Public space and public memory in New York's City Hall Park

Journal of Urban History

Volumn 25, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 226-257

  Bogart, Michele H ^a  

^a STONY BROOK UNIVERSITY   (United States)

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

AFRICAN AMERICAN; ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE; URBAN HISTORY;

NEW YORK; UNITED STATES;

EID: 0032911041     PISSN: 00961442     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1177/009614429902500203     Document Type: Article

References (159)

1. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and the Commons Historic District Designation Report, prepared by Gale Harris, Jean Howson, Betsy Bradley; edited by Marjorie Pearson (New York, February 1993), 17 (hereafter New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report); The African Burial Ground Competition Coalition, Reclaiming Our Past, Honoring Our Ancestors: New York's 18th Century African Burial Ground and the Memorial Competition (New York, 1994), 14-5.
2. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and the Commons Historic District Designation Report, prepared by Gale Harris, Jean Howson, Betsy Bradley; edited by Marjorie Pearson (New York, February 1993), 17 (hereafter New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report); The African Burial Ground Competition Coalition, Reclaiming Our Past, Honoring Our Ancestors: New York's 18th Century African Burial Ground and the Memorial Competition (New York, 1994), 14-5.
3. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and the Commons Historic District Designation Report, prepared by Gale Harris, Jean Howson, Betsy Bradley; edited by Marjorie Pearson (New York, February 1993), 17 (hereafter New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report); The African Burial Ground Competition Coalition, Reclaiming Our Past, Honoring Our Ancestors: New York's 18th Century African Burial Ground and the Memorial Competition (New York, 1994), 14-5.
4. "New York Digs Unearths Early Cemetery for Blacks," The New York Times, October 9, 1991, B5; March 30, 1991, I21; "The Rediscovery of the African Burial Ground," in Reclaiming Our Past, 14-21. On August 15, 1995, CBS television news and National Public Radio reported that activist Sonny Carson was demanding that twenty-three boxes of burial ground remains, currently at Howard University, be returned to Ghana for reinterment. Director of the African American Burial Ground Information Center Sherrill Wilson stated that this did not make sense, since it was unclear whether all the remains were actually those of Africans; some, she indicated, might be those of impoverished white residents of the almshouse and the city jail, who were buried in the area. Carson demanded that the city test the remains, at a cost of $10,000. The city rejected this idea.
5. "New York Digs Unearths Early Cemetery for Blacks," The New York Times, October 9, 1991, B5; March 30, 1991, I21; "The Rediscovery of the African Burial Ground," in Reclaiming Our Past, 14-21. On August 15, 1995, CBS television news and National Public Radio reported that activist Sonny Carson was demanding that twenty-three boxes of burial ground remains, currently at Howard University, be returned to Ghana for reinterment. Director of the African American Burial Ground Information Center Sherrill Wilson stated that this did not make sense, since it was unclear whether all the remains were actually those of Africans; some, she indicated, might be those of impoverished white residents of the almshouse and the city jail, who were buried in the area. Carson demanded that the city test the remains, at a cost of $10,000. The city rejected this idea.
6. "New York Digs Unearths Early Cemetery for Blacks," The New York Times, October 9, 1991, B5; March 30, 1991, I21; "The Rediscovery of the African Burial Ground," in Reclaiming Our Past, 14-21. On August 15, 1995, CBS television news and National Public Radio reported that activist Sonny Carson was demanding that twenty-three boxes of burial ground remains, currently at Howard University, be returned to Ghana for reinterment. Director of the African American Burial Ground Information Center Sherrill Wilson stated that this did not make sense, since it was unclear whether all the remains were actually those of Africans; some, she indicated, might be those of impoverished white residents of the almshouse and the city jail, who were buried in the area. Carson demanded that the city test the remains, at a cost of $10,000. The city rejected this idea.
7. John Agnew, "Representing Space," in John A. Agnew and James S. Duncan, eds., The Power of Place: Bringing Together Geographical and Sociological Imaginations (Boston, 1989), 263.
8. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
9. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
10. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
11. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
12. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
13. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
14. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
15. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
16. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
17. David Dunlap, "Mistake Disturbs Graves at Black Burial Ground," The New York Times, February 21, 1992, B3; "Coffins Plundered at Black Cemetery," The New York Times, March 9, 1992. B3; James Barron, "Dinkins Seeks to Halt Work at Site of a Black Cemetery," The New York Times, July 21, 1992, B3; James Barron, "U.S. Rejects Dinkins Plea for Old Burial Site," The New York Times, July 24, 1992, B4; Alan Finder, "U.S. Suspends Digging at Site of Cemetery," The New York Times, July 30, 1992, B1; Alan Finder, "Dinkins Permanently Halts Digging at Cemetery Site," The New York Times, July 11, 1992, B3; E. R. Sharpe, "Black Burial Ground Yields Wealth of History," The New York Times, August 9, 1992, I41; David Dunlap, "African Burial Ground Made Historic Site," The New York Times, February 26, 1993, B3; September 12, 1993, I21; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report.
18. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
19. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
20. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
21. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
22. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
23. My thinking on this subject has been stimulated by Roy Rosenzweig and Elizabeth Blackmar, The Park and the People: A History of Central Park (Ithaca, 1992), 3-8; Elizabeth Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 1785-1850 (Ithaca, 1989); John Brinckerhoff Jackson, Discovering the Vernacular Landscape (New Haven, 1984); James Duncan and David Ley, Place/Culture/Representation (New York, 1993); Kent C. Ryden, Mapping the Invisible Landscape (Iowa City, 1993), ch. 1, 2; David Glassberg, "Place and Placelessness in American History," (unpublished paper delivered at the Organization of American Historians meeting, March 30, 1995).
24. Edward Hagaman Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," in American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society, Fifteenth Annual Report (1910), 385-6, 409; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report 3, 5-6.
25. Edward Hagaman Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," in American Scenic and Historic Preservation Society, Fifteenth Annual Report (1910), 385-6, 409; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report 3, 5-6.
26. Under the 1686 Dongan Charter and the Montgomerie Charter of 1730, the title to vacant, unappropriated land was vested in the municipal government as the Commons of the City of New York. The Commons were still used as pasturage, but in 1660, a windmill was put up near Broadway, south of the present-day City Hall. It was one of only two serving New Amsterdam farmers. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 385; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Designation Report, 5-6.
27. Under the 1686 Dongan Charter and the Montgomerie Charter of 1730, the title to vacant, unappropriated land was vested in the municipal government as the Commons of the City of New York. The Commons were still used as pasturage, but in 1660, a windmill was put up near Broadway, south of the present-day City Hall. It was one of only two serving New Amsterdam farmers. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 385; Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Designation Report, 5-6.
28. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 409-10; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 3, 5-6.
29. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 409-10; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 3, 5-6.
30. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
31. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
32. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
33. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
34. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
35. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
36. The first almshouse was constructed in 1736; the Gaol, in 1757; and the Bridewell, a prison for profligates, in 1775. Beginning around the 1720s, gallows were located to the north, near the Collect, and to the south, near present-day Park Row; they were constructed and removed at different intervals. In 1784, the city moved the gallows to an enclosed building between the almshouse and the Gaol. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387-94, 410-2; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 7-8, 33; Raymond A. Mohl, Poverty in New York, 1783-1825 (New York, 1971), 32, 44, 82. On the almshouse, see also Sherene Baugher, "Introduction," and Robert W. Venables, "The History of the Almshouse," in New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, The Archeological Investigation of the City Hall Park Site, Manhattan, June 1990, 1-14, 32-3, 74-103; Joel W. Grossman, "The Buried History of City Hall Park: The Initial Archeological Identification, Definition, and Documentation of Well-Preserved 18th Century Deposits and the Possible Structural Remains of New York City's First Almshouse." Report prepared by Grossman and Associates for the New York City Department of General Services (1991), 11-4. On the almshouse in the early nineteenth century, see also Christine Stansell, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789-1860 (Urbana, 1982), 8, 17-8, 32-35.
37. Henry B. Dawson, "The Park and Its Vicinity," in Valentine's Manual (1856), 433-71; Frank Warren Crane, "City Hall Park and Vicinity" (paper read before the New-York Historical Society, October 4, 1904, Manuscript Collections, New-York Historical Society); Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 389-94, 411-20; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 12-5; Henry Collins Brown, "A Plea for the Restoration of City Hall Park to Its Colonial Aspect," Valentine's Manual of Old New York (New York, 1919), 5-14.
38. Henry B. Dawson, "The Park and Its Vicinity," in Valentine's Manual (1856), 433-71; Frank Warren Crane, "City Hall Park and Vicinity" (paper read before the New-York Historical Society, October 4, 1904, Manuscript Collections, New-York Historical Society); Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 389-94, 411-20; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 12-5; Henry Collins Brown, "A Plea for the Restoration of City Hall Park to Its Colonial Aspect," Valentine's Manual of Old New York (New York, 1919), 5-14.
39. Henry B. Dawson, "The Park and Its Vicinity," in Valentine's Manual (1856), 433-71; Frank Warren Crane, "City Hall Park and Vicinity" (paper read before the New-York Historical Society, October 4, 1904, Manuscript Collections, New-York Historical Society); Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 389-94, 411-20; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 12-5; Henry Collins Brown, "A Plea for the Restoration of City Hall Park to Its Colonial Aspect," Valentine's Manual of Old New York (New York, 1919), 5-14.
40. Henry B. Dawson, "The Park and Its Vicinity," in Valentine's Manual (1856), 433-71; Frank Warren Crane, "City Hall Park and Vicinity" (paper read before the New-York Historical Society, October 4, 1904, Manuscript Collections, New-York Historical Society); Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 389-94, 411-20; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 12-5; Henry Collins Brown, "A Plea for the Restoration of City Hall Park to Its Colonial Aspect," Valentine's Manual of Old New York (New York, 1919), 5-14.
41. Henry B. Dawson, "The Park and Its Vicinity," in Valentine's Manual (1856), 433-71; Frank Warren Crane, "City Hall Park and Vicinity" (paper read before the New-York Historical Society, October 4, 1904, Manuscript Collections, New-York Historical Society); Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 389-94, 411-20; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 12-5; Henry Collins Brown, "A Plea for the Restoration of City Hall Park to Its Colonial Aspect," Valentine's Manual of Old New York (New York, 1919), 5-14.
42. Plan of the City of New York from an Actual Survey Anno Domini M, DDC, LV (The Maerschalck or Duyckinck Plan) 1755 is also reproduced in I. N. Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498-1909, 6 vols. (New York, 1915) I: Plate 34.
43. Plan of the City of New York from an Actual Survey Anno Domini M, DDC, LV (The Maerschalck or Duyckinck Plan) 1755 is also reproduced in I. N. Stokes, The Iconography of Manhattan Island, 1498-1909, 6 vols. (New York, 1915) I: Plate 34.
44. The governor awarded the patent in recognition of services rendered by Van Borsum's wife as an interpreter during peace negotiations with the Esopus Indians. Dutch colonial administrators commonly awarded large grants as a means of currying favor and attaining political influence. English administrators continued this practice. On the Van Borsum Patent, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 1, 19-21. On the broader practices, see Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 14-21.
45. The governor awarded the patent in recognition of services rendered by Van Borsum's wife as an interpreter during peace negotiations with the Esopus Indians. Dutch colonial administrators commonly awarded large grants as a means of currying favor and attaining political influence. English administrators continued this practice. On the Van Borsum Patent, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 1, 19-21. On the broader practices, see Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 14-21.
46. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 17-21; Christopher Moore, "New York's Eighteenth Century African Burial Ground in History," in Reclaiming Our Past, 4-5; Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 20-1, 56-7; Sherrill D. Wilson, New York City's African Slaveowners: A Social and Material History (New York, 1994), 37-48, 57-69; Stansell, City of Women, 45.
47. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 17-21; Christopher Moore, "New York's Eighteenth Century African Burial Ground in History," in Reclaiming Our Past, 4-5; Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 20-1, 56-7; Sherrill D. Wilson, New York City's African Slaveowners: A Social and Material History (New York, 1994), 37-48, 57-69; Stansell, City of Women, 45.
48. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 17-21; Christopher Moore, "New York's Eighteenth Century African Burial Ground in History," in Reclaiming Our Past, 4-5; Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 20-1, 56-7; Sherrill D. Wilson, New York City's African Slaveowners: A Social and Material History (New York, 1994), 37-48, 57-69; Stansell, City of Women, 45.
49. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 17-21; Christopher Moore, "New York's Eighteenth Century African Burial Ground in History," in Reclaiming Our Past, 4-5; Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 20-1, 56-7; Sherrill D. Wilson, New York City's African Slaveowners: A Social and Material History (New York, 1994), 37-48, 57-69; Stansell, City of Women, 45.
50. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 17-21; Christopher Moore, "New York's Eighteenth Century African Burial Ground in History," in Reclaiming Our Past, 4-5; Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 20-1, 56-7; Sherrill D. Wilson, New York City's African Slaveowners: A Social and Material History (New York, 1994), 37-48, 57-69; Stansell, City of Women, 45.
51. The area cut off included not only the Collect Pond (by 1733 in private hands) but also the municipal gallows and powder house. Ultimately, it was decided that the powder house was too vulnerable outside city walls. It was relocated to the south commons, next to the almshouse. Thus, only the indigent would be subject to any immediate danger were the powder house to explode. A road cut through a hill to the southeast in the 1730s helped make the northern sectors physically less remote. Nonetheless, topographical and psychological divisions remained in place. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 10-2, 18-20, 43; David Valentine, "History of Broadway" in Manual of the Common Council of the City of New York (Valentine's Manual) (1865), 567.
52. The area cut off included not only the Collect Pond (by 1733 in private hands) but also the municipal gallows and powder house. Ultimately, it was decided that the powder house was too vulnerable outside city walls. It was relocated to the south commons, next to the almshouse. Thus, only the indigent would be subject to any immediate danger were the powder house to explode. A road cut through a hill to the southeast in the 1730s helped make the northern sectors physically less remote. Nonetheless, topographical and psychological divisions remained in place. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 10-2, 18-20, 43; David Valentine, "History of Broadway" in Manual of the Common Council of the City of New York (Valentine's Manual) (1865), 567.
53. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 20-1; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387. On Chambers Street, see Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 89-94.
54. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 20-1; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387. On Chambers Street, see Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 89-94.
55. New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 20-1; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 387. On Chambers Street, see Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 89-94.
56. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
57. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
58. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
59. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
60. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
61. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
62. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
63. Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 404-7; New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, African Burial Ground and Commons Designation Report, 16, 22; Valentine, "History of Broadway," 560. Contrast with Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 84. Enclosure, whereby large landowners procured land previously held in common, or wasteland once considered unfit for cultivation, was a process accelerated by parliamentary policies in eighteenth-century England. See Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740-1860 (Berkeley, 1986), 9-14, 197, n. 2. For implications of enclosure in the United States, see Rosenzweig and Blackmar, The Park and the People, 4; Richard Bushman, The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York, 1992), 354-5. See also Joy Kestenbaum and Friedman, Walmsley, City Hall Park, New York. Proposal for Preplanning and Schematic Design (1984).
64. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
65. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
66. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
67. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
68. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
69. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
70. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
71. Blackmar, Manhattan for Rent, 76-94; Bushman, The Refinement of America, 354-5; On the park's new buildings and institutions, see Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 395-8; Evan W. Cornog, "To Give Character to Our City: New York's City Hall," New York History 69 (October 1988), 388-423; Kevin J. Avery and Peter L. Fodera, "John Vanderlyn's Panoramic View of the Palace and Garden of Versailles" (New York, 1988), 19-31; Maybelle Mann, "The New York Gallery of Fine Arts: A Source of Refinement," American Art Journal (January 1979), 82; "The City Hall and Its Environs," New York Daily Advertiser, May 23, 1833, 2; "City Hall Park as seen in 1834," The New York Times, December 12, 1926, XII, 7.
72. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T. Barnum's Museum and Matthew Brady's photographic studio were among the numerous commercial establishments at the park's southern tip. See Mona Domosch, Invented Cities: The Creation of Landscape in Nineteenth-Century New York and Boston (New Haven, 1996), 44.
73. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T. Barnum's Museum and Matthew Brady's photographic studio were among the numerous commercial establishments at the park's southern tip. See Mona Domosch, Invented Cities: The Creation of Landscape in Nineteenth-Century New York and Boston (New Haven, 1996), 44.
74. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T. Barnum's Museum and Matthew Brady's photographic studio were among the numerous commercial establishments at the park's southern tip. See Mona Domosch, Invented Cities: The Creation of Landscape in Nineteenth-Century New York and Boston (New Haven, 1996), 44.
75. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T.
76. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T. Barnum's Museum and Matthew Brady's photographic studio were among the numerous commercial establishments at the park's southern tip. See Mona Domosch, Invented Cities: The Creation of Landscape in Nineteenth-Century New York and Boston (New Haven, 1996), 44.
77. On the significance of the Croton Fountain and on New York's class and ethnic tensions of the 1840s, see Edward K. Spann, The New Metropolis (New York, 1981), 117-20. See also Gerard Koeppel, "A Struggle for Water," Invention and Technology (Winter 1994), 19-31. The Flour Riot took place February 12, 1837, during the financial panic of that year. A crowd of New Yorkers that had convened in City Hall Park to protest the rising price of flour, speculative greed, and the plight of the poor moved out of the park and looted the flour warehouse of Hart and Co. on Washington Street, between Dey and Cortland. See Joel Tyler Headley, The Great Riots of New York, 1712-1873 (Indianapolis, 1970; reprint of New York: E. B. Treat, 1873), 96-110; 129-31; Paul O. Weinbaum, Mobs and Demagogues: The New York Response to Collective Violence in the Early Nineteenth Century (Ann Arbor, 1979), 177-87; Paul Gilje, "Riots," in Kenneth T. Jackson, ed., Encyclopedia of New York (New Haven, 1995), 1007. Commercial development to the north was epitomized and accelerated by the construction in 1845-1846 of the massive A. T. Stewart dry goods store (Joseph Trench and Co., architects) at Broadway and Chambers; P. T. Barnum's Museum and Matthew Brady's photographic studio were among the numerous commercial establishments at the park's southern tip. See Mona Domosch, Invented Cities: The Creation of Landscape in Nineteenth-Century New York and Boston (New Haven, 1996), 44.
78. The post office had been a Tweed pet project since he entered Congress in 1853. In need of a new facility, the city had begun negotiating with the federal government in 1857. Nothing transpired until 1867. The agreement with the federal government stipulated that the deed was valid only insofar as the building was used as a post office. According to park historian Edward Hagaman Hall, a close acquaintance to William Marcy Tweed contended that Tweed arranged for the transfer to bolster his connections and power within federal government circles.
79. On the Tweed Courthouse, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, Tweed Courthouse Designation Report, prepared by Anthony W. Robins, October 16, 1984; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 398-403; Alexander B. Callow, Jr., The Tweed Ring (New York, 1966), 198-206; Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York: Another Look (New York, 1977), xiv, 41-2; 112-4.
80. On the Tweed Courthouse, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, Tweed Courthouse Designation Report, prepared by Anthony W. Robins, October 16, 1984; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 398-403; Alexander B. Callow, Jr., The Tweed Ring (New York, 1966), 198-206; Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York: Another Look (New York, 1977), xiv, 41-2; 112-4.
81. On the Tweed Courthouse, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, Tweed Courthouse Designation Report, prepared by Anthony W. Robins, October 16, 1984; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 398-403; Alexander B. Callow, Jr., The Tweed Ring (New York, 1966), 198-206; Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York: Another Look (New York, 1977), xiv, 41-2; 112-4.
82. On the Tweed Courthouse, see New York City Landmarks Preservation Commission, Tweed Courthouse Designation Report, prepared by Anthony W. Robins, October 16, 1984; Hall, "An Historical Sketch of City Hall Park," 398-403; Alexander B. Callow, Jr., The Tweed Ring (New York, 1966), 198-206; Leo Hershkowitz, Tweed's New York: Another Look (New York, 1977), xiv, 41-2; 112-4.
83. For additional discussion of the park within the context of turn-of-the-century historic preservation movements, see Max Page, "The Creative Destruction of New York City: Landscape, Memory, and the Politics of Place, 1900-1930" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1995), 167-205; and Randall Frambes Mason "Civic Memory, 'Improvement,' and the Landscape of Modern New York, 1898-1920," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1999).
84. For additional discussion of the park within the context of turn-of-the-century historic preservation movements, see Max Page, "The Creative Destruction of New York City: Landscape, Memory, and the Politics of Place, 1900-1930" (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1995), 167-205; and Randall Frambes Mason "Civic Memory, 'Improvement,' and the Landscape of Modern New York, 1898-1920," (Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 1999).
85. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
86. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
87. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
88. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
89. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
90. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
91. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
92. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
93. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
94. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
95. See, for example, "Building in City Hall Park," The New York Times, December 1, 1887, 4; "What Ought To Have Been Done," The New York Times, July 7, 1889, 4; The New York Times, February 10, 1889, 4; "For a New Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 15, 1891, 3-4; "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, March 16, 1891, 4; "The Municipal Building," The New York Times, March 28, 1891, 4; "City Hall Site Selected," The New York Times, January 12, 1893, 9. Some architects supported the plan as well. See "The City-Hall Matter in New York," American Architect and Building News 39 (March 18, 1893), 167; "City Hall Plans Opened," The New York Times, September 13, 1893, 9; "Building Prospects," Architecture and Building, January 6, 1894, 1. See also the file titled Municipal Building and New City Hall in Thomas F. Gilroy Mayoral Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives. On the later debates, see "Newcomb Bill Fixes Court House Site," The New York Times, May 2, 1909, 4.
96. "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, 4; "Spare the City Hall," World, March 17, 1891, 4; undated letter [circa February 1894?], Municipal Building and New City Hall File, Gilroy Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives; "Let the City Hall Stand," The New York Times, February 4, 1894, 4; "The Sentimental Side of City Hall Park," New York Times Magazine, March 27, 1910, 10; Memorandum, "A Typical Plan of Development Suggested to Illustrate One of the Possibilities Open to the City at the Present Juncture," attached to letter from Grosvenor Atterbury to William Gaynor, March 16, 1910, William J. Gaynor Mayoral Papers, Box GWJ-83, County Courthouse file, New York City Municipal Archives.
97. "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, 4; "Spare the City Hall," World, March 17, 1891, 4; undated letter [circa February 1894?], Municipal Building and New City Hall File, Gilroy Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives; "Let the City Hall Stand," The New York Times, February 4, 1894, 4; "The Sentimental Side of City Hall Park," New York Times Magazine, March 27, 1910, 10; Memorandum, "A Typical Plan of Development Suggested to Illustrate One of the Possibilities Open to the City at the Present Juncture," attached to letter from Grosvenor Atterbury to William Gaynor, March 16, 1910, William J. Gaynor Mayoral Papers, Box GWJ-83, County Courthouse file, New York City Municipal Archives.
98. "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, 4; "Spare the City Hall," World, March 17, 1891, 4; undated letter [circa February 1894?], Municipal Building and New City Hall File, Gilroy Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives; "Let the City Hall Stand," The New York Times, February 4, 1894, 4; "The Sentimental Side of City Hall Park," New York Times Magazine, March 27, 1910, 10; Memorandum, "A Typical Plan of Development Suggested to Illustrate One of the Possibilities Open to the City at the Present Juncture," attached to letter from Grosvenor Atterbury to William Gaynor, March 16, 1910, William J. Gaynor Mayoral Papers, Box GWJ-83, County Courthouse file, New York City Municipal Archives.
99. "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, 4; "Spare the City Hall," World, March 17, 1891, 4; undated letter [circa February 1894?], Municipal Building and New City Hall File, Gilroy Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives; "Let the City Hall Stand," The New York Times, February 4, 1894, 4; "The Sentimental Side of City Hall Park," New York Times Magazine, March 27, 1910, 10; Memorandum, "A Typical Plan of Development Suggested to Illustrate One of the Possibilities Open to the City at the Present Juncture," attached to letter from Grosvenor Atterbury to William Gaynor, March 16, 1910, William J. Gaynor Mayoral Papers, Box GWJ-83, County Courthouse file, New York City Municipal Archives.
100. "The Municipal Building Problem," The New York Times, 4; "Spare the City Hall," World, March 17, 1891, 4; undated letter [circa February 1894?], Municipal Building and New City Hall File, Gilroy Papers, Box 89-GTF-12, New York City Municipal Archives; "Let the City Hall Stand," The New York Times, February 4, 1894, 4; "The Sentimental Side of City Hall Park," New York Times Magazine, March 27, 1910, 10; Memorandum, "A Typical Plan of Development Suggested to Illustrate One of the Possibilities Open to the City at the Present Juncture," attached to letter from Grosvenor Atterbury to William Gaynor, March 16, 1910, William J. Gaynor Mayoral Papers, Box GWJ-83, County Courthouse file, New York City Municipal Archives.
101. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
102. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
103. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
104. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
105. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
106. On the park's historical associations, see "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8; Robert A. M. Stern, Gregory Gilmarth, and John Massengale, New York 1900 (New York, 1983), 64-5. On Nathan Hale, see "Nathan Hale," Brooklyn Times, June 5, 1893, fr. 196; "The Nathan Hale Monument," New York Critic, December 2, 1893, fr. 137; World, November 22, 1893; "Nathan Hale is Popular," Sun, November 29, 1893, frs. 204, 206, all in Frederick MacMonnies Scrapbook, reel D245, Archives of American Art.
107. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
108. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
109. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
110. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
111. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
112. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
113. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
114. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
115. George B. Post, "The Planning of Cities," Paper No. 3 Public Improvements (November 15, 1899), 2: 26-9; "New York Government Building," Public Improvements 5 (April 1901), 696-9; Municipal Art Society Minutes, April 27, 1902; "Suggested Changes in the City Hall Park, New York," American Architect and Building News (August 16, 1902), 49; John DeWitt Warner, "Civic Centers," Municipal Affairs 6 (March 1902), 1-23; "A Civic Center for New York," Municipal Affairs 6 (Fall 1902), 478-83; "City Hall Improvement" 7 (October 1902), 159-60; "Uniting to Save City Hall Park," The New York Times, March 22, 1910, 10; "Many Sites Urged for Court House," The New York Times, March 29, 1910, 5; Gregory F. Gilmartin, Shaping the City: New York and the Municipal Art Society (New York, 1995), 68-81.
116. "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8. Arguments on behalf of the poor were made more vociferously in 1910, when the proposed construction threatened the park rather than a landmark. "The Proposed Encroachment on City Hall Park by New Buildings," The American Architect 97 (March 16, 1910), 123; "The Problem of Selecting a Site for the New York County Courthouse," American Architect 97 (March 30, 1910), 139.
117. "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8. Arguments on behalf of the poor were made more vociferously in 1910, when the proposed construction threatened the park rather than a landmark. "The Proposed Encroachment on City Hall Park by New Buildings," The American Architect 97 (March 16, 1910), 123; "The Problem of Selecting a Site for the New York County Courthouse," American Architect 97 (March 30, 1910), 139.
118. "Many Protests Entered," The New York Times, September 19, 1889, 8. Arguments on behalf of the poor were made more vociferously in 1910, when the proposed construction threatened the park rather than a landmark. "The Proposed Encroachment on City Hall Park by New Buildings," The American Architect 97 (March 16, 1910), 123; "The Problem of Selecting a Site for the New York County Courthouse," American Architect 97 (March 30, 1910), 139.
119. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
120. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
121. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
122. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
123. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
124. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
125. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
126. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6,
127. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
128. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
129. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
130. The milk depots were part of a larger, turn-of-the-century reform effort, pushed by medical practitioners, to reduce infant mortality by controlling diet and feeding practices. Doctors generally agreed that cow's milk was the best substitute for breast milk but also believed that such milk was best heated to remove harmful bacteria. They promoted the ideal of bottle feeding as a more healthful alternative to breast-feeding, insisting that such practices were best undertaken under the physician's direction. Hence, the pure milk movement was both a reform enterprise and an effort to augment the authority of medical doctors. Rima D. Apple, Mothers and Medicine: A Social History of Infant Feeding, 1890-1940 (Madison, 1987), 53-9. One outgrowth of this enterprise was increased calls to regulate the production, handling, and transport of milk. Nathan Straus (1848-1931), R. H. Macy co-owner and a New York City park commissioner (1889-1893), was at the forefront of this effort. In 1892, in an attempt to protect children from diseases he believed to be caused by infected milk, Straus initiated a campaign for the pasteurization of New York's milk supply. He established and funded numerous milk pasteurizing plants in New York City and eventually in other locales, both in the United States and abroad. Determined to prod the city into taking greater responsibility for the protection of poor children and their milk supply, he used his clout as a businessman and former park official to open milk depots in the city's major parks, slums, and recreation piers. Straus operated the depots at his own expense, distributing pasteurized milk to the poor for free or virtually so. Over a twenty-year period, he lobbied the city extensively, both to take over his philanthropic enterprise and to exert greater legislative control over the milk supply. His efforts met with resistance from the milk industry but did, ultimately, contribute to the establishment of controls at the federal, municipal, and industry levels. Dictionary of American Biography (New York, 1935), 9, 129-30; Nathan Straus, Disease in Milk: The Remedy Pasteurization: The Life of Nathan Straus (New York, 1977; first published 1917), 51-67, 126-7; "Milk Booths in the Park," The New York Times, June 4, 1899, 18; "City to Erect Milk Booths," The New York Times, June 9, 1899, 14; "The Strauss Milk Depots Are Now Open," The New York Times, July 9, 1899, 12; "The Strauss Milk Depots," The New York Times, June 20, 1901, 14; "Pasteurized Milk in Parks," The New York Times, April 27, 1907, 6; "Ask $8000 for Milk Booths," The New York Times, April 26, 1907, 18; "The Milk Stations," The New York Times, January 30, 1909, 8. On the poor in the park, see James L. Miller to Mayor Gilroy, July 6, 1894, Municipal Building and New City Hall file, Box 89-GTF-12, Mayor's Correspondence January-December 1894, New York City Municipal Archives; "Waking of Park Sleepers," New York Times Magazine, July 21, 1891, 3. On the use of the park by gay men, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World 1890-1940 (New York, 1994), 196.
131. "Acting Mayor Lets Hot Urchins Splash," The New York Times, July 2, 1932, 17; "Mayor Aids Young Bathers," The New York Times, July 9, 1932, 11.
132. "Acting Mayor Lets Hot Urchins Splash," The New York Times, July 2, 1932, 17; "Mayor Aids Young Bathers," The New York Times, July 9, 1932, 11.
133. H. I. Brock, "Restoring the City Hall Vista," New York Times Magazine, September 11, 1932, 10; "Old Post Office is Down at Last," The New York Times, March 12, 1939, sec. 13, 1, 4.
134. H. I. Brock, "Restoring the City Hall Vista," New York Times Magazine, September 11, 1932, 10; "Old Post Office is Down at Last," The New York Times, March 12, 1939, sec. 13, 1, 4.
135. Valentine's Manual of Old New York; The New York Times, February 12, 1939, sec. 13, 1.
136. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
137. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
138. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
139. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
140. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
141. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
142. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
143. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
144. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
145. For Moses park plan, see Folder 1997 A-J, and Folder 1947 AF-AX, Art Commission of the City of New York. See also "A Grove Reemerges" The New York Times, August 25, 1939, VII: 11; "Citizens Form Group to Promote Jubilee," The New York Times, May 16, 1947, 18; "Planting Is Made in City Hall Park," The New York Times, October 8, 1948, 27; "6 Groups Approve Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 20, 1949, 7. For complaints regarding his plans, see "Curran Opposes a City Hall Mall," The New York Times, December 3, 1938, 21; "Don't Look Now, Mr. Curran, but Moses is Bringing That City Hall Stone Back," The New York Times, December 5, 1938, 6; "'Prof. Nix' Called to Support Moses," The New York Times, December 31, 1938, 17; "City Hall Park Plan Rejected by Board," The New York Times, February 10, 1939, 25; "Moses and Curran Exchange New Amenities in Old Row over the City Hall Park Plans," The New York Times, February 11, 1939, 32; "Moses Is Upheld on City Hall Park Plan," The New York Times, February 18, 1939, 17.
146. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
147. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
148. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
149. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
150. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
151. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
152. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
153. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
154. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
155. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
156. "Leaders Discuss Civic Center Plan," The New York Times, January 15, 1949, 30; New York (City), Department of City Planning, Plan for Manhattan Civic Center and Related Improvements (New York, 1948); "Plan Is Adopted for Civic Center," The New York Times, May 19, 1949, 31; "Topics of the Times," The New York Times, July 4, 1949, 12; "Architect Scores 'City' Civic Center," The New York Times, June 17, 1960, 33; "Architect Urges City Hall Garage," The New York Times, August 23, 1960, 37; "Federal Center at Foley Square Will Include 41 Story Building," The New York Times, August 25, 1960, 25; "$86,000 Study Set for Civic Center," The New York Times, February 23, 1962, 18; "The 'Civic Center,' " The New York Times, March 13, 1962, 34; "Architects Urge Foley Square Delay," The New York Times, June 14, 1962, 35; "Civic Center to Cost 165 Million Planned for Civic Hall Area," The New York Times, December 8, 1962, 1, 56. The story of the various plans for the Civic Center has been recounted in Robert A.
157. M. Stern, Thomas Mellins, and David Fishman, New York 1960: Architecture and Urbanism between the Second World War and the Bicentennial (New York, 1995), 154-67.
158. "Stone to Design City Civic Center," The New York Times, May 30, 1963, 19; "City's Plan Board Calls for $1.6-Billion Budget," The New York Times, December 1, 1970, 54. See also Exhibit 3449, File 3449A-F, Art Commission of the City of New York.
159. "Stone to Design City Civic Center," The New York Times, May 30, 1963, 19; "City's Plan Board Calls for $1.6-Billion Budget," The New York Times, December 1, 1970, 54. See also Exhibit 3449, File 3449A-F, Art Commission of the City of New York.