic] 4 Candidates Each for State House Posts," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948, 1; and "Battle Lines Are Prepared by 2 Groups," Augusta Chronicle, July 10, 1948. The New Crackers also favored a plan to keep ward elections but reduce the size of the county school board: "Four New Cracker Candidates Approve Nine-Point Platform," Augusta Chronicle, August 17, 1948, 1, 2.
118. "Two Independents, Two New Crackers Are Winners, Official Returns Show, Busbia Plans Challenge in 7th Ward," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1948, 1, 2.
119. "Two independents," Augusta Chronicle, 1, 2. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 60-2, suggests that this harassment was partially responsible for a drop in black turnout, which was only 78 percent of that in the legislative primary of April 1946. As he also notes (p. 44), the 1946 turnout was unusually high for both blacks and whites.
120. "Two independents," Augusta Chronicle, 1, 2. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 60-2, suggests that this harassment was partially responsible for a drop in black turnout, which was only 78 percent of that in the legislative primary of April 1946. As he also notes (p. 44), the 1946 turnout was unusually high for both blacks and whites.
121. "New Crackers Celebrate; Endorsements Are Deferred," Augusta Chronicle, September 21, 1948, 1, 2.
122. "Official and Complete Returns from Richmond County," Augusta Chronicle, November 4, 1948, 7.
123. "Seven New Crackers and 1 Independent Win County Primary," Augusta Chronicle, October 7, 1948, 1, 2; and "ILGG Saved as Move to Disband Tabled; All Officers Resign," Augusta Chronicle, October 9, 1948, 1, 2.
124. "Seven New Crackers and 1 Independent Win County Primary," Augusta Chronicle, October 7, 1948, 1, 2; and "ILGG Saved as Move to Disband Tabled; All Officers Resign," Augusta Chronicle, October 9, 1948, 1, 2.
125. " 'New Look' for City, County Governments Expected with a Bigger Cracker Influence," Augusta Chronicle, December 12, 1948, 4B.
126. "Eve's Proposal for Election of City Councilmen at Large Supported by Many Crackers," Augusta Chronicle, January 16, 1949, 1. The applause for Eve's bill was "understandable," editorialized the Chronicle, "in view of the fact that a Negro has announced his candidacy for council in a ward in which the registered Negroes far outnumber the Whites." "On Electing Councilmen," Augusta Chronicle, January 19, 1949, 4.
127. "Eve's Proposal for Election of City Councilmen at Large Supported by Many Crackers," Augusta Chronicle, January 16, 1949, 1. The applause for Eve's bill was "understandable," editorialized the Chronicle, "in view of the fact that a Negro has announced his candidacy for council in a ward in which the registered Negroes far outnumber the Whites." "On Electing Councilmen," Augusta Chronicle, January 19, 1949, 4.
128. "New Crackers Plan Negro Ward with Right to Seat on Council," Augusta Chronicle, February 2, 1949, 1.
129. "New Crackers," Augusta Chronicle, see also the editorial "Negroes in Council," Augusta Chronicle, February 4, 1949, 4: "Under our present ward system it is conceivable, even probable, that Negroes could be elected to City Council if members of their race voted in bloc fashion to support Negro candidates, this fact being true because in some city wards, as now zoned, the number of Negroes registered to vote outnumber the Whites. Their majority is rather large in the Third ward, for instance."
130. "New Crackers," Augusta Chronicle, see also the editorial "Negroes in Council," Augusta Chronicle, February 4, 1949, 4: "Under our present ward system it is conceivable, even probable, that Negroes could be elected to City Council if members of their race voted in bloc fashion to support Negro candidates, this fact being true because in some city wards, as now zoned, the number of Negroes registered to vote outnumber the Whites. Their majority is rather large in the Third ward, for instance."
131. "Negroes in Council," Augusta Chronicle, February 4, 1949, 4.
132. "New Crackers," Augusta Chronicle, to its credit, the paper did not reject out of hand the alternative plan suggested by the New Crackers, observing merely that "both proposals need considerably more study."
133. "Augustans at Poll Today to Elect Nine Councilmen," Augusta Chronicle, December 7, 1949, 1, 2; and "Crackers Get Absolute Control of Council as More than 12,000 Augustans Cast Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, December 8, 1949, 1, 2. The two black candidates received six white votes in the ward, and fifty-six blacks voted for white victor Scully.
134. "Augustans at Poll Today to Elect Nine Councilmen," Augusta Chronicle, December 7, 1949, 1, 2; and "Crackers Get Absolute Control of Council as More than 12,000 Augustans Cast Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, December 8, 1949, 1, 2. The two black candidates received six white votes in the ward, and fifty-six blacks voted for white victor Scully.
135. The local press made this assessment even before the December municipal elections. "Full Cycle of Political History in Augusta and Richmond County Approaching Finale," Augusta Chronicle, November 13, 1949, 3G. See also "City Council Has Busy Year as Augustans Foot the Bill," Augusta Chronicle, January 1, 1951, 6.
136. The local press made this assessment even before the December municipal elections. "Full Cycle of Political History in Augusta and Richmond County Approaching Finale," Augusta Chronicle, November 13, 1949, 3G. See also "City Council Has Busy Year as Augustans Foot the Bill," Augusta Chronicle, January 1, 1951, 6.
137. "Five New Crackers and 3 Independents Capture Seats in City Council," Augusta Chronicle, December 7, 1951, 1, 2.
138. "Augusta Electing Mayor Today with 3 Candidates in the Field," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1951, 1, 2. See also a letter to the editor by a white citizen who emphasized after the election that "the masses of the white people do not approve of the Negro bloc vote and will not stay with the party that courts it." "Bloc Voting," Augusta Chronicle, September 23, 1951, 11.
139. "Augusta Electing Mayor Today with 3 Candidates in the Field," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1951, 1, 2. See also a letter to the editor by a white citizen who emphasized after the election that "the masses of the white people do not approve of the Negro bloc vote and will not stay with the party that courts it." "Bloc Voting," Augusta Chronicle, September 23, 1951, 11.
140. "City Votes in Orderly, Quiet Manner," Augusta Chronicle, September 13, 1951, 1, 2; Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 64, 67-8, 79.
141. "City Votes in Orderly, Quiet Manner," Augusta Chronicle, September 13, 1951, 1, 2; Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 64, 67-8, 79.
142. "Councilmen Seek to Change Method of Council Election," Augusta Chronicle, July 22, 1952, 1, 2.
143. "Lawmakers Join with City Officers for Election at-Large in Augusta," Augusta Herald, July 22, 1952, 1.
144. "Councilmen Seek to Change Method of Council Election," Augusta Chronicle, July 22, 1952, 1, 2.
145. "Councilmen Seek," Augusta Chronicle, 1, 2. An editorial the next day presented the same argument: "Changing Election Method," Augusta Chronicle, July 23, 1952, 4. The same view was expressed in 1947 (see above, note 28, and accompanying text). Cashin, The Story of Augusta, 282-5, emphasizes that the construction of the nearby Savannah River nuclear plant brought substantial new residents to the city in the early 1950s.
146. "Councilmen Seek," Augusta Chronicle, 1, 2. An editorial the next day presented the same argument: "Changing Election Method," Augusta Chronicle, July 23, 1952, 4. The same view was expressed in 1947 (see above, note 28, and accompanying text). Cashin, The Story of Augusta, 282-5, emphasizes that the construction of the nearby Savannah River nuclear plant brought substantial new residents to the city in the early 1950s.
147. "Councilmen Seek," Augusta Chronicle, 1, 2. An editorial the next day presented the same argument: "Changing Election Method," Augusta Chronicle, July 23, 1952, 4. The same view was expressed in 1947 (see above, note 28, and accompanying text). Cashin, The Story of Augusta, 282-5, emphasizes that the construction of the nearby Savannah River nuclear plant brought substantial new residents to the city in the early 1950s.
148. "Councilmen Seek to Change Method," 1, 2. A third argument, that at-large elections would increase voter participation as compared with the existing ward system, is hard to credit, based either on the empirical evidence concerning voter turnout in Augusta or on the common understanding at the time of the political dynamics of at-large elections. Nor was it an argument likely to persuade New Cracker councilmen.
149. "Lawmakers Join with City Officers for Election at-large in Augusta," Augusta Herald, July 22, 1952, 1.
150. "Augustans Elect Seven to City Council Today," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1952, 1, 2; "Recheck Shows Vote Devices Were Right in Council Races," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1952, 1, 4; "Education Board Entry Deadline Set at Noon Today," Augusta Chronicle, October 4, 1952, 5; and "Sunny Skies Result in Heavy Richmond County Vote; Machines, Checkers, and Children Kept Busy by Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, November 5, 1952, 10.
151. "Augustans Elect Seven to City Council Today," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1952, 1, 2; "Recheck Shows Vote Devices Were Right in Council Races," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1952, 1, 4; "Education Board Entry Deadline Set at Noon Today," Augusta Chronicle, October 4, 1952, 5; and "Sunny Skies Result in Heavy Richmond County Vote; Machines, Checkers, and Children Kept Busy by Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, November 5, 1952, 10.
152. "Augustans Elect Seven to City Council Today," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1952, 1, 2; "Recheck Shows Vote Devices Were Right in Council Races," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1952, 1, 4; "Education Board Entry Deadline Set at Noon Today," Augusta Chronicle, October 4, 1952, 5; and "Sunny Skies Result in Heavy Richmond County Vote; Machines, Checkers, and Children Kept Busy by Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, November 5, 1952, 10.
153. "Augustans Elect Seven to City Council Today," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1952, 1, 2; "Recheck Shows Vote Devices Were Right in Council Races," Augusta Chronicle, September 12, 1952, 1, 4; "Education Board Entry Deadline Set at Noon Today," Augusta Chronicle, October 4, 1952, 5; and "Sunny Skies Result in Heavy Richmond County Vote; Machines, Checkers, and Children Kept Busy by Ballots," Augusta Chronicle, November 5, 1952, 10.
154. "Law to Change Council Election System Studied by Richmond's 3 Legislators," Augusta Chronicle, November 16, 1952, 5B.
155. "Trustee, Council Bills Get Backing from Legislators," Augusta Herald, January 3, 1953, 1; "County's Legislative Group in Almost Complete Accord," Augusta Chronicle, January 10, 1953, 7.
156. "Trustee, Council Bills Get Backing from Legislators," Augusta Herald, January 3, 1953, 1; "County's Legislative Group in Almost Complete Accord," Augusta Chronicle, January 10, 1953, 7.
157. "Crackers Oppose Bill for Citywide Council Election," Augusta Herald, January 22, 1953, 1.
158. "Crackers Oppose Bill," Augusta Herald, 1.
159. "Resolution on Vote Change Won by Clear-Cut Majority," Augusta Chronicle, January 23, 1953, 9; "Crackers Withdraw Resolution Opposing Voting Change after Heated Discussion," Augusta Chronicle, January 27, 1953, 11; "Crackers Reeled Officers, Wash Hand of Election Bill," Augusta Herald, January 27, 1953, 5.
160. "Resolution on Vote Change Won by Clear-Cut Majority," Augusta Chronicle, January 23, 1953, 9; "Crackers Withdraw Resolution Opposing Voting Change after Heated Discussion," Augusta Chronicle, January 27, 1953, 11; "Crackers Reeled Officers, Wash Hand of Election Bill," Augusta Herald, January 27, 1953, 5.
161. "Resolution on Vote Change Won by Clear-Cut Majority," Augusta Chronicle, January 23, 1953, 9; "Crackers Withdraw Resolution Opposing Voting Change after Heated Discussion," Augusta Chronicle, January 27, 1953, 11; "Crackers Reeled Officers, Wash Hand of Election Bill," Augusta Herald, January 27, 1953, 5.
162. "Bills Affecting Augusta and Richmond Are Signed," Augusta Chronicle, February 22, 1953, 1.
163. "Independents Sweep the Field in Augusta," Augusta Chronicle, September 10, 1953, 1, 2.
164. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 80-7; Cobb, "Yesterday's Liberalism: Business Boosters and Civil Rights in Augusta," in Elizabeth Jacoway and David R. Colbum, eds., Southern Businessmen and Desegregation (Baton Rouge, 1982), 153-5. Millard Beckum, long-time mayor under the new at-large system, was, however, a former member of the Cracker organization.
165. Cobb, "Politics in a New South City," 80-7; Cobb, "Yesterday's Liberalism: Business Boosters and Civil Rights in Augusta," in Elizabeth Jacoway and David R. Colbum, eds., Southern Businessmen and Desegregation (Baton Rouge, 1982), 153-5. Millard Beckum, long-time mayor under the new at-large system, was, however, a former member of the Cracker organization.
166. See note 23 and related text above.
167. U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, The Voting Rights Act: Ten Years after (Washington, DC, 1975), 209-10.
168. Karl and Alma F. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities: Residential Segregation and Neighborhood Change (Chicago, 1965), 49-52.
169. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities, 39-41 (Table 4). The Taeubers's use an index of dissimilarity to measure residential segregation in which the index value represents the percentage of non-whites that would have to shift from one block to another to produce an evenly distributed or unsegregated pattern (p. 34). The pattern of residential segregation found in Augusta was only greater in degree than in many other American cities. The durability of racial segregation in housing is one of the central characteristics of urban life in the United States. See generally Arnold R. Hirsch, "With or Without Jim Crow: Black Residential Segregation in the United States," in Hirsch and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., Urban Policy in Twentieth Century America (New Brunswick, 1993), 65-99; and Douglas S. Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA, 1993).
170. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities, 39-41 (Table 4). The Taeubers's use an index of dissimilarity to measure residential segregation in which the index value represents the percentage of non-whites that would have to shift from one block to another to produce an evenly distributed or unsegregated pattern (p. 34). The pattern of residential segregation found in Augusta was only greater in degree than in many other American cities. The durability of racial segregation in housing is one of the central characteristics of urban life in the United States. See generally Arnold R. Hirsch, "With or Without Jim Crow: Black Residential Segregation in the United States," in Hirsch and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., Urban Policy in Twentieth Century America (New Brunswick, 1993), 65-99; and Douglas S. Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA, 1993).
171. Taeuber, Negroes in Cities, 39-41 (Table 4). The Taeubers's use an index of dissimilarity to measure residential segregation in which the index value represents the percentage of non-whites that would have to shift from one block to another to produce an evenly distributed or unsegregated pattern (p. 34). The pattern of residential segregation found in Augusta was only greater in degree than in many other American cities. The durability of racial segregation in housing is one of the central characteristics of urban life in the United States. See generally Arnold R. Hirsch, "With or Without Jim Crow: Black Residential Segregation in the United States," in Hirsch and Raymond A. Mohl, eds., Urban Policy in Twentieth Century America (New Brunswick, 1993), 65-99; and Douglas S. Massey and Nancy Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA, 1993).
172. "Voter Registration Soars to New High," Augusta Chronicle, October 2, 1964, 2B.
173. Augusta has always elected its city council members under a plurality rule, without requiring a runoff in the event that no candidate receives a majority of the votes cast. With elections held virtually every year and sixteen council members, a runoff system would have increased the cost of administering elections substantially.
174. Augusta City Council Minutes, October 15, 1964. As in the case of the 1964 elections reported above, the analysis of Augusta elections between 1964 and 1986 that follows draws on a database of election returns from the city's records and ward-level registration figures broken down by race taken either from the city's records or from contemporaneous figures published in the Augusta Chronicle.
175. To the degree that whites choose not to vote as a bloc, the chances that black voters might elect a candidate of their choice increase.
176. In addition to winning the heavily black second and fourth wards, a black candidate also captured the third ward, where blacks made up 52 percent of the registered voters in 1976. The black candidate faced four whites, three of whom received substantial support and thus split the white vote. "Councilmanic Election of October 13, 1976," Election Records, City of Augusta, Georgia. The successful black candidate, Yewston Myers, lost in 1979 when he ran for reelection against a single white candidate. Minutes, Augusta City Council, October 11, 1979.
177. The black representation ratio in Table 1 is calculated by dividing the percentage of the council seats represented by blacks by the percentage of the city's registered voters who were black. Proportionality would be reflected by a ratio of 1.00. Thus, in 1964, blacks held only 21 percent of the seats their registration level would predict; by 1986, they held 53 percent of their predicted seats. The ratio is commonly used as a measure of minority representation. See Chandler Davidson and Bernard Grofman, "Introduction," in Davidson and Grofman, eds., Quiet Revolution in the South, 11-3, 393n (note 50).
178. In 1964, 57 percent of the city's registered blacks lived in these two wards. In 1970, the second and fourth contained 53 percent of the total registered in the city; in 1982, the figure was 48 percent.
179. As one scholar puts it with reference to single-member district plans, "each minority vote packed into the discriminatory district above the number needed to elect a minority candidate is a wasted vote." Frank R. Parker, "Racial Gerrymandering and Legislative Reapportionment," in Davidson, ed., Minority Vote Dilution, 96.
180. "Registered Voters as of October 22, 1970," and "Voter Registration - Black/White/Other," October 13, 1982, Election Records, City of Augusta, Georgia.
181. "Registered Voters as of October 22, 1970," and "Voter Registration - Black/White/Other," October 13, 1982, Election Records, City of Augusta, Georgia.
182. The exception was in 1976, when, as noted earlier, the white vote was split among four white candidates for the third ward seat.
183. "Councilmanic Election of October 13, 1976," Election Records, City of Augusta, Georgia.
184. In the standard definition, racially polarized voting occurs "when the voting patterns of minority voters (Black/Hispanic/Asian) differ from those of the White/Anglo community" and is "substantively significant if it is of sufficient magnitude that the racial composition of the electorate can effect the candidate(s) chosen." Put another way, "voting would be defined as exhibiting substantively significant racial polarization whenever the set of candidates that would be chosen by voters of one race differs from the set of candidates that would be chosen by voters of the other race." Bernard Grofman, Michael Migalski, and Nicholas Noviello, "The Totality of Circumstances Test' in Section 2 of the 1982 Voting Rights Act: A Social Science Perspective," Law and Policy 7 (April 1985), 199, 203, 207-8. This is the definition commonly adopted by the federal courts in deciding voting rights cases. Bernard Grofman, Lisa Handley, and Richard G. Niemi, Minority Representation and the Quest for Voting Equality (Cambridge, 1992), 47-53, 83-84. By this definition, voting patterns in Augusta were clearly polarized along racial lines.
185. In the standard definition, racially polarized voting occurs "when the voting patterns of minority voters (Black/Hispanic/Asian) differ from those of the White/Anglo community" and is "substantively significant if it is of sufficient magnitude that the racial composition of the electorate can effect the candidate(s) chosen." Put another way, "voting would be defined as exhibiting substantively significant racial polarization whenever the set of candidates that would be chosen by voters of one race differs from the set of candidates that would be chosen by voters of the other race." Bernard Grofman, Michael Migalski, and Nicholas Noviello, "The Totality of Circumstances Test' in Section 2 of the 1982 Voting Rights Act: A Social Science Perspective," Law and Policy 7 (April 1985), 199, 203, 207-8. This is the definition commonly adopted by the federal courts in deciding voting rights cases. Bernard Grofman, Lisa Handley, and Richard G. Niemi, Minority Representation and the Quest for Voting Equality (Cambridge, 1992), 47-53, 83-84. By this definition, voting patterns in Augusta were clearly polarized along racial lines.
186. This is not to say that race was the only reason for the adoption of at-large elections by the city. Certainly, the Independents also saw the change as promoting the election of better qualified candidates such as businessmen and prominent lawyers and appeared sincere in their claim that citywide elections were necessary to produce a council with citywide vision. The same views were, however, hardly shared by the New Cracker majority on the council whose votes were critical to the city's decision to eliminate ward elections. Indeed, as it turned out, the New Crackers were not only rejecting their own long-standing preference for ward elections but acting against their own political self-interest as well.
187. The rejection of Murray's approach also had long-term effects in limiting black representation. James C. Cobb, "Polarization in a Southern City: The Augusta Riot and the Emerging Character of the 1970s," Southern Studies 20 (Summer 1981), 187-9, observes that had Murray's approach commanded majority support, the presence of blacks on the council might have made it easier for Augusta to deal with the racial tensions of the next two decades.
188. The change from a bicameral city council with ward elections in 1947 in Richmond, Virginia, was pushed through by a charter reform movement that secured black support by tacitly agreeing to support the candidacy of NAACP lawyer Oliver Hill, who won a seat (due in part to single-shot voting by blacks) on the first city council to be elected at large. See John V. Moeser and Rutledge M. Dennis, The Politics of Annexation: Oligarchic Power in a Southern City (Cambridge, MA, 1982), 33; Christopher Silver, Twentieth Century Richmond: Planning, Politics, and Race (Knoxville, 1984), 176-81; W. Avon Drake and Robert D. Holsworth, Affirmative Action and the Stalled Quest for Black Progress (Urbana, 1996), 38-40, 187.
189. The change from a bicameral city council with ward elections in 1947 in Richmond, Virginia, was pushed through by a charter reform movement that secured black support by tacitly agreeing to support the candidacy of NAACP lawyer Oliver Hill, who won a seat (due in part to single-shot voting by blacks) on the first city council to be elected at large. See John V. Moeser and Rutledge M. Dennis, The Politics of Annexation: Oligarchic Power in a Southern City (Cambridge, MA, 1982), 33; Christopher Silver, Twentieth Century Richmond: Planning, Politics, and Race (Knoxville, 1984), 176-81; W. Avon Drake and Robert D. Holsworth, Affirmative Action and the Stalled Quest for Black Progress (Urbana, 1996), 38-40, 187.
190. The change from a bicameral city council with ward elections in 1947 in Richmond, Virginia, was pushed through by a charter reform movement that secured black support by tacitly agreeing to support the candidacy of NAACP lawyer Oliver Hill, who won a seat (due in part to single-shot voting by blacks) on the first city council to be elected at large. See John V. Moeser and Rutledge M. Dennis, The Politics of Annexation: Oligarchic Power in a Southern City (Cambridge, MA, 1982), 33; Christopher Silver, Twentieth Century Richmond: Planning, Politics, and Race (Knoxville, 1984), 176-81; W. Avon Drake and Robert D. Holsworth, Affirmative Action and the Stalled Quest for Black Progress (Urbana, 1996), 38-40, 187.
191. Don H. Doyle, Nashville since the 1920s (Knoxville, 1985), 190, 203, 207, 209, 303.