The decline of the Cape gentry, 1838-c. 1900

Journal of African History

Volumn 40, Issue 2, 1999, Pages 215-242

  Dooling, Wayne ^a  

^a NONE

Author keywords

[No Author keywords available]

Indexed keywords

HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY; NINETEENTH CENTURY; RURAL ECONOMY; SOCIAL CHANGE;

SOUTH AFRICA;

EID: 0032876421     PISSN: 00218537     EISSN: None     Source Type: Journal    
DOI: 10.1017/S0021853799007434     Document Type: Article

References (223)

1. I am grateful to Andrew Bank, Helen Bradford, Harriet Deacon, John Iliffe, Timothy Keegan and the readers of the Journal of African History for their helpful comments. The research for this paper was kindly funded by the Emmanuel Bradlow Foundation.
2. Published government papers, G24-1865, Colonial Botanist to J. A. Merrington, 28 Sept. 1864.
3. Wayne Dooling, Law and Community in a Slave Society: Stellenbosch District, South Africa, c. 1760-1820 (Cape Town, 1992), esp. 6-28.
4. For an overview, see Helen Bradford, 'Highways, byways and culs-de-sac: the transition to capitalism in revisionist South African history', in Joshua Brown et al. (eds.), History from South Africa: Alternative Visions and Practices (Philadelphia, 1991).
5. Robert Ross, 'The rise of the Cape gentry', Journal of Southern African Studies, 9 (1983), 203.
6. Robert Ross, Beyond the Pale: Essays on the History of Colonial South Africa (Johannesburg, 1994), 48.
7. Ross, 'Rise of Cape Gentry', 194.
8. Ross, 'Rise of Cape Gentry', 215.
9. Robert Ross, '"Rather mental than physical": emancipations and the Cape economy', in Nigel Worden and Clifton Crais (eds.), Breaking the Chains: Slavery and its Legacy in the Nineteenth-Century Cape Colony (Johannesburg, 1994), esp. 161-6; Ross, 'Rise of Cape Gentry', 217.
10. Robert Ross, '"Rather mental than physical": emancipations and the Cape economy', in Nigel Worden and Clifton Crais (eds.), Breaking the Chains: Slavery and its Legacy in the Nineteenth-Century Cape Colony (Johannesburg, 1994), esp. 161-6; Ross, 'Rise of Cape Gentry', 217.
11. In all fairness, this is not the terminology employed by historians of the colonial Cape.
12. Timothy J. Keegan, Rural Transformations in Industrializing South Africa: The Southern Highveld to 1914 (Braamfontein, 1986), 196. This definition may be somewhat distorted. The extent to which 'Junker' agriculture was transformed by a self-generating process is open to question. See Hanna Schissler, 'The Junkers: notes on the social significance of the agrarian elite in Prussia', in Robert G. Moëller (ed.), Peasants and Lords in Modern Germany: Recent Studies in Agricultural History (Boston, 1986), 28, where she notes that much of the innovation and expansion of late eighteenth-century East Elbian agriculture was carried out by non-nobles.
13. Timothy J. Keegan, Rural Transformations in Industrializing South Africa: The Southern Highveld to 1914 (Braamfontein, 1986), 196. This definition may be somewhat distorted. The extent to which 'Junker' agriculture was transformed by a self-generating process is open to question. See Hanna Schissler, 'The Junkers: notes on the social significance of the agrarian elite in Prussia', in Robert G. Moëller (ed.), Peasants and Lords in Modern Germany: Recent Studies in Agricultural History (Boston, 1986), 28, where she notes that much of the innovation and expansion of late eighteenth-century East Elbian agriculture was carried out by non-nobles.
14. For a Latin American example of a 'Junker path', see Simon Miller, 'Mexican junkers and capitalist haciendas, 1810-1910', Journal of Latin American Studies, 22 (1990), 229-63.
15. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
16. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
17. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
18. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
19. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
20. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
21. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
22. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
23. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
24. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
25. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
26. The intellectual origins of this debate can perhaps be traced to Adam Smith, who noted that eighteenth-century British merchants were 'commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen, and when they do, they are generally the best of all improvers': An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, cited in T. M. Devine, 'Glasgow colonial merchants and land, 1770-1815', in J. T. Ward and R. G. Wilson (eds.), Land and Industry: The Landed Estate and the Industrial Revolution (Newton Abbot, 1971), 205. See also, Perry Anderson, 'Origins of the present crisis', restated in English Questions (London and New York, 1992); E. P. Thompson, 'The peculiarities of the English', in The Poverty of Theory (London, 1981). For a recent synthesis, see P. J. Cain and A. G. Hopkins, British Imperialism: Innovation and Expansion, 1688-1914 (London and New York, 1993), esp. 1-46. The main poles in the American debate on the applicability of a 'Junker path' to capitalist agriculture are C. Van Woodwards's classic 1951 study, Origins of the New South, and Jonathan Wiener's Social Origins of the New South: Alabama, 1860-1885 (Baton Rouge and London, 1978). See also, Wiener, 'Class structure and economic development in the American South, 1865-1955', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 970-92, and the reply by Harold D. Woodman, 'Comment on Wiener', American Historical Review, 84 (1979), 997-1001. For more recent additions, see Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture: the new South in a bourgeois world', in Thavolia Glymph and John J. Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy (Arlington, 1985); Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution 1863-1877 (New York, 1988), esp. 399-408; Steven Hahn, 'Class and state in post-emancipation societies: Southern planters in comparative perspectives', American Historical Review, 95 (1990), 75-98; idem, 'Emancipation and the development of capitalist agriculture: The South in Comparative Perspective', in Kees Gispen (ed.), What Made the South Different? (Jackson and London, 1990).
27. Cain and Hopkins, British Imperialism, 23-4.
28. Similarly, when emancipation came to East Africa late in the nineteenth century, it exacerbated the pre-existing indebtedness of Arab clove planters to Indian merchants: Frederick Cooper, From Slaves to Squatters : Plantation Labor and Agriculture in Zanzibar and Coastal Kenya, 1890-1925 (New Haven and London, 1980), 138-9.
29. Harold D. Woodman, 'The reconstruction of the cotton plantation in the New South', in Thavolia Glymph and John Kushma (eds.), Essays on the Postbellum Southern Economy, 111.
30. Keegan, Rural Transformations, 196.
31. Keegan, Rural Transformations, 197. In examining the 'reconstruction' of the post-war Transvaal by the imperial state, Jeremy Krikler, too, was 'struck by the fact that ... a disproportionate number of foreigners established the relatively few large-scale commercial estates of the day. And their prominence throws into relief the agriculture of a different (far less commercial) orientation which was generally practised by the landowners indigenous to the territory'. Revolution from Above, Rebellion from Below: the Agrarian Transvaal at the turn of the Century (Oxford, 1993), 90.
32. Keegan, Rural Transformations, 197. In examining the 'reconstruction' of the post- war Transvaal by the imperial state, Jeremy Krikler, too, was 'struck by the fact that ... a disproportionate number of foreigners established the relatively few large-scale commercial estates of the day. And their prominence throws into relief the agriculture of a different (far less commercial) orientation which was generally practised by the landowners indigenous to the territory'. Revolution from Above, Rebellion from Below: the Agrarian Transvaal at the turn of the Century (Oxford, 1993), 90.
33. John Marincowitz has written off accounts of improved technology on farms as 'exaggerated reports to the contrary': 'Rural production and labour in the Western Cape, 1838-1888, with special reference to the wheat growing districts' (Ph.D thesis, University of London, 1985), 4. Robert Ross, on the other hand, is far more cautious and has stressed the need for more research on this particular subject: 'Rather mental than physical', 161.
34. Ross, 'Rather mental', 153.
35. Marincowitz, 'Rural Production', 309.
36. Ross, 'Rather mental', 153-4.
37. This was most dramatic in the Eastern Cape, however. See Saul Dubow, Land, Labour and Merchant Capital in the Pre-Industrial Rural Economy of the Cape: The Experience of the Graaff-Reinet District, 1852-72 (Cape Town, 1982).
38. Marincowitz, 'Rural production', 111-2.
39. Ross, 'Rather mental', 161.
40. For Nigel Worden as well, the former slaves' lack of access to land was a crucial factor in the post-emancipation outcome: Worden, 'Adjusting to emancipation', in Mary Simons and Wilmot James (eds.), The Angry Divide : Social and Economic History of the Western Cape (Cape Town and Johannesburg, 1989), 38.
41. See O. Nigel Bolland, 'Systems of domination after slavery: the control of land and labor in the British West Indies after 1838', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23 (1981), 591-619; William A. Green, 'The perils of comparative history: Belize and the British Sugar Colonies after slavery', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 112-9; O. Nigel Bolland, 'Reply to William A. Green's "The Perils of Comparative History"', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 120-5.
42. See O. Nigel Bolland, 'Systems of domination after slavery: the control of land and labor in the British West Indies after 1838', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23 (1981), 591-619; William A. Green, 'The perils of comparative history: Belize and the British Sugar Colonies after slavery', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 112-9; O. Nigel Bolland, 'Reply to William A. Green's "The Perils of Comparative History"', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 120-5.
43. See O. Nigel Bolland, 'Systems of domination after slavery: the control of land and labor in the British West Indies after 1838', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23 (1981), 591-619; William A. Green, 'The perils of comparative history: Belize and the British Sugar Colonies after slavery', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 112-9; O. Nigel Bolland, 'Reply to William A. Green's "The Perils of Comparative History"', Comparative Studies in Society and History, 26 (1984), 120-5.
44. Roger L. Ransom and Richard Sutch, One Kind of Freedom: The Economic Consequences of Emancipation (Cambridge, 1977), 56-7.
45. Foner, Reconstruction, 393. For a highly stimulating account of this shift, see Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York and Oxford, 1983).
46. Foner, Reconstruction, 393. For a highly stimulating account of this shift, see Steven Hahn, The Roots of Southern Populism: Yeoman Farmers and the Transformation of the Georgia Upcountry, 1850-1890 (New York and Oxford, 1983).
47. Ronald Davis, Good and Faithful Labor: From Slavery to Sharecropping in the Natchez District, 1860-1890 (Westport, 1982), 194.
48. Barbara Jeanne Fields, 'The advent of capitalist agriculture', 84.
49. Ibid.
50. University of London, SOAS, CWM, Box 16, Folder 4, Jacket C, Report of Resident Missionary, Pacaltsdorp, 2 Dec. 1839; also cited in Worden, 'Adjusting to emancipation', 41.
51. SOAS, CWM, Box 16, Folder 3, Jacket C, Philip to Napier, 14 Aug. 1839.
52. Zuid Afrikaan (hereafter ZA), 20 March 1840.
53. ZA, 27 March 1840.
54. ZA, 31 Jan. 1840.
55. Cape Archives (hereafter CA) CO 4007, Memorial of Wine and Cornfarmers and other farming and interested persons of the District of Stellenbosch convened as a Public Meeting at Stellenbosch, 28 Jan. 1840, no. 49, 176.
56. CA CO 2788, Civil Commissioner of Clanwilliam to Secretary to Government, 31 Dec. 1839.
57. ZA, 27 March 1840.
58. Marincowitz, 'Rural production', 33. For a richly detailed account of the space that the mission stations provided the freed slaves, see Elizabeth H. Ludlow, 'Missions and emancipation in the southwestern Cape: a case study of Groenekloof (Mamre), 1838- 1852' (M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992).
59. Marincowitz, 'Rural production', 33. For a richly detailed account of the space that the mission stations provided the freed slaves, see Elizabeth H. Ludlow, 'Missions and emancipation in the southwestern Cape: a case study of Groenekloof (Mamre), 1838-1852' (M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992).
60. CA 1/MBY 1/1/7, Bester vs Jagers, 20 Dec. 1852.
61. CA 1/MBY 1/1/8, Jacob Samuel van Reenen vs Herman Esau, 19 Feb. 1855.
62. CA 1/MBY 1/1/6, Haupt vs Joseph Arends, 16 Aug. 1849; ibid. Haupt vs Ferdinand Pedro, 19 Jul. 1849.
63. CA 1/MBY 1/1/6, Carolus Davids vs Jacob van Reenen, 3 Dec. 1849.
64. CA 1/MBY 1/1/6, Haupt vs Ferdinand Pedro, 19 Jul. 1849.
65. ZA, 27 March 1840.
66. CA GH 28/17, Enclosure no. 2 of Despatch no. 85, 26 Aug. 1841, Report Called for by the Secretary for the Colonial Department.
67. SOAS, CWM, Box 19, Folder 3, Jacket C, Report of Resident Missionary, Caledon, 1 Nov. 1843; CWM, Box 20, Folder 3, Jacket C, Report of Resident Missionary, Caledon, 1 Nov. 1844.
68. CA GH 28/17, Enclosure no. 2 of Despatch no. 85, 26 Aug. 1841, Report Called for by the Secretary for the Colonial Department.
69. CA MOIB 1/90, Records in Insolvent Estate of Melt Jacobus van Schoor, 12 Feb. 1849.
70. CA MOIB 1/90, Records in Insolvent Estate of Servaas van Niekerk, 27 Feb. 1849.
71. CA CO 2791, J. Miller to Secretary of Government, 30 April 1840.
72. A. J. Bauer, 'Rural workers in Spanish America: problems of peonage and oppression', Hispanic American Historical Review, 59 (1979), 34-63; D. A. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajio: Leon 1700-1860 (Cambridge, 1978), 9.
73. A. J. Bauer, 'Rural workers in Spanish America: problems of peonage and oppression', Hispanic American Historical Review, 59 (1979), 34-63; D. A. Brading, Haciendas and Ranchos in the Mexican Bajio: Leon 1700-1860 (Cambridge, 1978), 9.
74. South African Commercial Advertiser (hereafter, SACA), 4 Aug. 1841.
75. CA CO 4007, Memorial of Wine and Cornfarmers and other farming and interested persons of the District of Stellenbosch convened as a Public Meeting at Stellenbosch, 28 Jan. 1840, no. 49, 176.
76. British Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838, XLVIII, Statement of the Average Value of a Slave as Appraised and of the Compensation Awarded for such Slave. I am grateful to Robert Ross for making me aware of the existence of this important document.
77. CA SO 20/13, Appraisement of Slaves for Stellenbosch, 1834-1835, Compensation no. 3765; British Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838, XLVIII, Compensation no. 3765.
78. CA SO 20/13, Appraisement of Slaves for Stellenbosch, 1834-1835, Compensation no. 3768; British Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838, XLVIII, Compensation no. 3768.
79. CA MOIB 1/53, Records in Insolvent Estate of Charl Jacobus de Villiers, 7 Feb. 1840; CA MOIB 1/56, Records in Insolvent Estate of Abraham Barend du Toit, 13 Aug. 1840; CA MOIB 1/59, Records in the Insolvent Estate of Jacobus Johannes Luttig, 4 Feb. 1841; CA MOIB 1/59, Records in Insolvent Estate of Jacob Louis de Villiers, 9 Feb. 1841; Records in Insolvent Estate of Willem Adolph Krige, 27 Feb. 1841; CA MOIB 1/62, Records in Insolvent Estate of Willem Johannes Esterhuysen, 12 July 1841; CA MOIB 1/64, Records in Insolvent Estate of Jacob de Villiers, 18 March 1842; CA MOIB 1/68, Records in Insolvent Estate of Daniel Gerhardus Cilliers, 16 Feb. 1843; Records in Insolvent Estate of George Stephanus Haubtfleisch, 9 March 1843; CA MOIB 1/71, Records in Insolvent Estate of Joel Daniel Herholdt, 5 Sep. 1843; CA MOIB 1/80, Records in Insolvent Estate of Daniel Petrus Rossouw, 12 Jan. 1846. (All dates refer to the date of the order of sequestration.)
80. Robert Shell, Children of Bondage: A Social History of Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1838 (Hanover, NH, 1994), 109-10.
81. British Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838, XLVIII, Claim no. 3768, 265, 329.
82. Deeds Office, Cape Town (hereafter, DO); Debt Registers (hereafter DR), S, 535.
83. DO, DR, S, 675. The slaves were Samira, Frits, Clarinda, Jeptha, Camonie, Juliana, Francina, Grietjie, Machonie and Goliath.
84. DO, DR, S, 675.
85. DO, DR, S, 675.
86. Worden, 'Adjusting to emancipation', 38.
87. CA DOC 2/1/1/1, Registrar of Deeds to Secretary of Government, 6 April 1842, folio 105.
88. SACA, 7 April 1838; CA DOC 2/1/1/1, Registrar of Deeds to Secrtary of Government, 6 April 1842, folio 105.
89. Lalou Meltzer, 'Growth of Cape Town commerce', in Worden and Crais, Breaking the Chains, 198.
90. DO, Transfer Deed no. 153, 22 March 1831; Mortgage Bond no. 154, 22 March 1831.
91. CA SO 20/13, Appraisement of Slaves for Stellenbosch; British Parliamentary Papers, 1837-1838, XLVIII, Returns of Sums Awarded by Commissioners of Slave Compensation, Claims no. 3765, no. 3764. Both Van Wielligh and Theunissen resided in the veldcornetcy of Mosselbanks Rivier.
92. DO, Transfer Deed no. 12, 9 Jul. 1830; Mortgage Bond no. 14, 9 Jul. 1830.
93. CA MOIB 2/761, no. 134, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Nicolaas van Wielligh, 15 Dec. 1851.
94. CA MOIB 1/59, Records in Insolvent Estate of Andries Christoffel van der Byl, 15 Jan. 1841; CA MOIB 1/64, Records in Insolvent Estate of Christiaan Johannes Godlieb Ackermann, 7 March 1842; CA MOIB 1/77, Records in Insolvent Estate of Pieter Gerhard Wium, 26 March 1845.
95. CA MOIB 1/52, Records in Insolvent Estate of August Joseph Reis, 10 Oct. 1839.
96. Cape of Good Hope Government Gazette (hereafter, GG), 8 Nov. 1839.
97. CA MOIB 1/77, Records in Insolvent Estate of Pieter Gerhard Wium, 26 March 1845.
98. CA MOIB 2/551, no. 60, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Jacob Willem van Reenen, 5 May 1842.
99. The expansion and decline of the wine industry in the early decades of the century are described in Mary Rayner, 'Wine and slaves: the failure of an export economy and the ending of slavery in the Cape Colony, South Africa, 1806-1834' (Ph.D thesis, Duke University, 1986).
100. SACA, 12 Oct. 1842.
101. CA MOIB 2/581, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Andries Christoffel Cloete, 12 Sept. 1843.
102. CA MOIB 1/73, Records in Insolvent Estate of Dirk de Vos, 8 March 1844.
103. CA MOIB 1/62, Records in Insolvent Estate of Abraham Daniel Bosman, 12 Aug. 1841.
104. CA MOIB 1/68, Records in Insolvent Estate of George Stephanus Haubtfleisch, 9 March 1843.
105. CA MOIB 1/64, Records in Insolvent Estate of Christiaan Johannes Godlieb Ackermann, 7 March 1842.
106. SACA, 27 Apr. 1844; George Thompson, Travels and Adventures in Southern Africa (Cape Town, 1967 and 1968), 91.
107. SACA, 18 Oct. 1845.
108. These statistics were compiled from names of insolvents published weekly in the Cape of Good Hope Government Gazette. I say 'at least' because the place of residence of 139 individuals is uncertain. For the Eastern Cape, the figure was 299.
109. CA MOIB 1/8s, Records in Insolvent Estate of Hendrik Schierhout, 11 Aug. 1847.
110. CA MOIB 2/628, no. 61, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Abraham Pieter de Villiers, 28 Oct. 1845.
111. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 26, 5 Dec. 1844; ibid, Mortgage Bond no. 27, 5 Dec. 1844; CA MOIB 2/620, no. 10, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Pieter Hendrik Woutersen Neethling, 28 Feb. 1845.
112. CA GH 3/13, no. 143, folio 358, Napier to Stanley, 21 Dec. 1841.
113. CA MOIB 1/68, Records in Insolvent Estate of George Stephanus Haubtfleisch, 9 March 1843.
114. CA MOIB 1/64, Records in Insolvent Estate of Pieter Johannes de Villiers, 10 Feb. 1842.
115. For an outline of the annual work routine on eighteenth-century wheat and wine farms, see Nigel Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge, 1985), 20-22. A description of wheat farming printed in 1840 shows that this pattern had remained unchanged: ZA, 7 Feb. 1840.
116. Marincowitz, 'Rural production', 3.
117. Worden, Slavery, 26.
118. Arnold J. Bauer, Chilean Rural Society : from the Spanish Conquest to 1930 (Cambridge, 1975), 105.
119. Simon Miller, 'Wheat production in Europe and America: Mexican problems in comparative perspective, 1770-1910', Agricultural History, 68 (1994), 16-34; Bauer, Chilean Rural Society, 102-5; Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere (Oxford, 1983), 61.
120. Simon Miller, 'Wheat production in Europe and America: Mexican problems in comparative perspective, 1770-1910', Agricultural History, 68 (1994), 16-34; Bauer, Chilean Rural Society, 102-5; Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere (Oxford, 1983), 61.
121. Simon Miller, 'Wheat production in Europe and America: Mexican problems in comparative perspective, 1770-1910', Agricultural History, 68 (1994), 16-34; Bauer, Chilean Rural Society, 102-5; Donald Denoon, Settler Capitalism: The Dynamics of Dependent Development in the Southern Hemisphere (Oxford, 1983), 61.
122. CA MOIB 1/90, Records in Insolvent Estate of Daniel Johannes Eelders, 31 Jan. 1849.
123. G24-65, Report of the Colonial Botanist for the Year 1864, 20 Jun. 1864.
124. E. J. T. Collins, 'The age of machinery', in G. E. Mingay (ed.), The Victorian Countryside, 2 vols., (London, 1981), 201.
125. G. E. Fussell, The Farmer's Tools: The History of British Farm Implements, Tools and Machinery, A.D. 1500-1900 (London, 1981), 200.
126. W. Harwood Long, 'The development of mechanization in English farming', Agricultural History Review, 11 (1963), 21; Miller, 'Wheat production in Europe and America', 26.
127. W. Harwood Long, 'The development of mechanization in English farming', Agricultural History Review, 11 (1963), 21; Miller, 'Wheat production in Europe and America', 26.
128. E. J. T. Collins, 'The "Machinery Question" in English agriculture in the nineteenth century', in George Grantham and Carol S. Leonard (eds.), Agrarian Organization in the Century of Industrialization: Europe, Russia and North America (London, 1989), 208.
129. Cape Monthly Magazine, 2 (Nov. 1857), Annual Report of the Committee of the Cape of Good Hope Agricultural Society.
130. Cape Monthly Magazine, 6 (July 1859), 'The Cape of Good Hope Agricultural Society', by FWR.
131. Cape Monthly Magazine, 2 (July 1857), 'The Cape of Good Hope Agricultural Society', by T. B. Bayley.
132. SACA, 12 Aug. 1863.
133. Cape Monthly Magazine, 5 (March 1859), 'Agricultural societies', by R. W. Murray; Blue Book, 1857, Reports of Civil Commissioners.
134. Cape of Good Hope Blue Books, Report of Civil Commissioner of Malmesbury, 1860.
135. For example, ZA, 2 Feb. 1863; 27 July 1863.
136. ZA, 2 Dec. 1852.
137. Cape Argus, 28 March 1857.
138. GG, 11 Oct. 1839.
139. ZA, 1 Jan. 1863.
140. G39-1893, Minutes of Labour Commission.
141. ZA, 12 Dec. 1850.
142. Blue Book, 1858, Reports by Civil Commissioners on Improvements in Agriculture and Manufactures.
143. Blue Books, 1860, Observations by Civil Commissioners on Improvements in Agriculture and Manufactures.
144. CA MOIB 2/988, no. 201, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Weybrand Elias Thuynsma, 12 Sept. 1863.
145. CA MOIB 2/1059, no. 77, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Thomas Tennant Heatlie, 13 March 1865.
146. CA DOC 4/1/163, Mortgage Bond no. 130, 14 Oct. 1885.
147. CA DOC 4/1/291, Mortgage Bond no. 2696, 14 Nov. 1891.
148. Blue Books, 1859, Report of Civil Commissioner for the district of Clanwilliam. 126 Blue Books, 1864, Report of Civil Commissioner for the district of Clanwilliam.
149. Blue Books, 1861, Observations by Civil Commissioners on Improvements in Agriculture and Manufactures.
150. Blue Books, 1864, Report of Civil Commissioner for Malmesbury.
151. Blue Books, 1865, Report of the Civil Commissioner of Worcester.
152. ZA, 2 Feb. 1863.
153. Blue Books, 1870, Report of the Civil Commissioner of Malmesbury.
154. Blue Books, 1871, Report of Civil Commissioner, Stellenbosch.
155. Blue Books, 1872, Report of the Civil Commissioner of Malmesbury.
156. G39-1893, Minutes of Labour Commission.
157. CA MOIB 2/620, no. 10, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Pieter Hendrik Woutersen Neethling, 28 Feb. 1845.
158. CA MOIB 2/1473, no. 250, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Gideon Paulus, 29 Aug. 1878.
159. CA MOIB 2/1473. no. 250, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Gideon Paulus, 29 Aug. 1878.
160. John Noble, Descriptive Handbook of the Cape Colony : Its Conditions and Resources (Cape Town and London, 1875), 277.
161. CA MOIB 2/1955, no. 196, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Johannes Jacobus Lambrechts, 14 March 1887.
162. CA MOIB 2/1936, no. 863, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Stephanus Sebastiaan Walters, 22 Dec. 1886.
163. Standard Bank Archives, Johannesburg (hereafter SB), Insp 1/1/108, Malmesbury, 19 Oct. 1898.
164. CA MOIB 2/761, no. 134, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Nicolaas van Wielligh, 15 Dec. 1851.
165. CA MOIB 2/1800, no. 270, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Marthiam Johannes de Kock, 13 Apr. 1885.
166. G39-1893, Minutes of Labour Commission, Evidence of Frans Schroeder. 145 C2-1882, Select Committee Report on the Desirability of the appointment of a Minister of Agriculture, Evidence of Prof. Hahn, emphasis added.
167. G39-1886, Carl von Babo, Report on the Viticulture of the Colony, emphasis added.
168. Tim Unwin, Wine and Vine : An Historical Geography of Viticulture and the Wine Trade (London and New York, 1991), 11.
169. Ibid. 345.
170. Robert Ross has recently suggested that the 'grid that has to be used to understand land ownership in the Cape Colony cannot be on the scale of the region or even of the district, but at the level of the individual veldcornetcy': Beyond the pale: Essays on the History of Colonial South Africa (Johannesburg, 1994), 63. Thus my focus here on a single fieldcornetcy is an endorsement of that view, but also represents a realistic approach to come to terms with the sheer weight of statistical material that a highly active and complex land market generated.
171. CA CRB 129.
172. This ward is shown elsewhere to have consisted of 12 farming properties, but this is accounted for by the fact that four farms were in 1845 respectively counted as two properties by virtue of having had the same owners. I have counted these as single properties because the four farms subsequently assumed individual identities: Ross, Beyond the Pale, 62.
173. I have in each case collected deeds from the last deed passed before Emancipation (1 Dec. 1838) to the first deed of the twentieth century, apart from a few cases where I considered a last deed to be sufficiently close to the end of the nineteenth century. I have counted a transfer as one of hereditary settlement in those cases where the property was transferred to a person sharing the same surname, even in those cases where the property was transferred before the death of the transferor. I have counted a transfer as one of sale in those cases where property was transferred to a person not obviously related to the transferor. I am aware that marriage alliances may have served to weld families together, but until considerable genealogical research is done this will remain obscure. For the central role that women played in preserving landed wealth in the eighteenth century, see Martin Hall, 'The secret lives of houses: women and gables in the eighteenth-century Cape', Social Dynamics, 20 (1994), 1-48. In this instance I am merely trying to point to the basic economic instability of landholding. I have, despite considerable effort, been unable to locate in the Cape Town Deeds Office the deeds for Remhoogte and Klipheuvel, the two farms not represented in the table. The farms shown here almost all reduced in size in the course of the century as small parcels were sold off, but in every case a chief core of the holding remained. The extreme subdivision of land was not primarily a Cape phenomenon: Ross, Beyond the Pale, 142. For the sake of brevity I shall list only the first deed of each farm: DO, Transfer Deed no. 19, 5 Sept. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 201, 10 Dec. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 34, 17 March 1820; Transfer Deed no. 68, 8 May 1838; Transfer Deed no. 187, 23 Nov. 1821; Transfer Deed no. 188, 24 Jul. 1818; Transfer Deed no. 11, 9 Jul. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 73, 7 May 1833; Transfer Deed no. 117, 13 March 1838; Transfer Deed no. 1, 4 Oct. 1831; Transfer Deed no. 141, 30 Jun. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 184, 29 Jun. 1838. For a comparative perspective, see Eric van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth Century Mexico: The Rural Economy of the Guadalajara Region, 1675-1820 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), 114-38. Eighteenth-century Mexican haciendas showed far less stability of ownership than first thought: in the region of Guadalajara landed estates changed hands on average once every twenty-five years (115-7).
174. I have in each case collected deeds from the last deed passed before Emancipation (1 Dec. 1838) to the first deed of the twentieth century, apart from a few cases where I considered a last deed to be sufficiently close to the end of the nineteenth century. I have counted a transfer as one of hereditary settlement in those cases where the property was transferred to a person sharing the same surname, even in those cases where the property was transferred before the death of the transferor. I have counted a transfer as one of sale in those cases where property was transferred to a person not obviously related to the transferor. I am aware that marriage alliances may have served to weld families together, but until considerable genealogical research is done this will remain obscure. For the central role that women played in preserving landed wealth in the eighteenth century, see Martin Hall, 'The secret lives of houses: women and gables in the eighteenth-century Cape', Social Dynamics, 20 (1994), 1-48. In this instance I am merely trying to point to the basic economic instability of landholding. I have, despite considerable effort, been unable to locate in the Cape Town Deeds Office the deeds for Remhoogte and Klipheuvel, the two farms not represented in the table. The farms shown here almost all reduced in size in the course of the century as small parcels were sold off, but in every case a chief core of the holding remained. The extreme subdivision of land was not primarily a Cape phenomenon: Ross, Beyond the Pale, 142. For the sake of brevity I shall list only the first deed of each farm: DO, Transfer Deed no. 19, 5 Sept. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 201, 10 Dec. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 34, 17 March 1820; Transfer Deed no. 68, 8 May 1838; Transfer Deed no. 187, 23 Nov. 1821; Transfer Deed no. 188, 24 Jul. 1818; Transfer Deed no. 11, 9 Jul. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 73, 7 May 1833; Transfer Deed no. 117, 13 March 1838; Transfer Deed no. 1, 4 Oct. 1831; Transfer Deed no. 141, 30 Jun. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 184, 29 Jun. 1838. For a comparative perspective, see Eric van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth Century Mexico: The Rural Economy of the Guadalajara Region, 1675-1820 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), 114-38. Eighteenth-century Mexican haciendas showed far less stability of ownership than first thought: in the region of Guadalajara landed estates changed hands on average once every twenty-five years (115-7).
175. I have in each case collected deeds from the last deed passed before Emancipation (1 Dec. 1838) to the first deed of the twentieth century, apart from a few cases where I considered a last deed to be sufficiently close to the end of the nineteenth century. I have counted a transfer as one of hereditary settlement in those cases where the property was transferred to a person sharing the same surname, even in those cases where the property was transferred before the death of the transferor. I have counted a transfer as one of sale in those cases where property was transferred to a person not obviously related to the transferor. I am aware that marriage alliances may have served to weld families together, but until considerable genealogical research is done this will remain obscure. For the central role that women played in preserving landed wealth in the eighteenth century, see Martin Hall, 'The secret lives of houses: women and gables in the eighteenth-century Cape', Social Dynamics, 20 (1994), 1-48. In this instance I am merely trying to point to the basic economic instability of landholding. I have, despite considerable effort, been unable to locate in the Cape Town Deeds Office the deeds for Remhoogte and Klipheuvel, the two farms not represented in the table. The farms shown here almost all reduced in size in the course of the century as small parcels were sold off, but in every case a chief core of the holding remained. The extreme subdivision of land was not primarily a Cape phenomenon: Ross, Beyond the Pale, 142. For the sake of brevity I shall list only the first deed of each farm: DO, Transfer Deed no. 19, 5 Sept. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 201, 10 Dec. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 34, 17 March 1820; Transfer Deed no. 68, 8 May 1838; Transfer Deed no. 187, 23 Nov. 1821; Transfer Deed no. 188, 24 Jul. 1818; Transfer Deed no. 11, 9 Jul. 1830; Transfer Deed no. 73, 7 May 1833; Transfer Deed no. 117, 13 March 1838; Transfer Deed no. 1, 4 Oct. 1831; Transfer Deed no. 141, 30 Jun. 1837; Transfer Deed no. 184, 29 Jun. 1838. For a comparative perspective, see Eric van Young, Hacienda and Market in Eighteenth Century Mexico: The Rural Economy of the Guadalajara Region, 1675-1820 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1981), 114-38. Eighteenth-century Mexican haciendas showed far less stability of ownership than first thought: in the region of Guadalajara landed estates changed hands on average once every twenty-five years (115-7).
176. The dates refer to the transfer of the insolvent property, actual insolvency typically having occurred about a year earlier: CA MOIB 2/505, no. 21, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of William Proctor, 10 May 1839; DO, Transfer Deed no. 190, 21 Jan. 1885; Transfer Deed no. 2457, 15 May 1894; Transfer Deed no. 416, 28 Oct. 1864; Transfer Deed no. 54, 6 May 1868; Transfer Deed no. 138, 23 April 1851; Transfer Deed no. 326, 29 Dec. 1887; Transfer Deed no. 25, 5 Dec. 1844; Transfer Deed no. 148, 14 May 1870; Transfer Deed no. 156, 10 Feb. 1877; Transfer Deed no. 456, 29 Oct. 1884; Transfer Deed no. 832, 22 May 1909; Transfer Deed no. 164, 6 Sept. 1833; Transfer Deed no. 117, 13 March 1838; Transfer Deed no. 146, 18 Feb. 1842; Transfer Deed no. 40, 3 Nov. 1866; Transfer Deed no. 55, 12 Aug. 1828; Transfer Deed no. 89, 19 Aug. 1841; Transfer Deed no. 40, 3 Aug. 1864; Transfer Deed no. 72, 16 Oct. 1835; Transfer Deed no. 313, 19 March 1870.
177. DO, Transfer Deed no. 25, 5 Dec. 1844; Transfer Deed no. 148, 14 May 1870; Transfer Deed no. 156, 10 Feb. 1877; Transfer Deed no. 456, 29 Oct. 1884.
178. DO, Transfer Deed no. 138, 23 April 1851; Transfer Deed no. 326, 29 Dec. 1887.
179. DO, Transfer Deed no. 90, 21 Jan. 1885; Transfer Deed no. 2457, 15 May 1894.
180. GG, 1 April 1864; DO, Transfer Deed no. 148, 14 May 1870; Transfer Deed no. 76, 4 May 1876.
181. DO, Transfer Deed no. 60, 4 Oct. 1854.
182. DO, Transfer Deed no. 14, 1 Oct. 1857.
183. GG, 23 Feb. 1868.
184. CA MOIB 2/1237, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of A. B. van Niekerk, 3 Jun. 1869; DO, Transfer Deed no. 313, 19 March 1870; Transfer Deed no. 444, 31 March 1886.
185. DO, Malmesbury Farm Registers, 12, folios 933/1-934/1; CA MOIB 1/59, Records in Insolvent Estate of J. W. van Reenen, 23 Feb. 1841.
186. ZA, 8 April 1858; 26 April 1858; 20 Feb. 1860; 21 Jun. 1860; 28 Jun. 1860.
187. CA MOOC 13/1/655, no. 13, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Deceased Estate of Henry William Gird, 2 Jun. 1893.
188. ZA, 23 Feb. 1863.
189. Cape Argus, 16 Dec. 1857.
190. CA MOOC 13/1/177, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Deceased Estate of Jonas van der Poel, 31 Jan. 1858.
191. Blue Books, Civil Commissioner's Annual Report, Malmesbury, 1864; Report of Directors of Standard Bank, 16 Aug. 1878, in A. Mabin and B. Conradie (eds.), The Confidence of the Whole Country (Johannesburg, 1987), 69-70.
192. SB 1/1/23, Insp, Caledon, 4 Dec. 1891.
193. SB 1/1/23, Insp, Caledon, 31 Oct. 1895.
194. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 20, 1 Jun. 1841; Mortgage Bond no. 21, 1 Jun. 1841.
195. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 27, 5 Dec. 1844; Mortgage Bond no. 26, 5 Dec. 1844.
196. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 211, 25 Oct. 1851; Mortgage Bond no. 212, Oct. 1851.
197. G20-57, Report of Commissioners Relative to the Expediency of Abolishing the Existing System of Preferent Credit by Means of General Bonds, April 1857.
198. G20-1857. Two Reports for Inquiring into the Present State of the Law Relative to the Collection, Administration and Distribution of Insolvent Estates, emphasis added.
199. For the importance of this concept and its implications for social action, see Dooling, Law and Community, esp. 6-28.
200. J. L. Meltzer, 'The growth of Cape Town commerce and the role of John Fairbairn's Advertiser (1835-1859)' (M.A. thesis, University of Cape Town, 1989), 104.
201. CA CSC, 2/1/1/95, John Dyason vs John Ruthven, 14 Feb. 1860, no. 16.
202. A9-1802, Petition from Certain Landowners and Inhabitants of the District of Stellenbosch, 14 May 1862.
203. ZA, 16 July 1863.
204. A9-1862, Petition, 14 May 1862.
205. DO, Transfer Deed no. 176, 7 Jul. 1880.
206. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 177, 7 Jul. 1880.
207. DO, Mortgage Bond no. 178, 7 Jul. 1880.
208. CA MOIB 2/1744, no. 808, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of David Johannes du Plessis.
209. DO, Transfer Deed no. 456, 29 Oct. 1884.
210. CA MOIB 2/1800, no. 270, Liquidation and Distribution Account in the Insolvent Estate of Marthiam Johannes de Kock, 13 April 1885.
211. Mills, whose father had come to the Cape as one of the 1820 settlers, started business as a grain merchant in 1845. He soon turned his attention to milling and the firm went on to become one of the largest milling concerns in the Colony: Dictionary of South African Biography (Durban, 1981), IV, 364-5.
212. DO, Transfer Deed no. 4117, 10 Jun. 1901.
213. Eric Rosenthal, The Stephan Saga (unpublished manuscript, n.d.).
214. ZA, 21 Jun. 1860; 28 Jun. 1860.
215. CA DOC 4/1/46, Mortgage Bond no. 286, 23 May 1882; DOC 4/1/137, Mortgage Bond no. 160, 21 Jan. 1885.
216. MOIB 2/1744, no. 808, Liquidation and Distribution Account in the Insolvent Estate of David Johannes du Plessis.
217. CA MOIB 2/1565, no. 21, Liquidation and Distribution Account in Insolvent Estate of Cornelis Ernestus Grundlingh, 1 Feb. 1882.
218. G24-1865, Colonial Botanists to F. Tudhope, 16 Dec. 1864.
219. DO, Transfer Deed no. 6423, 10 May 1950.
220. For the connections between SANTAM and SANLAM and the crucial role that these institutions played in Cape agriculture in the early decades of the twentieth century, see Dan O'Meara, Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and Ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism, 1934-1948 (Cambridge, 1983), 98-101.
221. DO, Transfer Deed no. 1583, 1 Nov. 1849; On Wicht see Ross, Beyond the Pale, 53.
222. DO, Transfer Deed no. 863, 18 April 1853; Transfer Deed no. 345, 21 Dec. 1883; Transfer Deed no. 2033, 18 March 1897.
223. Helen Bradford has pointed to this basic fact for other regions of South Africa: Bradford, 'Highways, byways and culs-de-sac'.