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We would have liked to have done more analysis on this question of the origin of a message in a home domain and the likelihood that those messages would be anti-government. In the next section we do build in the origin of a message to our multivariate model, and find that messages coming from home domains are a significant predictor of whether or not a message is anti-government. But we would also have liked to have seen for each nation in our sample the percentage of messages in the home domains that are anti-government. Unfortunately, with 41 nations, two categories on the anti-government variable (anti-government and not anti-government), and two categories on the 'home' domain variable (yes and no), tables like this quickly become unwieldy and statistically unreliable since many table cells are empty or have only a few entries.
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Technically, we could have called this our dummy variable for South Asia, but since we moved soc.culture.bangladesh into the 'Muslim Nations' category, this leaves us with only soc.culture.india in the South Asia category
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Technically, we could have called this our dummy variable for South Asia, but since we moved soc.culture.bangladesh into the 'Muslim Nations' category, this leaves us with only soc.culture.india in the South Asia category.
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A logical question to ask is whether or not there is a significant interaction between the democratization level of a nation and whether or not a message is posted from a 'home' domain, and the likelihood that a message will be anti-government. We ran another model, which included this interaction term. The results were statistically insignificant
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A logical question to ask is whether or not there is a significant interaction between the democratization level of a nation and whether or not a message is posted from a 'home' domain, and the likelihood that a message will be anti-government. We ran another model, which included this interaction term. The results were statistically insignificant.
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