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Volumn 20, Issue 1, 1999, Pages 189-206

Rehabilitation, sustainable peace and development: Towards reconceptualisation

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

DISASTER RELIEF; ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT; RECONSTRUCTION; WAR;

EID: 0032910894     PISSN: 01436597     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1080/01436599913992     Document Type: Article
Times cited : (29)

References (59)
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    • note
    • In Somaliland it mix of accountable historic political structures via councils of elders and of governmental service delivery systems accountable to more a Western-style assembly appear to have some capacity in provide law and order, legitimacy and economic recovery.
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    • note
    • Rwanda's 1960-94 history of failed attempts al cross-communal governments and/or efforts to co-opt majority (Hutu) leaders into minority (Tutsi)-dominated governments with recurrent Tutsi pre-emptive violence, up to and including genocide, and violent Hutu resistance gave very early warning indeed of the risk of full-scale civil war. In Angola comprehension could have warned explicitly against the attempted placating of UNITA (more specifically its maximum leader Jonas Savimbi) by allocating ownership of and the right to staff and guard key northern diamond mining areas. The government had every reason to fear the mines would be no-go areas and their revenues used to build up arms supplies for a new UNITA military initiative. In the Ethiopia-Eritrea case comprehension of the causes of tensions would not have given rise to an expectation that provocative action by low-level military officers would lead to escalation into war. Both Eritrea's and Ethiopia's present ruling coalition won sovereignty through a long, bitter war fought as allies, Both therefore are concerned to maintain that sovereignty. As a result of Italian colonial and British military rule their boundary was in dispute. Parallel frictions - over national currencies and exchange control - did create a poor climate for agreed settlements, but there is no known case of exchange controls setting off a war. Further, Italian and 1994 Ethiopian official maps are at one in showing the disputed rural areas and town as on the Eritrean side of the boundary, even if partly under Ethiopian administration.
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    • note
    • For example, it is true that Hutu and Tutsi need not engage in bloody conflict or be unable to build viable communities (as has been shown in the Kagera Region in Tanzania). But Burundi's history gives rational ground for Hutus to fear Tutsi pre-emptive violence and to believe few of them arc willing to stare power and - especially since the rise of the COD (Burundi's Interahamwe) - for Tutsis to fear that Hutu goals include a final solution (by exile and/or death) to the Tutsi problem of Rwanda'.
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    • note
    • Up to 60% of lives are lost through high infant and under five mortality arising out of collapsed health services, poor nutrition and forced migration, while perhaps 10% (except for Rwanda and Burundi) emerge from actual combat killings.
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    • note
    • It is perfectly true that some social networks and local structure are remarkably resilient during and after wars. But it is necessary to avoid romanticism - they and physically and financially crippled and, while often vital, are rarely able by themselves to carry through rehabilitation. Substituting foreign NGOS for them and leaving them alone to get on with the job are equal, if opposite follies.
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    • Angola in a partial exception because it had a modern; high-technology army and airforce consuming the majority of graduates and technicians, but the generalisation holds for the bulk of its infantry.
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    • note
    • Equally it has been argued that significant proportions of IMP drawing tights and World Bank import support funding were diverted by the ruling clite into arms buildup and arms trafficking-ironically, inter alia, to agents of the Rwanda Patriotic Front which was to overthrow them.
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* 이 정보는 Elsevier사의 SCOPUS DB에서 KISTI가 분석하여 추출한 것입니다.